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SEMICENTENNIAL PUBLICATIONS

OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

1868-1918

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

MODERN PHILOLOGY

VOLUME 9

CHARLES M. GAYLEY

H. K. SCHILLING
RUDOLPH SCHEVILL

EDITORS

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

BERKELEY

1919

14
C/i

v.1

ENGLISH>GERMAN LITERARY
INFLUENCES

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SURVEY
PART I. BIBLIOGRAPHY

LAWRENCE MARSDEN PRICE

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

BERKELEY

1919

BY
LAWRENCE MARSDEN PRICE

ENGLISH> GERMAN LITERARY INFLUENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SURVEY

LAWEENCE MARSDEN PRICE

PART I. BIBLIOGRAPHY

CONTENTS

PACES

Introduction 3

Abbreviations 6

The comparative study of literature; theoretical works 9

SERIAL NOS.

General bibliographical works and general surveys Iff.

I. The eighteenth century and before (Shakespeare excluded)

a. The sixteenth century 13ff.

b. The seventeenth century 17ff.

The seventeenth century in general 17

Influence of English literature on specific German authors 18ff.

Influence of specific English authors on German literature 21ff.

The English comedians in Germany 26ff.

Their wanderings ...... . 26ff.

Their influence 49ff.

Their repertoire 57ff.

c. The eighteenth century 72SF.

The eighteenth century in general 72ff.

The American revolution in German literature 92ff.

The influence of Englsh literature on specific German authors lOlff.

The influence of specific English authors on German literature 148ff.

II. Shakespeare in Germany

a. General works

b. The seventeenth century and before

c. The eighteenth century

The eighteenth century in general ...

Individual German authors in their relations to Shakespeare 488ff.

d. The nineteenth century ..

The nineteenth century in general ..

Individual German authors in their relations to Shakespeare 663ff.

III. The nineteenth century (Shakespeare excluded)

a. General American influences ...

b. General English influences ..

c. Specific English and American influences ..
Index of investigators —

1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Bibliography

INTRODUCTION

This bibliography is supplemented by a survey (see serial number
[9a]) in which certain of the works here listed, namely those preceded
by a dagger, are reviewed.i The reviews taken together constitute
a general sketch of English > German literary influences, which has
hitherto been lacking. In the introduction to the survey it is explained
that the term " English > German literary influences" serves to indicate the
influence of English literature upon German literature and is not used in
a reciprocal sense. It is further explained that the designation English
literature is applied to all literature in the English language and the term
German literature is employed with a like inclusiveness. For the nearer
definition of the term ' ' influence ' ' the introduction to the survey should
be consulted.

The list of works enumerated in the bibliography reveals an abun-
dance of monographic industry, but shows that there has been a certain
lack of organization. Aside from the usual works of reference, Goedeke,
the " Jahresberichte, " etc., workers in the field of English > German
literary relations have had only Betz [1] as a bibliographical counsellor.

The first edition of Betz's bibliography appeared in 1900. It con-
tained 123 pages in single columns. The second edition appeared fouf
years later with 410 pages in closely printed double columns. The num-
ber of entries pertaining to the mutual relations of the English and Ger-
man literatures, for example, was about quadrupled, yet there was a certain
feeling of disappointment when the second edition appeared, because of
some deficiencies in technique, some inaccuracies and omissions. These
defects have been over-emphasized by the critics. Had Betz devoted more
time to detail or sot more nearly to approximate completeness we should
not possess his invaluable work today. As it was, he died while the
second edition was being printed and Baldensperger read the proofs,
doubtless making valuable additions. It was recognized at the time that
further progress could be made only by organization and subdivision and
apparently some steps were taken in that direction,2 but the fourteen
years that have elapst since then justify an independent worker in
marking out a field for more intensive cultivation, for there is an im-
mediate need of an improved list of secondary literature. Such progress
has been made since 1904 that we may no longer look in Betz for the
authoritative work dealing with the influence of Pope, Milton, Shake-
speare, or Sterne in Germany. Betz appears to have included most ar-
ticles in Goedeke and the ' ' Jahresberichte ' ' whose titles indicated that they
dealt with English > German literary influences. An extensive work like his
could not be expected to look beyond the titles, yet some of the most

1 For the page references consult the ( ' Index of reviews and comments
at the close of the ' ' Survey. ' '

2 See SVL VI (1906) 368.

4 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

valuable contributions are often secreted behind unpromising names.3
These treasures are uneartht only by an intensive delving. No one person
has a complete collection, but some one must contribute the nucleus. The
collection can then be amplified by specialists in many fields. The publi-
cation of constructive criticism of this trial bibliography is therefore
solicited.

The ideal bibliography is not a complete one, listing all the works ever
publisht on a given topic, but rather a selective one frequently revised
and improved and always approximating the present state of knowledge
regarding the topic. In such a bibliography should be included also more
comprehensive works that have a historic value, in that they represent
stages in the advance toward our present knowledge; but old and scattered
magazine articles, difficult of access and yielding only obsolete or common
information when found, should be rigidly excluded, for they serve only
to retard investigation. Because of their low degree of accessibility and
comparative unimportance several articles on English > German literary
relations appearing in popular American magazines previous to the year
1880 and indicated in the bibliographies of Goodnight and Haertel, [4]
and [5], have been omitted.*

The bibliography on Shakespeare's influence on Germany, moreover,
has been most rigorously pruned; for in the case of most other topics the
difficulty of the investigator is in finding, in the case of Shakespeare the
difficulty is in choosing. The Shakespeare bibliography comprizing Part
II of this work is, like Betz's, based chiefly on the " Shakespeare- Jahr-
buch." Of approximately 250 titles in Betz, nos. [1848]-[2101], only
about 100 are here duplicated. Excluded are several articles in old files
of not very accessible magazines of a semi-popular character, several less
comprehensive articles on Shakespeare in Germany in the seventeenth
century, the content of which was later included in the works of Creizenach
and Herz, [39] and [45], and a large number of school programs, several
bearing titles similar to one another and most of them inaccessible.
School programs were, however, included when reviews of them could be
discovered in well known magazines or when their titles suggested some
interesting relation.

This bibliography strives to be complete up to the year 1913, the
' ' Jahresbericht ' ' of that year, volume XXIV, being the latest one available.
The bibliography contains, however, several additional titles found in

3 For example nos. [49], [72], [104], [190], and [217].

4 The omitted articles are as follows:

General relations and miscellaneous. Goodnight [448], [609], [688],

[702], [1356], [1553], [1641].
Shakespeare in Germany. Goodnight [745], [1308]. Haertel [156],

[1019], [1260], [1301].

Wolfe and German literature. Goodnight [1167].
Burns in German, translations. Goodnight [883], [1329]. Haertel

[952].

Carlyle in German literature. Goodnight [1335], [1356].
Scott and German literature. Goodnight [848].

1919] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Bibliography 5

the " Shakespeare- Jahrbuch " of 1914 and in the leading English and
American journals up to June, 1918. Addenda included in the survey
will bring the bibliography approximately up to the end of the year 1918.
It is the intention of the compiler to issue a supplement to this bibli-
ography as soon as it is possible to make the bibliography complete up
to the year 1920. It is hoped the bibliography may eventually pass into
a second and much improved edition. Meanwhile the author will welcome
criticism of the arrangement of the work and suggestions not only of
inclusion but of exclusion.

The user of this bibliography will do well to consult first the table of
contents in order to familiarize himself with the general arrangement.
In connexion therewith it should be observed that influences are groupt
according to the century in which they take place. The influence of
Sterne on Heine, for example, is treated as a nineteenth century influence.
It may further be noted that within homogeneous groups of influences the
alphabetical order has been maintained as far as possible, for example, in
nos. [147] to [372] beginning with Addison's influence and ending with
Young's influence on German literature. The general influence of Addison
is placed at the head of its group with particular influences following
again in an alphabetical order: Addison>Bodmer,>Goethe,>Gottsched,
etc. Within any given minor group, e.g., English literature> Goethe,
works are listed so far as possible according to the chronological order of
their appearance. The cross references, e.g., under Milton: "See also [102],
[103], and [150]," do not pretend to be complete. Whoever desires more
complete information will consult the ' ' Index of influences ' ' at the close
of the survey. The bibliography is provided only with an "Index of
investigators. ' '

Books once consulted are generally used again. The possessor of this
bibliography will doubtless save time by entering in the broad margin at
the left of the title the catalog number of the work in his university
library. This practice will often save trips from stacks to card catalog
and a search thru the latter.

The writer of an essay within the field of English > German literary
relations will find Goedeke and the " Jahresberichte " indispensable as
before, but if the bibliography shortens the preliminary phases of invest!
gation, enables the worker to enter into his subject matter before his
first zeal has cooled, suggests yet unexplored fields of search, prevents
duplication of effort, or in any other way stimulates production, it will
have fulfilled its purpose.

The bibliography is the result of a cooperative endeavor of wid
compass. It is a pleasure to record the assistance that has been extended
from every quarter. Professor Baldensperger contributed a score
numbers from his collection. Had time permitted he would have *
against his own interests and made available to us the entire s
English>German items that are awaiting the next edition
bibliography, which we hope will appear soon. Professor Kind of

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

University of Wisconsin contributed the theoretical introduction, nos.
[a]-[s], and about thirty additional numbers. Professor Evans of Ohio
State University contributed several numbers on the English drama in
Germany in the seventeenth century. Items were also received from
Professor Hohlfeld of the University of Wisconsin, Professor von Noe
of the University of Chicago, Professor Barba of the University of
Indiana, and Professors Northup and Adams of Cornell University. All
these authorities assisted in pointing out errors in the galley proofs. The
proofs received the most searching examination, however, at the hands
of Professor Schilling of the University of California, who also gave
valuable technical advice during the time that the bibliography was being
prepared for the press. I am furthermore able to recognize that the
original impulse that led to this work was given several years ago at the
University of Wisconsin by Professor Hohlfeld. To no one, however, am
I more indebted than to my wife, who typewrote the whole manuscript,
not once but several times, with an ever watchful eye for inconsistencies
of form; without such help this bibliography would never have been
completed.

ABBREVIATIONS

AB Anglia Beiblatt

ADA Anzeiger fur deutsches Altertum

AF Anglistische Forschungen

AG Americana Germanica

Philadelphia 1897ff.

AL Archiv fiir Literaturgeschichte

AM Atlantic monthly

ASNS Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen

BBGRPh Berliner Beitrage zur germanischen und romanischen Philo-

logie (Germanische Abteilung)

Berlin 1893ff.
BBL Breslauer Beitrage zur Literaturgeschichte

Leipzig 1884ff. Breslau 1910ff. Stuttgart 1912ff.
BDL Beitrage zur deutschen Literaturwissenschaft

Marburg 1907rf.

BFDH Berichte des freien deutschen Hochstifts zu Frankfurt

BLU Blatter fiir literarische Unterhaltung

BMAZ Beilage zur Miinchener allgemeinen Zeitung

CUGS Columbia University Germanic studies

New York 1900ff.

DLD Deutsche Literaturdenkmale des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts

DLZ Deutsche Literaturzeitung

DNL Kiirschners Deutsche Nationalliteratur

DR Deutsche Eundschau

ES Englische Studien

Euph Euphorion

FFDL Freie Forschungen zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte

Straszburg 1913ff.

1919] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Bibliography

FNL Forschungen zur neueren Literaturgeschichte

Miinchen 1896ff.

GAA German-American annals (old series)

GGA Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen

GJ Goethe-Jahrbuch

GpJ Jahrbuch der Grillparzer-Gesellschaft

GEM Germanisch-romanische Monatsschrift

JbL Jahresberichte fiir die neuere deutsche Literaturgeschichte

JEGPh Journal of English and Germanic philology

JFDH Jahrbuch des freien deutschen Hochstifts zu Frankfurt

LblGEPh Literaturblatt fiir germanische und romanische Philologie
LCbl Literarisches Centralblatt

LE Literarisches Echo

LF Literarhistorische Forschungen

"Weimar 1897ff.

MLN Modern language notes

MLQ Modern language quarterly

MLE Modern language review

MPh Modern philology

NAB North American review

NJKA Neue Jahrbiicher fiir das klassische Altertum, Geschichte und

deutsche Literatur, etc.
Pal Palaestra: Untersuchungen und Texte aus der deutschen

und englischen Philologie

Berlin 1898ff.
PDS Prager deutsche Studien

Prag 1905ff.

PEGS Publications of the English Goethe society

Pf Probefahrten: Erstlingsarbeiten aus dem deutschen Seminar

in Leipzig

Leipzig 1904ff.
PMLA Publications of the modern language association of America

(old series)

PrJ Preuszische Jahrbiicher

QF Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach-und Kulturgeschichte der

germanischen Volker

EC Eevue critique d 'histoire et de litte"rature

EDM Eevue des Deux Mondes

EG Eevue germanique

ShJ Jahrbuch der deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft

SVL Studien zur vergleichenden Literaturgeschichte

SVZ Sonntagsbeilage zur Vossischen Zeitung

ThF Theatergeschichtliche Forschungen

Hamburg and Leipzig 1891ff.

TMGS Transactions of the Manchester Goethe

TESL Transactions of the royal society of literature

UCPMPh University of California publications in modern phi

Berkeley (California) 1909ff.

8 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

UNSL Untersuchungen zur neueren Sprach- und Literaturgeschichte

(Neue Folge) Leipzig 1909ff.

VL Vierteljahrschrift fiir Literaturgeschichte

VVDPh Verhandlungen der Versammlungen deutscher Philologen und

Schulmanner

ZB Zeitschrift fiir Biicherfreunde

ZDA Zeitschrift fiir deutsches Altertum

ZDPh Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie

ZDU Zeitschrift fiir den deutschen Unterricht

Z6G Zeitschrift fiir die osterreichischen Gymnasien

ZVL Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Literaturgeschichte (Neue Folge)

Betz refers to Betz's "La litterature comparee," etc., entry [1]

in the " Bibliography. "

Survey refers to Price's " English > German literary influences. Sur-

vey," etc., entry [9a] in the "Bibliography."

MLA means meeting of the Modern language association of America

[ ] enclose the serial number of a bibliographical entry. When

not otherwise indicated the entry is in the present biblio-
graphy. Betz's entries are according to the 2nd edition,
1904.

f means that the article following is quoted or described in the

"Survey" [9o]. For the page reference consult "Index
of reviews and comments" at the close of the "Survey."

> indicates a trend of influence. Thus Addison> Goethe means

Addison's influence on Goethe.

By concession of the editorial board of the University of California
certain simplified forms of spelling have been employed in this bibliography.

1919] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Bibliography

BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF LITERATURE;
THEORETICAL WORKS

POSNETT, H. M. Comparative literature. N. Y., 1886; 372 pp. [a]

Premature but suggestive.

KOCH, MAX. Zur Einfiihrung. ZVL I (1887) 1-12. [b]

WETZ, W. Tiber Begriff u. Wesen d. vgl. Lit.-gesch. In [c]

"Shakespeare vom Standpunkt d. vgl. Lit.-gesch. " I.

Worms 1890; 3-43.
BETZ, L. P. Bedeutung d. vgl. Lit.-gesch. Zeitschrift fur [d]

franzb'sische Sprache u. Literatur XVIII (1896) 141-156.
MARSH, A. R. The comparative study of literature. PMLA [e]

XI (1896) 151-170.
TEXTE, J. Etudes de litterature europeenne. Paris 1898; [f]

304 pp.

Of. especially pp. 1—23.
RENARD, G. La methode scientifique de Phistoire litteraire. [g]

Paris 1900.
POSNETT, H. M. The science of comparative literature. [h]

Contemporary rev. LXXIX (1901) 855-872.
KUHNEMANN, E. Zur Aufgabe d. vgl. Lit.-gesch. Centralblatt [i]

fur Bibliothekswesen XVIII (1901) 1-11.
ELSTER, ERNST. Weltliteratur u. Literaturvergleichung. ASN§ [j]

XVII (1901) 33-47.
BETZ, L. P. Studien z. vgl. Lit.-gesch. d. neueren Zeit. Frankft. [k]

1902; 364 pp.

See Introduction: "Literaturvergleichung," pp. 1-15 and "Interna-
tionale Stromungen u. kosmopolitische Erscheinungen," pp.
332-349.

HOHLFELD, A. R. Der Lit.-betrieb in d. Schule. 1902. =[8]. [ka]
GAYLEY, C. M. What is comparative literature? AM XVII [1]

(1903) 56-68.
EGAN, M. F. The comparative method in literature. Catholic [mj

University bulletin IX (1903) 332-346.
LOLIEE, FR. Histoire des litteratures comparees des origines [n]

au XXe siecle. Paris 1903.
LOLIEE, FR. (The same) trans, into English by M. Douglas [o]

Power. N. Y., Putnam, 1906; xii + 381 pp.

The title is unfortunately translated as "A short history of com-
parative literature." This title is a misnomer.
SMITH, G. G. Some notes on the comparative study of litera- [p]

ture. MLR I (1905) 1-8.
MATHER, F. J. Aspects of comparative literature. Nation [r]

LXXXII (1906) 256-257.
ROUTH, H. V. The future of comparative literature. MLR

VIII (1913) 1-14.

10 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

GENEEAL BIBLIOGEAPHICAL WORKS AND GENERAL SURVEYS

General bibliographical works

BETZ, Louis P. La litterature comparee, essai bibliographique. [1]
Strasbg. 1900. 2e ed. augmented. Strasbg. 1904; 410 pp.
The reciprocal literary relations of Germany and England are repre-

sented by over 700 titles.
BALDENSPERGER, F. RC July 30, 1900.
ANON. MLR I (1905) 77-78.
PETSCH, R. LblGRPh XXVI (1905) 353.
STEMPLINGER, ED. SVL VI (1906) 366-368.
WETZ, W. ZVL XVI (1906) 486-488.
For list of other reviews see ShJ XLII (1906) 395.

NORTHUP, CLARK S. A bibliography of comparative literature. [2]
MLN XX (1905) 235-239 and XXI (1906) 12-15.

Supplement to Betz above.
JELLINEK, ARTHUR L. Bibliographic d. vergleichenden Literatur- [3]

geschichte. Berlin 1903; 77 pp.

GOODNIGHT, S. H. German literature in American magazines prior [4]
to 1846. Bulletin of the Univ. of Wisconsin. Philol. and lit.
series. Vol. 4 no. 1. Madison Wis. 1907; 264 pp.

Gives a bibliography of 1821 magazine articles on German literature.
Some of these, to judge by the titles, have more or less to do
with English> German literary influences.

•HAERTEL, M. H. German literature in American magazines [5]
1846-1880. Bulletin of the Univ. of Wisconsin. Philol. and
lit. series. Vol. 4 no. 2. Madison Wis. 1908; 188 pp.

Continuation of Goodnight's theme above; 1836 titles.

SPIRIGATIS, M. Englische Literatur auf d. Frankfurter Messe [6]
von 1561-1620. Sammlung bibliothekswissenschaftlicher
Arbeiten. Heft XV. Leipzig 1902; 37-89.
KOCH, J. ES XXXII (1903) 278-280.

General surveys

FLAISCHLEN, CASAR. Graphische Literaturtafel. Die deutsche [7]

Literatur u. d. Einflusz fremder Literaturen auf ihren Ver-

lauf. Stuttgt. 1890.
HOHLFELD, A. R. Der Literaturbetrieb in d. Schule mit bes. [8]

Riicksicht auf d. gegenseitigen Beziehungen d. engl. u.

deutschen Lit. Padagogische Monatshefte (Milwaukee,

Wis.) Ill (1902) 46-53 and 73-85.
ELZE, KARL. Die englische Sprache u. Lit. in Deutschland. [8a]

WHITMAN, SYDNEY. Former English influence in Germany. [9]
NAR CLXXIII (1901) 221-231.

Political, intellectual, and literary influences in the 18th and early
19th century.

1919] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Bibliography 11

PRICE, LAWRENCE M. English> German literary influences. [9a]
Part II: Survey. UCPMPh IX 2 (1919) (Semi-centennial
publications) 250 pp. ca.

The companion work to this bibliography, elsewhere in the biblio-
graphy referred to as "Survey."

English history in German literature

LIEBAU, GUSTAV. Konig Eduard III von England im Licht euro- [10]
paischer Poesie. AF VI (1901) 78 pp. "Anhang":
' ' Gestalten aus d. englischen Gesch. als dichterische Vor-
wiirfe in d. deutschen Lit." 79-100.

JELLINEK, A. L. Supplement. ASNS CIX (1902) 414-421.
KIPKA, KARL. Maria Stuart im Drama d. Weltliteratur, vor- [11]
nehmlich d. 17. u. 18. Jh. Ein Beitr. z. vgl. Lit.-gesch. BBL
IX (1907) 92 pp.

ECKBLMANN, E. O. JEGPh VIII (1909) 439-442.
English poets in German literature

PORTERFIELD, ALLEN W. Poets as heroes in dramatic works in [12]
German literature. MPh XII (1914) 65-94 and 297-324.
Shakespeare, Byron (several instances), and others as heroes.
Bibliography.

12 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

PART I

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTUEY AND BEFOEE

(Shakespeare excluded)

a. The sixteenth century

The 16th century in general

HERFORD, C. H. Studies in the literary relations of England and [13]
Germany in the 16th century. Cambridge 1886; 426 pp.
Practically no English>German influences exhibited.
BOBEETAG, F. ES X (1887) 282-284.

VETTER, TH. Englische Fliichtlinge in Zurich wahrend d. ersten [13a]

Halfte d. XVI Jh. Zurich 1893: 23 pp.
FLUGEL, EWALD. References to the English language in Ger- [14]

man literature in the first half, of the 16th century. MPh

I (1903) 19-30.

Luther and the English language. English fugitives in Zurich.
VETTER, TH. Litterarische Beziehungen zwischen England u. [15]

d. Schweiz im Eeformationszeitalter. Gratulationsschrift

z. 450jahrigen Jubilaum d. Univ. Glasgow. Zurich 1901;

41 pp.
BOLLE, WILHELM. Die gedruckten englischen Liederbiicher bis [16]

1600. Pal XXIX (1903) 283 pp.

Pp. 239-259: "Deutsche Texte zu englischen Madrigalen."
GOEDEKE, KARL. Everyman, Homulus und Hekastus. Han- [16a]

nover 1865.

fo. The seventeenth century

The 17th century in general

fWATERHOUSE, GILBERT. The literary relations of England and [17]
Germany in the 17th century. Cambridge Univ. press 1914;
190 pp.

Summarizes all investigations within its field up to 1914 and gives
an excellent bibliography. The English comedians and dra-
matic literature generally are not discust.
WlLLOUGHBY, L. A. MLR XI (1915) 122-126.
CREIZENACH, W. ShJ LI (1915) 273-274.

English literature and Schupp

ZSCHATJ, WALTHER W. Quellen u. Vorbilder in d. "Lehrreichen [18]
Schriften" Johann Balthasar Schupps. Halle Diss. Halle
1906; 109 pp.

Pp. 66-91: Schupp and Bacon. Pp. 91-96: Owen, Sidney, Bar-
clay, Shakespeare.
VOGT, C. Comment on above in Euph XVI (1909) 6-27.

1919] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Bibliography 13

English literature and Weckherlin

BOLTE, JOHANNES. Aus G. E. Weckherlins Leben. VL V (1892} T191
295-299.

fBoHM, W. Englands Einflusz auf G. E. Weckherlin. Got- [20]

tingen Diss. Gottgn. 1893; 80 pp.

SCHAPFER, AARON. Georg Eudolf Weckherlin: The embodiment [20a]
of a transitional stage in German metrics. Hesperia X.
Baltimore 1918; 116 pp.

Barclay and German literature

COLLIGNON, V. Notes historiques, litteraires et biographiques [21]

sur T "Argenis" de Barclay. Nancy 1902.

SCHMID, KARL. John Barclays "Argenis." Eine lit.-hist. [21a]
Untersuehung. I. Ausgaben d. ' < Argenis, " ihrer Fortsetzungen
u. iibersetzungen. LF XXXI (1904) 183 pp.

Pp. 72-102: "Deutsche iibersetzungen." (Opitz's and others).
Hall (?) and German literature

PETHERICK, EDW. A. On the authorship and translations of [22]
"Mundus alter et idem." Gentleman's mag. CCLXXXVIII
(1896) 66-87.

Owen and German literature

fURBAN, ERICH. Owenus u. d. deutschen Epigrammatiker d. 17. [23]
Jh. LF XI (1900) 58 pp.

FISCHER, H. ADA XXVII (1901) 278-280.
Sidney and German literature

BRUNHUBER, K. Sir Philip Sidneys "Arcadia" u. ihre Nach- [24]
laufer. Niirnberg 1903; 55 pp.

"Der konigliche Schafer" among others.

BRIE, F. Das Volksbuch vom gehornten Siegfried u. Sidneys [25]
"Arcadia.'7 ASNS CXXI (1908) 287-290.

English comedians in Germany,* their wanderings

See also [845].

ULRICH, PAUL. Gustav Freytags Eomantechnik. BDL III (1907) [976]
133 pp.

Influence of Scott's novels as well as of Goethe's "Wilhelm Meister"
on Freytag's novels. Dickens's novels mentioned incidentally.
LINDAU, P. SVL IX (1909) 133-135.
DRESCH, J. RG V (1909) 110-111.

100 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Scott and Goethe

BERNAYS, M. Varnhagens Briefe. Beziehungen Goethes z. [977]
Walter Scott. In "Schriften z. Kritik u. neueren Lit.-
gesch." I. Stuttgt. 1895; 19-95.

EOESEL, LUDWIG, K. Die literarischen u. personlichen Bezie- [978]
hungen Sir W. Scotts z. Goethe. Leipzig Diss. Leipzig
1901; 92 pp.

No influence of Scott on Goethe shown.

Scott and Haring

fKoRFF, HERMANN A. Scott u. Alexis. Eine Studie z. Technik [979]
d. hist. Eomans. Heidelberg Diss. Hdlbg. 1907; 143 pp.

Scott and Hauff

Of. [916a].

fEASTMAN, C. W. Wilhelm Hauff's " Lichtenstein. ' ' AG III [980]
(1900) 386-392.

fCARRUTH, W. H. The relation of Hauff's "Lichtenstein" to [981]

Scott's "Waverley." PMLA XVIII (1903) 512-525.
fSCHUSTER, M. Der geschichtliche Kern von Hauffs "Lichten- [982]

stein. ' ' Darstellungen aus d. wiirttemberg. Gesch. I. Stuttgt.

1904; vii + 358 pp.
tDRESCHER, M. Die Quellen z. Hauffs " Lichtenstein. " Pf VIII [983]

(1905) vii + 146 pp.

Pp. 54-61: Scott and "Lichtenstein."

I-THOMPSON, GARRETT W. Wilhelm Hauff's specific relation to [984]
Walter Scott. PMLA XXVI (1911) 549-592.

Scott and Immermann

PORTERFIELD, ALLEN W. " Ivanhoe " translated by Immermann. [985]
MLN XXVIII (1913) 214-215.

Scott and Ludwig

LOHRE, HEINRICH. Otto Ludwigs Eomanstudien u. seine Erzah- [986]
luhgspraxis. Prog. Berlin 1913.

Pp. 16-17: Scott> Ludwig. P. 18: Dickens>Ludwig.
L. M. RG X (1914) 240.

Scott and Rehfues

HOFER, E. Tiber W. Scotts Einflusz auf Ph. J. Rehfues ' Eoman [987]
"Scipio Cicala." Prog. Mahr. Weiszkirchen 1909; 42 pp.

Scott and Spindler

KONIG, JOSEPH. Karl Spindler. Ein Beitr. z. Gesch. d. hist. [988]
Eomans u. d. Unterhaltungslektiire in Deutschland. BBL
XV 1908; 158 pp.

WERNER, R. M. DLZ XXIX (1907) 2915-2917.
(Werner claims that Kb'nig has slited too, much the influence of
Scott on Spindler.)

1919] Price: English"^- German Literary Influences — Bibliography 101

Shaw and German literature

BAB, J. Shaws Ankunft in Deutschland. Schaubiihne 52 [989]

(1908) 259-262, 292-296, 315-318, 345-348.

VON SANDEN, KATHARINA. Shaw u. sein tibersetzer (S. Tre- [990]
bitsch). Siiddeutsche Monatshefte 62 (1908) 450-463.

Shelley and Hebbel

BUCHWALD, O. Die Dramatiker Shelley u. Hebbel. Deutsches [991]
Museum. 1867.
= Betz [2220].

Shelley and Herwegh

TARDEL, H. Einleitung z. "Herweghs Werke." Berlin 1912. [992]
Bd. Ill, 18-19; cf. also III, 197-198.

Shelley's "Song of the men of England" 1839 and Herwegh's
"Bundeslied fur d. allgemeinen deutschen Arbeitsverein" 1864.

Sheridan and German literature
See [329] and [330].

Smollett and Engel

BRANDL, LEOPOLD. Engels "Herr Lorenz Stark" (1801) und [993]
Smolletts "Humphrey Clinker." Prog. Wien 1902; 22 pp.
"Die Behauptung Spielhagens, dasz Engel ein Vorbild bei Smollett
gesucht, eine Figur von ihm entlehnt hatte, ist unbedingt
zuriickzuweisen."

Spencer and Germany

DIBDEN, E. A German appreciation of Herbert Spencer. West- [994]
minster rev. CXLVIII (1897) 604-610.

A review of Otto Gaupp's "Herbert Spencer" iStuttgt. 1897.

Sterne and Brentano
See [345].

Sterne and Heine

fVACANO, STEFAN. Heine u. Sterne. Zur vgl. Lit.-gesch. Berlin [995]
1907; 83 pp.

BALDEN SPERGER, F. RG III (1907) 617.
ARNOLD, R. F. LE XII (1910) 670-671.
KOCH, M. DLZ XXIX (1908) 100.
KRATZ, F. AB XX (1909) 46-48.

fKANSMEiER, J. C. Heines "Beisebilder " u. Laurence Sterne. [996]

ASNS CXVII (1907) 289-317.

ECKEBTZ, ERICH. Heine und sein Witz. LF XXXVI (1908) [996a]
vi + 196 pp.

Sterne and Hippel
See [346].

Sterne and Immermann

BAUER, F. Sternescher Humor in Immermanns "Munch- [997]
hausen. " Prog. Wien 1896.

102 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Sterne and Kerner

GAISMAIER, JOSEF, tiber Justinus Kerners "Keiseschatten" [998]
(1811). Ein Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Eomantik. ZVL XIII
(1899) 492-513.

Stowe and Germany

MACLEAN, GRACE E. "Uncle Tom's cabin" in Germany. Diss. [999]
Heidelbg. 1910 and AG X (1910) ix + 102 pp.

Statistics. Bibliography. Influence on Hacklander and Auerbach.
BALDENSPEEGEK, F. RG IX (1913) 598.

Tennyson and Germany
See also [830].

SCHMITT, K. Alfred Tennyson in Deutschland. Deutsches [1000]
Museum 1853.

= Betz [2201].

MEYER, WILHELM. Tennysons Jugendgedichte in deutscher [1001]
tibersetzung. Miinster Diss. Miinster 1914; 127 pp.

Tennyson and Fr. W. Weber

HOCKS, M. D. Tennysons Einflusz auf Fr. W. Weber. Miinster [lOOla]
Diss. 1916; 54 pp.

Tennyson and Wildenbruch

SCHLADEBACH, K. Tennysons u. Wildenbruchs Harolddramen. [1002]
SVL II (1902) 215-228.

Denies influence of Tennyson on Wildenbruch and holds any
possible influence of Bulwer's "Harold" on Wildenbruch to be
negligible.

Thackeray and Goethe

VULPIUS, WALTER. Thackeray in Weimar. The century maga- [1003]
zine LIII (1897) 920-921.

An intimate view of the Goethe family about 1830 showing the
friendly relations maintained with English guests at Weimar.

DORNETH, J. Thackeray bei Goethe. Deutschland (Weimar) [1004]
(1912) no. 195.

Twain and Germany

See Clemens and Germany.

Whitman and Germany

BIETHMULLER, E. W. Whitman and the Germans. GAA IV [1005]
(1906) 3-15, 35-49, 78-92.

Treats only of German influence on Whitman.
fLESSiNG, O. E. Whitman and his German critics. JEGPh IX [1006]

(1910) 85-98.
fTHORSTENBERG, E. The Walt Whitman cult in Germany. The [1007]

Sewanee review XIX (1911) 70-86.

KNORTZ, K. W. Whitman u. seine Nachahmer. Leipzig 1911- [1008]
12; 159 pp.

1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 103

BOHME, TRAUGOTT. Whitman's influence on German poetry. [1009J
Paper read by title before MLA, New Haven, Conn. Dec.
1917.

"Growth of Whitman's popularity in Germany since 1899. Native
literary traditions favorable to his reception (Free verse;
Stifter). Assumed similarity of his style and teachings to
those of Nietzsche. J. Schlaf, apostle of the Whitman cult and
uncritical imitator. Arno Holz's indebtedness to Whitman in
poetical theory and practice. Artistic tendencies acting against
Whitman. Criteria of Whitman's influence among the younger
school of lyricists ( Schmidtbonn, Lissauer, Werfel). Whitman
and dynamic poetry. Alfons Paquet's "Auf Erden." Recent
translations and critical comments."

Whitman and Schlaf

SCHLAF, JOHANNES. Mem Verhaltnis z. Whitman. Lese III [1010]
(1911-1912) no. 28.

Whittier and Germany

EASTBURN, IOLA K. Whittier 's relation to German life and [1011]
thought. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania and AG XX (1915)
161 pp.

Pp. 145—147 and 160: Whittier in German translation.

Wilde in Germany

MEYERFELD, M. Oscar Wilde in Deutschland. LE V (1903) [1012]

458-462.

MEYERFELD, .M. Wilde, Wilde, Wilde. LE VII (1905) 985- [1013]
989.

Translations of Lachmann, Landauer, Greve, Roszler, Kiefer. Crit-
icisms of Hagemann, Greve, F. Blei.

DIETZ, C. Wilde-Literatur. LCbl Beiblatt 1905; 117-120, 361- [1014]
364.

Wolfe and Goethe

See [954].

Wordsworth and Miiller

MILLER, ANNA E. Wordsworth and Wilhelm Miiller. AG III [1015]
(1899-1900) 206-211.

Wordsworth's "Song of the wandering Jew" ; Miiller's "Der ewige
Jude."

104

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

INDEX OF INVESTIGATORS

The names of the investigators are followed by the serial number
of their works according to the assignment of the bibliography. Eeviewers
are not included in the index.

Abramczyk, R., 533.
Ackermann, R., 869, 874 .
Adams, K., 697.
Aigner, K., 356.
Alafberg, F., 499.
Alberts, W., 677.
Albrecht, P., 125.
Albrecht, R., 856.
Alford, R. G., 113, 516.
Althaus, F., 890.
Ames, P. W., 206.
Andrae, A., 965.
Anonymous, 73, 208a, 907.
Anwand, O., 123, 682.
Appell, J. W., 337.
Arnold, R. F., 879.
Asmus, J. R., 288.
Aszmann, B., 718.
Auerbach, B., 876.

Bab, J., 989.

Bacherach, A., 311.

Badt, B., 834, 951.

Baker, T. S., 335, 808.

Barba, P. A., 812, 813, 828, 915,

917, 919, 938.
Barnstorff, J., 368.
Bartels, A., 647.
Barth, T., 970.
Bartmann, H., 672.
Bauer, F., 351, 997.
Baumgartner, M. P., 182.
Beam, J., 86.
Beckhaus, H., 578.
Becker, G., 462a.
Beckmann, J. H., 676.
Behmer, K. A., 350.
Belden, H. M., 818.
Belouin, G., 86a.
Benedix, R., 412.
Benkowitz, K. F., 233a.
Bennett, J., 732.
Benzrnann, H., 836.
Berg, L., 566. [954, 977.

Bernays, M., 493, 708, 709, 711,
Betz, L. P., d, k, 1, 958.
Beyer, P., 903.
Beyer, V., 266.
Biederman, K., 72, 92, 473.
Biltz, K., 172.

Bion, U., 370.

Bischoff, F., 58a.

Bischoff, H., 726.

Bitterling, R., 586.

Blankenburg, C. F., 194a.

Blaze de Bury, H., 653, 865.

Blei, F., 279.

Bleibtreu, K., 222.

Block, J., 301.

Boas, F. S., 293.

Bobertag, F., 273a, 273fc.

Bode, W., 110.

Bodmer, H., 230.

Bodmer, J. J., 139.

Bohm, W., 20.

Bohme, T., 1009.

Bohtlingk, A., 514, 549, 565, 665.

Bojanowski, M., 101.

Bolin, W., 651, 660, 674.

Bolle, W., 16.

Bolte, J., 19, 38, 40, 42, 43, 59, 64,

225, 433, 451, 452, 457, 462.
Bondi, G., 318.
Bonet-Maury, G., 265.
Borcherdt, H. H., 204a.
Bordier, P., 825.
Bormann, W., 562, 645a.
Boucke, E. A., 316.
Bowen, A., 894.
Boyd, E. I. M., 259.
Brace, C. L., 920.
Braitmaier, Fr., 816.
Brand, A., 192.
Brandeis, A., 202.
Brandl, A., 104o, 224, 417, 518,

714, 887, 892.
Brandl, L., 993.
Braun, II., 675.
Brauns, C. W. E., 591.
Brenner, C. D., 916a.
Breul, K., 121.
Brie, F., 25.
Briggs, F., 198.
Brodmann, C., 943.
Broicher, C,, 914a.
Brown, H., 109.
Briiggemann, F., 180.
Brainier, J. W., 68.
Brunhuber, K., 24.
Buchholz, J., 297.

1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — 'Bibliography 105

Buchwald, O., 991.
Burg, F., 454.
Burkhardt, C. A. H., 515.

Busse, E., 854.
Byse, F., 228.

Campbell, T. M., 948.

Candrea, G., 165.

Caro, J., 127.

Caro, Jakob, 354.

Carr, M. G., 106.

Carruth, W. H., 100, 981.

Castle, E., 69, 819.

Cawley, — -., 528.

Chater, A. G., 733.

Chubb, E. W., 513.

Chuquet, A., 517a.

Clark, C. H., 124, 191, 193, 194,

538.

Cobb, P., 963.
Coffman, B. E., 118.
Cohn, A., 28, 34, 450.
Colbron, G. I., 802a.
Collignon, A., 21.
Conrad, H., 492, 669, 671, 717, 727.
Corbin, J., 443.
Cornish, F. F., 159.
Creizenach, W., 39, 62, 66, 67a, 71,

436, 437, 445, 446a, 483.
Cross, E., 675.
Crosland, J., 147.
Criiger, J., 36, 150, 161.
Czerny, J., 342, 346.

Dams, H., 431, 520.
Daffner, H., 529.
Deetz, A., 273.
Dessoir, M., 324.
Devrient, E., 594.
Devrient, O., 641.
Dibden, E., 994.
Dibelius, W., 715.
Dick, E., 855.
Dietz, C., 1014.
Dilthey, W., 314.
Dobosal, G., 875.
Donner, J. O. E., 968.
Doring, P., 500o.
Dorneth, J., 1004.
Drescher, M., 983.
Diihring, E., 904.
Duncker, A., 56.
Diintzer, H., 340, 510.
Duproix, J. J., 913a.
Duschinsky, W., 573.

Eastburn, I. K., 1011.
Eastmann, C. W., 980.

Ebert, J. A., 367.

Ebner, E. L. A., 821.

Ebstein, E., 495.

Eckart, J. H., 154&.

Eckertz, E., 702, 996a.

Edward, G., 959.

Egan, M. F., m.

Ehrmann, E., 242.

Eichler, A., 185.

Eimer, M., 896.

Eloesser, A., 88.

Elson, C., 327.

Elster, E., j.

Elze, K., 8a, 74, 488.

Engel, E., 634.

Engel, J., 561.

Erbach, W., 842.

Ermatinger, E., 326.

Ernst, P., 637.

Eschenburg, J. J., 466.

Ettlinger, J., 302.

Evans, M. B., 49a, 444, 446, 447.

Falke, J., 252.
Fath, J., 216.
Faust, A. B., 810, 822.
Fellner, E., 687.
Ferguson, I., 203.
Fielitz, W., 251.
Fietkau, H., 581.
Fischer, K., 477.
Fischer, O., 691.
Fischer, E., 648.
Flaischlen, C., 7, 863.
Flindt, E., 79.
Florer, W. W., lOOa.
Fliigel, E., 14, 800, 904&.
Frankel, L., 624, 625, 628.
Franzel, W. F. A., 84.
Frenzel, K., 432.
Frerking, J., 730.
Fresenius, A., 534, 551.
Freymond, E., 926.
Freytag, G., 664, 922.
Frick, A., 281.
Friedlander, M., 424.
Friedrich, P., 636.
Friedrich, T., 541.
Fries, A., 690.
Fritz, G., 239.
Fulda, L., 465.
Furst, E., 90, 291, 924.

Gallinger, H. P., 95.
Gayley, C. M., 1.
Gebhard, E., 721.
Geiger, L., 152.
Geissendoerfer, J. T., 923.

106

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Geist, H., 930.

Genee, B., 427, 617, 661, 710, 716.

Gerhards, K. A., 735.

Gericke, B., 642, 643.

Giessing, C. P., 141o.

Gjerset, K., 358.

Glode, O., 937.

Gnad, E., 877.

Goebel, J., 93, 111.

Goedeke, K., 16a, 85.

Goethe, J. W., 707.

Goetzinger, E., 263o, 491.

Goldsmith, K. W., 634a.

Goldstein, L., 556.

Goodnight, S. H., 4.

Gothein, M., 91.

Gottschall, B., 864.

Grabau, C., 632.

Grabbe, C. D., 404a.

Graner, K., 278.

Grater, D. F., 262.

Green, B. E., 512.

Grimm, H., 54.

Groeper, B., 615.

Grosz, E., 674a.

Gruber, J., 604.

Grudzinski, H., 312, 328.

Gruppe, O., 83.

Gudde, E., 843.

Gundelfinger, F., 481, 486.

Gundolf, F., 416.

Hackenberg, F., 849.
Haertel, M. H., 5.
Hagen, A., 464a, 661a.
Hager, H., 134.
Hallam, G., 476a.
Halm, H., 1796.
Hamel, B., 250, 501a.
Harms, P., 63-
Harnack, O., 511.
Harris, C., 45a, 50.
Hartmann, C., 369.
Hartmann, H., 364.
Hartung, W., 156, 163.
Hatch, I. C., 320.
Hatfield-Hochbaum, 94.
Hauffen, A., 136, 413, 592.
Hauptmann, G., 418.
Hauschild, G. B-, 526.
Hecht, H., 635.
Hedouin, A., 338.
Hegnauer, A. G., 162.
Heine, C., 89, 115.
Heine, H., 405.
Heinemann, H., 552.
Heinzelmann, J. H., 274, 275.
Heinzmann, H., 1004a.

Heller, O., 221, 823, 824, 827, 859.

Hemmer, H., 251a.

Henderson, A., 914a.

Hengesbach, T., 626.

Henkel, H, 475.

Hense, C. C., 410, 522, 619, 731.

Herford, C. H., 13, 422a.

Hermes, K. H., 434.

Herz, E., 45.

Hettner, H., 75, 170.

Heuer, O., 247.

Heues, — ., 571.

Hippe, F., 961.

Hirzel, L., 168, 607.

Hitzig, — ., 133.

Hoch, H. L., 673.

Hochbaum, 94.

Hock, S., 882.

Hocks, M. D., lOOla.

Hofer, E., 987.

Hohlfeld, A. B., ka, 8, 848.

Holland, W. L., 53.

Holls, F. W., 934.

Holtermann, K, 719.

Holzhausen, P., 264, 871.

Horn, E., 720.

Homer, E., 482.

Howard, W. G., 129, 129a, 166.

Hubler, F., 235.

Humbert, C., 409, 585.

Huther, A., 517.

Hiittemann, W-, 605.

Ibershoff, C. H, 183, 214, 236, 237,

359
Ischer, B., 143, 611.

Jacks, W., 858.
Jacobi, J., 428.
Jacobowski, L., 535.
Jacobs, M., 502.
Jacoby, D., 521, 550, 554.
Jacoby, K., 151.
Jaggard, W., 404.
Jahn, K., 112.
Jellinek, A. L., 3.
Jenney, F. G., 260.
Jenney, G. K., 226.
Jenny, H. E., 319.
Joachimi-Dege, M., 479.
Johnson, A., 949.
Joret, C., 74a, 120a.

Kabel, P., 940a.
Kahane, A., 706-
Kaiser, O., 724.
Kallenbach, H., 704.

1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 107

Kallenbach, H and Schlosser, E.,

705.

Kapp, F., 804.
Karsten, G. E., 272.
Kauenhowen, K., 496.
Kaulfusz-Diesch, C. H., 49, 458.
Kawczynski, M., 149.
Kawerau, W., 347.
Keckeis, G., 600.
Keller, L., 153.
Keller, W., 678.
Kellner, L., 910, 911.
Keppler, E. A. C., 815.
Kerber, E., 729.
Kerr, A., 345.

Kettner, G., 128, 164, 300, 548.
Kilian, E., 497, 498, 645, 652, 656,

657, 722.
Kilian, W., 684.
Kind, J. L., 365.
Kinth, H., 939.
Kipka, K., 11.
Kippenberg, A., 171.
Kirchgeorg, O. H., 146.
Klaar, A., 698.
Kleemann, S., 173.
Kleineibst, E., 131.
Knaak, G-, 935.
Knortz, K., 1008.
Knothe, H., 249.
Koberstein, A., 469, 471.
Koch, M., b, 76, 135a, 138, 284,

403, 485, 500, 579, 622, 725, 851.
Kohler, E., 29, 402.
Kohn, M., 99, 805.
Kollewijn, E. A., 453.
Kollmann, A., 620.
Konig, J., 988.
Konnecke, G., 37.
Kontz, A., 559«.
Korff, H. A., 979.
Kosehmieder, A., 532.
Koster, A., 580, 618.
Kraeger, H., 154, 699.
Krause, F., 881.
Krausz, E., 596, 646.
Kretschmer, E., 294.
Krieg, H., 189.
Kruse, G. E., 700-
Kiihnemann, E., i.
Kullmer, C. J., 523.
Kunze, A., 2J5.
Kurrelmeyer, W., 188a.
Kyrieleis, E., 348.

Lachmanski, H., 154a.
Lambel, H., 531.
Landau, M., 292, 602.

Landsberg, H., 601.

Learned, M. D., 809, 816.

Leitzmann, A., 130, 333, 555, 703.

Lemcke, L. B., 408.

Lenz, L., 142, 285, 334, 357.

Leo, — ., 244.

Leo, F. A., 419a, 508, 631, 668.

Lessing, O. E., 1006.

Levy, S., 201, 280, 955, 966.

Liebau, G., 10.

Litzmaim, B., 136a, 439, 442, 593-

Loenig, E., 435.

Loewenberg, J., 253.

Lohre, H., 258, 928, 986.

Loliee, Fr., n, o.

Longo, J., 343.

Loschhorn, K., 666.

Low, C. B., 303.

Lowell, J. E., 505-

Liider, F., 929.

Ludwig, A., 564, 627, 630.

Ludwig, E., 903a.

Ludwig, O., 557, 667, 683a, 692,

922a.
Luther, B., 567.

Maack, E., 277.

Mackall, L., 817.

Maclean, G. E., 999.

Mager, A., 352.

Maigron, L., 973.

Mahn, M. F., 904a.

Marsh, A. E., e.

Marx, E., 144.

Marx, P., 638.

Mather, F. J., e.

Mazzini, G., 886.

Meisnest, F. W., 547, 606, 616.

Meiszner, J., 32, 33, 639.

Melchior, F-, 900.

Mendheim, M., 652c.

Merschberger, — ., 484, 590.

Metz, A., 353a.

Meyer, C. F., 44.

Meyer, F. L. W., 588.

Meyer, E. M., 78, 282, 355, 654, 696.

Meyer, W., 1001.

Meyerfeld, M., 944, 1012, 1013.

Mielke, H., 831a.

Milberg, E., 148-

Mildebrath, B., 176o.

Miller, A. E., 487, 1015.

Minor, J., 141, 190, 217, 287, 368a,

494, 524, 559, 584, 603.
Minor, J. and Sauer, A., 507.
Mitchell, E. MacB., 964.
Mommsen, T., 84a.
Moryson, F., 26.

108 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Moseley, B. D., 332.
Mueller, E., 254.
Mulfinger, G. A., 820.
Miiller, M., 905.
Miiller, — ., 909.
Miiller-Ems, E., 927.
Miiller-Freienfels, E., 829.
Milliner, L., 868.
Muncker, F., 145, 234.
Muskalla, K., 298.

Nedden, E., 158.
Neszler, K., 261.
Neumann, W., 211.
Medecken-Gebhart, H., 48.
Noack, K., 9225.
Northup, C. S., 2, 208.
Norton, C. E., 906, 908.

Ochsenbein, W., 873, 902.
Oftering, M., 70.
Oncken, A., 331.

Pachaly, E., 967.

Paetow, W., 490.

Palm, H., 455, 693.

Peckham, H. H., 803.

Petherick, E. A., 22.

Petsch, E., 563.

Petzet, E., 276.

Pfau, W., 246.

Phelps, W. L., 855a.

Philippovic, V., 353.

Phillipson, P. H-, 833.

Pinger, W. E. E., 342a.

Pinloche, A., 441.

Pizzo, E., 229.

Plath, O., 940.

Pomenzy, F., 308.

Porschke, K. L., 492a.

Porterfield, A. W., 12, 985.

Posnett, H. M., a, h.

Prager, H., 962.

Price, L. M., 9a, 184, 845, 857, 859a.

Proelsz, J., 880.

Prolsz, E., 640, 880.

Prutz, E., 82, 296.

Puls, A., 581a.

Eamsey, A., 467.
Eansmeier, J. C., 996.
Eansohoff, G., 344.
Eauch, H., 537-
Eehorn, F., 323.
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Eenard, G., g.
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Ehyn, H., 837.

Eichards, A. E., 213o, 305, 306.
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Eichter, K., 480, 841.
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Eiedel, — ., 472.
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945.
Eobertson, J. G., 51, 186, 227, 290,

478.

Eoehm, A. I., 802.
Eoenneke, E., 670.
Eoesel, L. K., 978.
Eoethe, G., 169.
Eosanoy, M. N., 539.
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Eouth, H. V., s.
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Eiimelin, G., 407.
Euthe, B., 213.

Sachs, — ., 419.

Sachs, K., 108, 135.

Sanborn, F. B., 105.

Sand, G., 884.

Sandmann, B., 576.

Sarrazin, G., 847.

Sauer, A., 104, 238, 361a, 597, 918,

918a.

Sauer, A. and Minor, J., 507.
Schacht, E., 549a.
Schaefer, A., 423.
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Schatzmann, G., 577.
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Schlaf, J., 1010.
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Schlenther, P., 117.
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705.

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1919] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Bibliography 109

Schrader, H., 614.
Schreiber, C. F-, 655.
Schroer, M. A., 463.
Schiiddekopf, K and Walzel, O.,

712.

Schuster, M., 982.
Schwartz, K., 57, 58.
Schwarz, F. H., 969.
Schwering, J., 840.
Schwinger, K., 133a.
Seidensticker, O., 77.
Sendel, K., 543.
Servaes, F., 81«.
Seuffert, B-, 608.
Siegfried, E., 723.
Simpson, M., 609.
Sinzheimer, S., 891.
Skinner, M. M., 931.
Smith, C. A., 801.
Smith, G. G., p.
Soffe, E., 204.
Sollas, H., 200.
Speck, H. G. B., 734.
Spengler, F., 60.
Spirigatis, M., 6.
Spranger, E., 322.
Sprenger, E., 205, 220, 233, 269,

283, 534o, 572, 574, 623, 883, 852,

952.

Springer, E., 339, 888.
Stadler, E., 613.
Stahr, A., 468.
Stammler, W., 540.
Stanger, H., 941.
Steig, E., 950.
Steinke, M. V., 366.
Stern, A., 411.
Steuber, F., 330.
Stewart, M. C., 360, 362.
Storoschenko, N. J., 870.
Strecker, H., 680a.
Sturtevant, A. M., 570.
Sulger-Gebing, E., 255.
Suphan, B., 197, 321, 476, 530, 953.

Tanger, G., 438.
Tardel, H., 675a, 992.
ten Brink, B., 289.
Texte, J., f.

Thayer, H. W., 167, 336, 349.
Thomas, W., 364a.
Thorns, W. J., 406a.
Thompson, G. W., 826, 984.
Thorstenberg, E., 1007.
Tieck, L., 27-
Tittmann, J., 31, 55.
Tobler, G., 372, 489.
Tombo, E., 243.

Tomlinson, C., 519.
Trautmann, K., 35, 41, 449, 459.
Trumbauer, W. H. E., 934a.
Tiirkheim, L., 160.

Uebel, O., 207.
Uhde-Bernays, H., 610.
Ullrich, P., "175, 176, 177, 178,

179a.

Ulrich, O., 246a.
Ulrich, P., 976.
Ulrici, H., 426, 426a, 504, 504a,

506, 558.

Umbach, E., 155.
Unflad, L., 401.
Urban, E., 23.

Vacano, S., 995.

Valentin, V., 893.

Vaughan, C. E., 81.

Vetter, T., 13a, 15, 65, 102, 102o,

103, 140, 157, 212, 425.
Victory, B. M., 196.
Viles, G. B., 231.
Vincke, G., 329, 420, 421, 422, 582,

589, 633, 652a, 652&, 659, 685,

686.

Vischer, F. T., 406, 414, 470.
Vogeler, — ., 460.
Volk, V., 925.
Volkenborn, H., 846.
Vollmer, C., 803a.
von Antoniewicz, J., 587.
von Billow, F., 954a.
von Ende, A., 932.
von Gersdorff, — ., 448.
von Gleichen-Euszwurm, — ., 658.
von Hofmann-Wellenhof, P., 245.
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von Liliencron, E., 440.
von Eiidiger, G., 681.
von Sanden, K., 990.
von Thaler, C., 914.
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693a.

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von Wiecki, E., 913.
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von Wurzbach, W., 716a.
Vos, B. J., 956.
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Waag, A., 271.
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Wachtler, P., 960.

110

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Waetzoldt, S., 270.
Wagener, C. B., 509-
Wagener, H. F., 257.
Wagner, H. F., 179, 181.
Wagschal, F., 317.
Waldberg, M., 107.
Waldschmidt, K., 188.
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Walz, J. A., 80, 96, 97, 219, 223,

363.

Walzel, O. F., 309, 310, 315, 325.
Walzel, O. and Schiiddekopf, K.,

712.

Wanamaker, W. H., 806.
Waniek, G., 116.
Warner, H. F., 181.
Waterhouse, G., 17.
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Wegmann, C., 835.
Wehl, F., 683.
Weiser, C. F., 313.
Weiss, J. J., 848a.
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Wenger, K., 974, 975.
Wenzel, G., 942.
Werner, J., 889.
Werner, E. M., 371, 679.
Wetz, W., c, 694, 713, 713o, 716&,

895.

Whitman, S., 9.
Whyte, J., 832.
Wiehr, J., 897.
Wihan, J., 87, 240, 862.
Wilhelmi, J. H., 912.
Wilier, — ., 933.

Winds, A., 430, 435a, 662.

Winther, F., 957.

Witkowski, G., 46, 545.

Witte, E., 701.

Wittsack, R, 688.

Wodick, W., 52.

Wohlgemuth, J., 210.

Wolfe, L., 304.

Wolff, E., 137, 415, 598, 599, 689.

Wolff, M. J., 461, 525, 629.

Wolfing, J. E., 663.

Wolfsteig, A., 8Tb.

Wood, A., 187.

Worden, J. P., 946.

Worp, J. A., 47.

Wukadinovic, S., 119, 286, 583,

916.

Wiilker, K. P., 30.
Wundt, M., 342.
Wurth, L., 621.
Wustling, F., 213&, 301a.
Wyplel, L., 120, 898, 899.
Wysocki, L. G., 456.

Zabel, E., 595.
Zart, G., 87a, 307.
Zdziechowski, M., 878.
Zelack, D., 728
Zenker, R., 860.
Zernial, U., 560.
Ziegert, T., 199.
Zsehalig, — ., 830.
Zschau, W. W., 18.
Zupitza, J., 936.
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1919] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Bibliography 111

CORRIGENDA*

(Addenda are to be found on page 584ff)

[1]. For XVII read XCII.

[85]. For VIII read VII.

[92]. For 48ff. read 483ff.
[124]. For CLARK read CLARKE.
[128]. For in read im.
[140]. For Winterthiir read Winterthur.
[161]. For 531-540 read 31-40.
[191] [193] [194], For CLARK read CLARKE.
[198]. For Moser read Moser.

[202]. For BRANDEIS, A Weimar read BRANDL, A. ... Wiener.

[290]. Add Hermes, La Roche.

[358]. Delete (1726-1780).

[361a]. For I xi-xvi read II 135-170.

[496]. Add Konigsberg diss.

[596]. For Ludwig read Ludwig Schubart.

[598]. For 337 read 347.

[652c]. For MENDHEIM read WENDHEIM.

[675]. Place under " Grillparzer and Shakespeare."

[677]. For XXXII read XXXIII.

[680]-[684]. Arrange alphabetically.

[692]. Insert after [688].

[856]. Omit.

[914a]. For [914a] read [914b].

[916]. Delete (1827).

[923]. For GEISSENDOEFER read GEISSENDOERFE; .

[961]. Delete Allan.

[1006]. Delete his.

Page 104. For Brandeis, A. read Brandl, A.

Page 105. For Czerny, J. 342 read 342a.

Page 106. For Goldsmith read Goldschmidt.

Page 107. For Mahn read Mann.

Page 107. For Mendheim read Wendheim.

Page 109. For Ullrich, P., read Ullrich, H.

Page 110. For Wolfe, L., read Wolf, L.

* These corrigenda have reference to the BIBLIOGRAPHY, Part I of this work. In
order that they may be effective, it is suggested that the BIBLIOGRAPHY be amended by
hand as indicated above.

PART II. SURVEY

ENGLISH > GERMAN LITERARY INFLUENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SURVEY

LAWEENCE MARSDEN PEICE

PART II. SURVEY

CONTENTS

PAGES
Introduction 119

Definition of term "English>German literary influence" — the mean-
ing of "influence" as applied to individuals — conflicting theories regard-
ing international influence — influences as accelerating agencies — helpful
and harmful literary conjunctures — types of influence — present state of
investigation of English>German literary influences — selective nature of
this work.

Abbreviations and method of citation 124

I. THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND BEFORE (SHAKESPEARE EXCLUDED)

Chapter 1. The seventeenth century in general 125

Predominance of foren influence — English influence relatively un-
important— Weckherlin as an intermediary between England and Ger-
many— Sidney's Arcadia — Latin novels — Owen's epigrams — English
philosophers and theologians — English history in German literature.

Chapter 2. The seventeenth century; dramatic influences 134

Sketch of researches regarding the English comedians — English
players in Germany 1586ff. — the troupes and their leaders — the reper-
toires— influence of the English players on German dramatic art —
naturalism — transition from the English to the German language — rapid
loss of poetic qualities of the plays — conjectures regarding the form of
the stage — elaborate scenery and costumes — development of the role of
the fool — literary influences — Herzog Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig
— Jakob Ayrer — Gundolf's views regarding the influence of the
comedians.

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PAGES

Chapter 3. The eighteenth century in general 155

General development of German literature in the eighteenth century
— prestige of Koch's survey — certain false impressions circulated there-
by— Hohlfeld's advantageous division of the subject: three waves of
influence — four important literary centers — Lichtenberg as an inter-
mediary between England and Germany — mediums of international
interchange — journeys of German men of letters to England — corre-
spondence— literary journals — crucial themes of investigation — brief
mention of certain minor influences: Prior, Dryden, Bunyan, Defoe,
Swift, English satire — the American revolution as viewed by certain
German men of letters.

Chapter 4. Addison and the moral weeklies 189

Popularity of the new journalism in England and Germany — its
rapid decline in England — its long continuance in Germany — depend-
ence of the early German journals on the English ones — moral tend-
encies of the journals — stylistic tendencies — the democratizing tendency
— the beginnings of esthetic criticism — Addison's essay on Milton — the
German discussion regarding Paradise lost — influence of the weeklies
on certain German authors.

Chapter 5. Pope 198

Pope once regarded as an important influence in Germany — Shaftes-
bury now reclaiming his due from Pope — importance of Pope's influence
in regard to style — efforts of the German translators to imitate Pope's
measure — controversy over the Essay on man — the Essay on criticism —
an attempt to adapt the Dunciad — possible influence of Pope on Haller
— minor influence on Ew. Ch. von Kleist, Brockes, Hagedorn, Dusch —
the stylistic influence alone of consequence.

Chapter 6. Thomson 211

The changing view of nature in England an evolution rather than a
revolution — Thomson's Seasons as signalizing the accomplisht evolution
— their warm reception in England — their characteristics — untenable
assertions regarding Thomson's influence on Haller and Brockes —
Brockes as Thomson's sponsor in Germany — Kleist and other less suc-
cessful imitators of Thomson in Germany — the question of the justifi-
cation of descriptive poetry — adoption of Thomson's ideals by Hagedorn,
Klopstock, and Schiller.

Chapter 7. Milton's Paradise lost 226

Milton's belated establishment in Germany — Bodmer's translation
of Paradise lost (1732) — religious controversy occasioned thereby in
Switzerland — literary controversy between Gottsched and the Swiss —
the justification of the miraculous — Klopstock's inspiration received thru
the Bodmer translation — his Messias (1748ff.) — Milton's Paradise lost
at the hands of successive schools of German criticism — incongruities
criticized by the rationalists — failure to satisfy the classic ideals of
Winckelmann — Milton not rankt as an "Originalgenie" by the "Stiir-
mer und Dranger" — increast range acquired by German poetry thru
Milton's aid.

Chapter 8. Young's Night thoughts 236

Young's popularity in Germany — his literary position — recent new
light on his character — the religious element in Young's poetry com-
pared with that in Milton's — reception of the Night thoughts in Ger-
many — Ebert and the lesser exponents of Young — extravagant praise

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PAGES

of Young in the earlier years — the more critical views of the elder
Wieland, of Herder, Goethe, and Schiller — the enthusiasm for Young
more than a fad — the transition from Milton's universal pathos to the
lyric of individual sentiment — Young's protegee, Elizabeth Singer
Rowe — the cult of friendship — pietism — the moral weeklies as heralds
of Rowe — Rowe's popularity co-incident with that of Young.

Chapter 9. Macpherson's Ossian 249

Sketch of Macpherson's career — the controversy regarding his Ossian
— characterization thereof — the vogue of Ossian in Germany — Ossian
as an original genius — Ossian as a sentimentalist — early extravagant
praise — comparisons with Homer — Ossian and Klopstock — Klopstock's
mythology — bardic poetry — criteria of Ossianic influence: Ossianic
machinery and decoration, Ossianic comparisons — Klopstock's inquiries
in regard to Ossianic poetry — Herder's espousal of Ossian — Gersten-
berg's early skepticism — influence of Ossian on Gerstenberg — Denis's
translations and imitations — Kretschmann — passing interest of Goethe,
Schiller, and the "Gottinger Bund" — Goethe's cooling ardor and later
ironical comment — the positive result of the Ossianic furor: an impulse
to old Germanic studies.

Chapter 10. Percy and the German folk song 266

Definition of Percy problem — Bishop Percy's contributions to liter-
ature— his Reliques — early interest in folk song in England — in Ger-
many— temporary disrepute of the '• Volkslied" in Germany — sponta-
neous new interest — Gerstenberg's studies — the interest of Hamann and
Herder for the "Volkslied" — Herder's inconsistent use of the term —
the crux of the question: the Percy>Biirger influence — mistaken basis of
asserted influence — the autochthonous origin of Lenore — relative unim-
portance of the "Gottinger Bund" as a herald of the "Volkslied" — the
Percy collection as sanction for a similar German work — the early
demand for a German Percy — the opposition of the "Aufklarer" — early
German translations of Percy's songs: Ursinus (1777), Herder (1779),
Bodmer (1781) — later translations: Bothe (1795), scattered transla-
tions in "Almanache," etc. — simultaneous interest in the collection of
German folk songs — Alsatian folk songs and the Straszburg group
(ca. 1771) — Boie's contributions in the Deutsches Museum — valuable
services of Grater's Bragur (179 Iff. ) — other predecessors of Arnim and
Brentano — the new tone as a criterion of influence — the Percy tone not
unlike that of the German folk song — the case of Goethe.

Chapter 11. Eiehardson and Fielding 283

The literary predecessors of Richardson — his novels the first to exert
a quickening influence on German fiction — their limited influence in
England — the strength of Richardson as defined by Goethe — the early
opposition of Richardson to Fielding in England — the contest repro-
duced in Germany — the views of the critics — Lessing and Herder
eclectic — Lichtenberg, Sturz, and Blankenburg as exponents of Fielding
in theory — Gellert and Hermes as followers of Richardson in practice —
Musaus's attempt to imitate Fielding — the disparity between prevailing
theory and prevailing practice — Resewitz's explanation thereof — Field-
ing's motifs in the "Sturm und Drang" dramas, a comparison of
theories — the juster appreciation of Richardson and Fielding: Wieland
and Goethe — Wieland's early enthusiasm for Richardson — Agathon and
the turning away from Richardson — Sophie La Roche's fidelity to the
perfect characters of Richardson — the influence of Richardson on
Goethe's Werther — the transition to the self-ironizing Wilhelm Meister —
the share of the English humorous novel in the transition.

116 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

PAGES
Chapter 12. Goldsmith and Sterne .„....•..„.....;* 310

The German translations of the Vicar of WaJcefield — general trend
of German criticism — popularity of the Vicar — numerous imitations —
characterization thereof — reasons for the popularity — Herder's praise —
Goldsmith motifs in Goethe's life — Sterne's introduction into Germany
—cool reception of Tristram Shandy — immediate popularity of the
Sentimental journey — consequent interest in Tristram Shandy — con-
stancy of Herder, Wieland, and Lessing to Sterne — congeniality of
Wieland and Sterne — extent of Wieland's imitation — other imitators —
Jacobi and the snuff-box hobby — Goethe's criticisms of Schummel's
Reise — the opposition to Sterne : Richardson, Goldsmith, Garrick, Lich-
tenberg, Sturz, Moritz — the period of better imitations: Hippel's
Lebensldufe (1788), Thummel's Reise (1785), Jean Paul's literary
work (1783-1795) — Goethe's early enthusiasm for Sterne — his cooling
ardor — -generous praise in his later years — Goethe's so-called plagiarism
in Wilhelm Meister — the nature of Sterne's influence on Goethe.

Chapter 13. The middle-class drama 334

The classic conception of tragedy and comedy as denned by Gott-
sched — the breakdown of aristocratic distinctions — the democratization
of the tragedy in England — the elevation of the comedy in France —
Lillo's Merchant of London and its influence in Germany thru Lessing's
Miss Sara Sampson — characterization of the imitations — Moore's
Gamester as a subsidiary model for Brawe's Freygeist — other imitations
of the Gamester — the English milieu of the middle-class dramas in Ger-
many— Schroder's utilization of English dramas — middle-class dramas
of a more indigenous type: Minna von Barnhelm, Emilia Galotti, Gotz
von Berlichingen, die Rduber — English connexions also present here —
German fate tragedies of the early nineteenth century — their doubtful
connexion with Lillo's Fatal curiosity.

II. SHAKESPEARE IN GERMANY

Chapter 14. Dryden, Lessing, and the rationalistic critics 354

The course of Shakespearean study in Europe — the legend of a
Shakespeare long neglected in England — frequent dramatic productions
of Shakespeare in England in the seventeenth century — "The century
of praise" — the tolerant views of Dryden, Rowe, Pope, Addison — the
moral weeklies as heralds of Shakespeare in Germany — a controversy
arising out of Borck's translation of Caesar (1741) — lapse of interest
in Shakespeare thereafter — new stimulus from French critics, chiefly
Voltaire — the legend of Lessing's priority as a herald of Shakespeare
in Germany — Lessing's early dependence on Voltaire and Dryden —
priority of Mendelssohn over Lessing in Shakespearean study — Lessing's
silence regarding Shakespeare after the 17. Literaturbrief — conservative
tone of the Uamburgische Dramaturgie — various theories regarding it —
Wieland the rationalistic translator — Schroder the rationalistic producer.

Chapter 15. Young, Herder, and the ' ' Sturm und Drang ' ' critics 386

Increasing recognition of Young's importance as a critic of Shake-
spe.-ire — his Conjectures not epoch-making in England — reception of the
Conjectures in Germany — their stimulating influence on Hamann, Ger-
stenberg, and Herder — Herder's wavering views regarding Shakespeare
— the question of Herder's influence on Goethe's early conception of
Shakespeare — Lenz's Anmerkungen uber das Theater — their asserted
priority to Herder's Shakespeare and Goethe's Gotz — Lenz's translations
and imitations of Shakespeare — Klinger and Shakespeare.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 117

PAGES

Chapter 16. Bohtlingk's Shakespeare und unsere Klassiker 402

Certain inadequacies in Bohtlingk's method — (1) Lessing und
Shakespeare — Bohtlingk's over-emphasis on Dryden as Lessing's guide
— his conception of Lessing's abject reliance on Shakespeare — some of
his Lessing-Shakespeare parallels — (2) Goethe und Shakespeare —
greater difficulty of this theme — "das Erlebte" in Goethe's poetry —
Shakespeare regarded as untheatrical by Goethe — a new and better
method of investigation forced upon Bohtlingk — a comparison of poetic
processes — certain Goethe- Shakespeare parallels — Ootz and Shake-
speare's historical plays — Faust and Hamlet — Egmont and Shakespeare's
character tragedies — Shakespeare as the theme of the Theatralische
Sendung — gradual weakening of the Shakespearean impulse after the
first Weimar period — new stimulus from Schiller — a second falling
away from Shakespeare — Romeo und Julia (1812) — Die natiirliche
Tochter (1803) — a re-quickening thru Faust II — Faust and The tempest
as allegorical dramas — Goethe's works arbitrarily judged by Bohtlingk
according to the Shakespearean standard — (3) Schiller und Shake-
speare— Schiller's first acquaintance with the dramas of Shakespeare —
their effects on his earliest works — Schiller's adhesion to Shakespeare
as indicated by Bohtlingk — reservations regarding the validity of Boht-
lingk's criticism.

Chapter 17. Gundolf's Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist 425

Broad plan of Gundolf's work — Lessing contrasted with the earlier
rationalists — impossibility of a Shakespeare>Lessing influence — Wie-
land's partial susceptibility to Shakespeare's style — Shakespearean at-
mosphere in Wieland's works — Wieland's Shakespeare the actual model
of the "Sturmer und Dranger" — Herder's new esthetic system — Shake-
speare now first revealed in his totality in Germany — influence of
Wieland's Shakespeare on Goethe's Gb'tz — Hamlet and Werther : the
struggle with self in the renaissance and in modern middle-class life —
Hamlet and Faust: renaissance and "Bildungszeitalter" — man in con-
flict with the world: Shakespeare's historical plays and Go'tz, Egmont,
Wilhelm Meister, Faust — fundamental differences betAveen Shakespeare's
views and Goethe's — the "Sturmer und Dranger:" Wagner, Lenz,
Klinger, Maler Miiller — Shakespeare and Schiller: the world for its own
sake and the world as a dramatization of moral law — Shakespeare and
the romanticists: Tieck, "der Phantast;" F. Schlegel, "der Denker;"
A. W. Schlegel, "der Sprachmeister" — an adequate translation in the
fullness of time — the nineteenth century and Shakespeare — conclusions
to be drawn from Gundolf's book.

Chapter 18. Shakespeare in the nineteenth century 445

Shakespearean interpretation in the nineteenth century under the
tutelage of the romantic school — the wide basis of study planned by
the romantic school — the history of the Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin-
Shakespeare — revision of this edition and competing translations — the
question of the inviolability of the Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin translation
in the light of its origin — Kleist's struggle to rival, Shakespeare — his
partial appropriation of Shakespeare's art — Grillparzer's struggle to keep
himself free from Shakespeare — Hebbel's philosophy and Shakespeare's
mutually exclusive — Shakespeare's tragic characters free agents strug-
gling with self — Hebbel's characters fore-ordained to contend with the
world in a certain way — Ludwig, Hebbel, and the turning toward the
recent Ibsen type of drama — Ludwig between the two ideals — Wagner's
hope of a "Drama der Zukunft" surpassing Shakespeare's — Grabbe's
defiance of Shakespeare — Heine's classification of Shakespeare as both
Greek and Nazarene — his admiration for Shakespeare's "Stimmungs-
brechungen" — Shakespeare and Nietzsche's "Uebermensch" — present-day
values of Shakespeare for Germany.

118 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

PAGES

III. THE NINETEENTH CENTURY AND AFTER (SHAKESPEARE EXCLUDED)

Chapter 19. The nineteenth century in general 472

Sunken prestige of English literature circa 1800 — certain English
influences outlived in Germany — surviving influences: Shakespeare,
the English novel — the humor of Sterne and romantic irony — "Welt-
literatur" — the Goethe-Carlyle league — Goethe's sponsorship of Burns —
England's literary indebtedness to Germany — England's political insti-
tutions— their appeal to the Young Germans — English influences in
connexion with the liberal regime of the fifties — gradual broadening of
the scope of the novel under English sanction — the aged Goethe's
appreciation of English characteristics.

Chapter 20. Scott 496

Scott's attitude toward history compared with that of the German
romanticists — Scott's realism : the dramatic form of his novel — Alexis's
view of history as contrasted with Scott's — the form of his novel com-
pared with Scott's — Hauff's specific indebtedness to Scott and other
English novelists — Freytag's adoption of Scott's novel as a standard of
form — Scott's pictures of contemporary life and the German "Dorfge-
schichte" — "Der Mensch an sich" as a novelistic theme — man in relation
to his occupation the theme of the English novel — introduction of the
latter type into the German novel.

Chapter 21. Byron 517

Byron's conquest of contemporary Europe — rapid decline of his
popularity in England — two early admirers in Germany: F. J. Jacobsen
and Elise von Hohenhausen — types of Byronic poets in Germany: the
philhellenes, the political poets, the "Weltschmerzler" — Heine's dallying
with the Byronic pose — estimates of Byron's influence on Heine —
Byron, Heine, and the poetry of the sea — the relations of Goethe and
Byron — Byron's debt to Goethe.

Chapter 22. Dickens 540

Dickens's early popularity in Germany — Otto Ludwig's appreciation
of Dickens: "die musikalische Stimmung," "das mimische Element" —
Freytag's appreciation: "Freude am Dasein" — Renter's appreciation:
hatred of sham and hypocrisy, sympathy with the poor and opprest —
subject matter, form, and atmosphere as criteria of Dickens's influence.

Chapter 23. America in German literature 555

America as a new theme for literature — economic and political
connexion between America and Germany before 1850 — Goethe's interest
in America — Willkomm, Kiirnberger, Lenau — popularity of the Ameri-
can background — Cooper's vogue in Germany — his numerous imitators
— pictures of realistic modern types: Howells, James, Clemens, Harte —
reasons for the restricted influence of the American novel — lyric poetry:
Longfellow, Poe, Whitman and the Whitmanites — American philosophy:
Emerson — the widening gulf between America and Germany, 1850ff.

Chapter 24. The twentieth century 577

Addenda to BIBLIOGRAPHY 584

Index of influences .. 595

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 119

INTRODUCTION

The term English > German literary influences means in this survey
the influences of English literature upon German literature. Influences
in the opposite direction, if they were discust, would be designated as
German > English literary influences. By English literature is meant the
entire body of literature in the English language, whether written in
England, America, or elsewhere, and by German literature is meant all
literature in the modern German language, Austrian and Swiss writers
being included as well as writers of Germany proper. Some readers may
regret the one sidedness of the present treatize, but even had the writer
felt himself equipt for the double task of treating of the mutual relations,
such a procedure would have been inadvisable from an artistic point of
view. The resultant work would have been Janus-faced, lacking in unity
and symmetry. In the excellent work of Waterhouse [17], wherein such
a course is attempted, the unity hangs upon a slender thread.

It is not in a partizan spirit that German > English influences are
excluded from consideration. The writer is not aware of any critical
bias excepting one in favor of literary free trade. He regrets that there
have not been more Klopstocks, Lessings, and Goethes, more Voltaires
and Eousseaus, more Carlyles, Margaret Fullers, and Longfellows, all of
them good borrowers, and most of them no less good representatives of
their national types in consequence thereof.

As to the meaning of literary influence, when applied to an individual,
there is a fortunate agreement among specialists in the subject. Mere
imitation is not ignored by them, but it is no longer confused with
literary influence. Literary influence does not take place until an author
begins to produce independently and spontaneously after the manner of
a predecessor. There is nothing servile about such a relation. Goethe,
one of the most spontaneous of producers, confest himself subject to
many influences in the course of his long life, yet remained always and
distinctively Goethe. Freiligrath, on the other hand, imitated English
literature thruout the greater part of his life, but it has not yet been
shown that he was ever influenced thereby. It is not to be thot that an
influence changes the character of any man or of any author's writings.
' ' Was im Menschen nicht ist, kommt auch nicht aus ihm, ' ' Goethe lets
Hermann's father truly say. A work of literature cannot create any-
thing in the reader. It can only quicken something latently there.
Bodmer 's description of Milton 's influence on Klopstock is a good psycho-
logical analysis of the phenomenon of literary influences.1

When the term "influence" is applied to the action of one literature
on another in its totality, the critics begin to talk at cross purposes, and
it is evident that their underlying principles are different. Lessing said

See SURVEY, p. 230f .

120 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

that English models were more desirable in German literature than
French ones on account of the congeniality of the English and German
nation. Herder based his theory on the existence of a " Volksseele,"
and held Shakespeare free from the Aristotelian rules, because he was
not sprung from the Grecian race and clime, and Taine, as is well
known, wrote an Entire history of English literature on a theory similar
to Herder's. The views of Lessing and Herder have dominated, to a
large extent, the works reviewed in this survey. Many of the critics
quoted here have seemed to adopt with moderations and modifications
the view that a national literature has a character corresponding to that
of the nation which produced it. To speak of the influence of one
literature upon another under such presuppositions is to use a mighty
phrase. Not all the thousand witnesses here past in review suffice to
prove German literature as a 'whole to-day, or at any previous time,
essentially different from what it would have been had the British Isles
always reposed at the bottom of the North Sea.

The compiler of this work is bound to confess his skepticism regarding
the existence of differentiating characteristics in national literature, as
well as in national life. It is entirely possible to characterize an author;
it is possible to characterize a group of authors, or a literary age such
as the Greek classical period, the German romantic period, or the age
of Elizabeth; but if one, for example, attempts to find the terms that
describe English literature in its totality, with its Beowulf, Chaucer,
Shakespeare, Milton, Pope, Keats, Byron, Tennyson, Dickens, and Oscar
Wilde, one must find terms so general that they will apply equally well
to any other literature that has a complete course of life. For almost
every second or third rate author in one country it is possible to find a
counterpart in another, and if we direct attention to the geniuses of
first rank we are by no means nearer to a definition in terms of nation-
ality; Luther and Goethe were as unlike each other as Shakespeare was
unlike both. At any given moment, it is true, literatures may seem to
be unlike each other, but this will be found due in most cases to the
fact that they are at different stages of development. The literatures
of western Europe in the nineteenth century, however, past thru similar
phases almost simultaneously.

Even tho we feel constrained to admit that influences are limited in
the scope of their operation, that they cannot permanently give an other-
wise never adopted direction to a whole body of literature, they are
none the less too important to be overlookt. Individual works, individual
authors, even individual periods are affected by outside influences, and
some of the works affected thereby are objects of close concern to us.
We would not amend the lines of Homer, Shakespeare, or Goethe, even
where we can clearly see flaws therein. We are, therefore, interested
in everything that made those works just what they are. We have a
similar attitude toward historical facts. We are interested in the rain-
storm that delayed Bliicher, even tho we feel certain that Napoleon
would have been eventually defeated whether he came soon or late.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 121

Influences, after all, like Bliicher's rainstorm, are largely hastening
or retarding elements, and as such are of the utmost consequence in the
nice adjustments of society. The intellect of a child of five is not a
dangerous element in a community, unless it happens to be housed in a
body that has the strength of twenty years; but an entire race is likely
to become a dangerous element in society if it suddenly reaches world
power without the quality of self-criticism that comes with maturity.
There are fortunate and unfortunate conjunctures in literature. When
it came to be Germany's turn to enjoy the fruitage of the renaissance,
the thirty years' war interfered and the fruitage was postponed, with
the result that Germany's highest literary products are more modern in
language and in tone than those of England's greatest literary period.
This is fortunate for our age, but was deplorable at the time. The spirit
of a Luther or of a Hans Sachs was able to break thru the clumsy
trammels of an undevelopt language, but how many equally fine but
less sturdy spirits may have been held to earth thereby!

This survey is able to record at least one instance of a fortunate
adjustment. At the beginning of the eighteenth century German liter-
ature was still rather bare of poetic qualities. It had to advance by
leaps and bounds to be ready for Goethe seventy-five years later. The
French and English literatures, like good pace makers, kept just a few
steps ahead during this time. Goethe, more than any other, profited by
the effect of this stimulus. Without it he would have lived and written,
to be sure, but he would have written otherwise, and he would have left
it to another to demonstrate the full poetic range of the German language.

It should next be noted that literary influences are of different types.
Gundolf has introduced order into the study of this subject by the
arrangement of his Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist. He has divided
his work into three parts: (1) Shakespeare als Stoff, (2) Shakespeare
als Form, (3) Shakespeare als Gehalt. Gundolf borrowed his classifi-
cation no doubt from Goethe, who may perhaps have derived it in turn
from conversations with Herder;2 but whatever its origin, it is a classi-
fication of general applicability. The first and lowest form of influence
is proved by the parallel passage, theme, or plot. In the strictest sense
these are not signs of influence, the term ' ' influence ' ' being used out of
courtesy or convenience only. The designation "form influence" explains
itself, altho it is true that form and content influences cannot always be
strictly distinguisht, since form is so largely contingent upon content. The
last type of influence brings us into the higher realms of literature. The
great poet is a seer and therefore a creator. He gives a new content and
value to human life. It is precisely the most gifted portion of humanity,
his fellow poets, who are able to see his vision after him. But these

2 Goethe, WerTce I 27, 345. Goethe relates in DicJitung und Wahrheit X
that Herder found his appreciation of the Vicar of Wakefield faulty : « ' Er,
der blosz Gehalt und Form achtete, sah freilich wohl, dasz ich vom Stoff
iiberwaltigt ward, und das wollte er nicht gelten lassen. ' '

122 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

gifted after-seers are men of personality too and of creative imagination.
Out of the contact of powers arises often a third and higher view of life.
The study of influences in this sense is often an investigation into the
genetics of poetry.

It is not the endeavor of the present work to penetrate these mysteries.
This Survey is, as its name indicates, an extensive and not an intensive
view. It undertakes to draw up approximately the sum of our present
knowledge of English > German influences, and by defining the known
to suggest certain neglected episodes for later investigators. Such a
survey would have been better written by one of the group of scholars
who have made this study the work of many years, but men of this type
prefer to devote themselves to original investigations and are doubtless
well pleased to leave the task of compiling a bibliography and recording
progress to a novice. It is true that surveys of the mutual relations of
English and German literature have been written before, and indeed by
distinguisht scholars, but Herford's work on the sixteenth century [13]
has practically only German > English influences to show. Waterhouse
[17] has refrained from dealing with the English influences on the
German drama in the seventeenth century, and these were the only vital
ones of the time. For the eighteenth century we have the monograph
of Max Koch [76], as packt with information as any forty-page treatize
could be. Written in 1883, it represents, however, an early stage of
knowledge, for E. Schmidt's treatize on Richardson, Rousseau and Goethe
[295], written eight years previously, marks the beginning of the inten-
sive study. Of the works on the eighteenth century listed in the bibli-
ography nearly all have appeared since 1883. In the light of these
studies several statements of Koch need revision and nearly all need
expansion.

The time seemed at last ripe for such a summarizing treatment of the
eighteenth-century English > German literary influences as is contained
in the first two parts of this work, but now that the summary has been
made the author realizes that it is not final. Despite the flood of literature
dealing with Shakespeare in Germany, there is as yet no total survey of
the history of Shakespearean criticism in Germany. Gundolf's work
gives the quintessence but no details. Regarding the changing opinions
of the nineteenth century, we are particularly ill-informed. We need
some adequately equipt critic, who will undertake to do for Shakespeare
what A. Ludwig has done for Schiller with his Schiller und die deutsche
Nachwelt [564]. The summary of the eighteenth-century influences in
general is inadequate and partial, as the author well knows, for another
reason: The account of the increasing sway of the English influence is
incomplete without a more constant reference to the diminishing but
still tenacious French influence. The third part of this survey is neces-
sarily the least satisfactory, partly because nineteenth century authors
have only recently been deemed worthy of scientific consideration; hence
the influence of Dickens and some others has been discust in but a partial

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 123

way while the influence of Emerson, to mention one striking instance, has
been treated practically not at all. The chief difficulty, however, lies in
the fact that we have to do in the nineteenth century not with simple
influences but with highly complicated interrelations.

To criticize individual monographs in this survey has been found
almost superfluous. A markt uniformity of quality has prevailed, due
to the fact that most of these investigations have originated under
similarly favorable conditions, that is to say, under the auspices of
German and American universities. The researches seem also to have
been prosecuted with notable freedom from nationalistic bias. This
survey has of course treated its basic material selectively. Only those
monographs have been summarized which tend to show that some im-
portant German poet, German work, or German literary movement has
been affected in a considerable way by an English influence. Sporadic
and transitory literary vogues, instances of parallel passages, and other
minor phenomena frequently regarded as evidences of influence receive
only passing mention, or none at all. The symptomatic significance of
such lore is recognized by the inclusion of many suggestive titles in the
BIBLIOGRAPHY which supplements the SURVEY.

In conclusion I wish to express my indebtedness to those who have
made it possible for me to complete this work. It was Professor H. K.
Schilling of the University of California who first suggested that I pro-
vide a SURVEY to accompany my BIBLIOGRAPHY. Since then he has sup-
ported me generously with his assistance, particularly by reading my MS
at the early and plastic stage in its development, when it was possible to
profit by his abundant detailed criticism.

My interest in this particular phase of the literary history of Germany
was first aroused by Professor A. R. Hohlfeld of the University of Wis-
consin several years ago. I thank him also for permission to use his
fundamental conception of the three waves of English influence that
reacht Germany from England in the eighteenth century. Helpful as
this idea has been to successive groups of students at Wisconsin he has
left it to one of his pupils to first give it a slightly broader circulation
thru the printed word. My wife prepared the first typewritten manu-
script of this work and the successive revisions, read with me all the
proofs, and shared with me all of the labor of preparing the copy for the
press. If the work shall be found to possess any grace or uniformity in
detail it is largely due to her help.

As the work approacht a conclusion Professor Hohlfeld read all the
galley proofs, pointing out sins of omission as well as commission ; Professor
Evans of Ohio State University read the proofs of Chapter 2, and
Professor Kind of Wisconsin those of Chapter 8. To all the scholars
who have helpt me I am deeply grateful. As I have always revised on
the basis of suggestions it is entirely possible that I may have introduced
some errors into the work despite the vigilance of my censors.

124 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ABBREVIATIONS AND METHOD OF CITATION

(a) The list of abbreviations in the BIBLIOGRAPHY pp. 6-8, applies also
to the SURVEY.

(b) Quotations from certain authors are cited according to standard
critical editions of their works, for which the following abbreviated
designations are used:

Biedermann, Gesprache = Biedermann, Goethes Gesprache^ (Leipzig
1910) ; 5 vols.

Borne, Schriften = Borne, Gesammelte Schriften (Hamburg 1862);
12 vols.

Eckermann, Gesprache = Eckermann, Gesprache mit Goethe^ (Leip-
zig 1910) ; 805 pp.

Freytag, WerTce = Freytag, Gesammelte WerTce (Leipzig 1896-1898);

22 vols.
Goethe, WerTce = Goethe, Werlce Weimar edition (Weimar 1887ff.)

129 vols.
Hamann, Schriften = Hamann, Schriften ed. Both and Wiener

(Berlin 1821-1843); 15 vols.
ifeine, Werlce — Heine, Sdmtliche Werlce ed. O. Walzel (Leipzig

1910-1914); 10 vols.
Herder, WerTce = Herder, Sdmtliche Werlce ed. Suphan (Berlin 1877-

1899); 32 vols.
Lenz, Schriften = ~Lenz, Gesammelte Schriften ed. F. Blei (Miinchen

and Leipzig 1909-1913); 5 vols.
Lessing, Schriften = Lessing, Sdmtliche Schriften ed. Lachmann-

Muncker (Stuttgart and Leipzig 1886-1907); 21 vols.
Ludwig, Schriften = Ludwig, Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Ad. Stern

and E. Schmidt (Leipzig 1891-1899) ; 6 vols.
Schiller, Werlce — Schiller, Sdmtliche WerTce, Sakularausgabe, ed. E.

von der Hellen (Stuttgart and Berlin 1904) ; 16 vols.

(c) Works listed in the BIBLIOGRAPHY are cited in the SURVEY according
to their bibliographical serial number. Bibliographical references con-
taining an x in the brackets are to be found in the addenda, page 584f.

(d) The elevated numeral after a bibliographical entry denotes the
edition, e. g. Schmidt [126]2 I 36 indicates Schmidt's Lessing etc., 2nd
edition, vol. I, p. 36; cf. Eckermann above.

(e) Volume, if any, is indicated by the roman numeral following the
designation of the work. The page is given in arables without the
abbreviation p.

1920] Price: Eng Us 7i> German Literary Influences — Survey 125

SURVEY
PART I

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND BEFORE

(Shakespeare excluded)

CHAPTER 1

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUKY IN GENEEAL

"Wenn man eines neusiichtigen Deutschlings Herz offnen und sehen
sollte, wiirde man augenscheinlich befinden, dasz fiinf Achtel desselben
franzosisch, ein Achtel spanisch, eins italienisch und kaum eins deutsch
daran gefunden werden."

These frequently quoted words of Moscherosch in his Wahr-
hafte Gesichte Philanders von Sittenwald (1642) call attention
to the fact that despite the prevailing fondness for things foren,
English influences in the middle of the seventeenth century had
as yet failed to make their impress upon the social life and man-
ners of the Germans of the time. Moscherosch 's testimony not-
withstanding, the influence of English literature was for the first
time becoming faintly discernable in German literature at the be-
ginning of the seventeenth century. In Herford's closely printed
work of four hundred pages The literary relations of England
and Germany in the sixteenth century [13] England appears
almost exclusively as the debtor nation. In that century Ger-
man literature rarely rose above the level of social and religious
tracts of a predominantly satirical tone, yet it was able to lend
inspiration even to the Elizabethan dramatists. In the eco-
nomics of literature the power to lend is always present, while
the power to borrow to advantage depends upon the vigor of
the borrower.

In the seventeenth century the influence of English literature
upon the German was but sporadic. German literature was dis-
tinctly under the ban of foren influence. Nearly all the con-

126 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

spicuous features of life, trends of taste, and literary characters
emphasize this fact. The characteristic social form of the time
was the " Sprachgesellschaf t. " The " Fruchtbringende Gesell-
schaft," later called the " Palmenorden, " was founded in 1617
by Prinz Ludwig of Anhalt-Kothen. The ' ' teutschgesinnte Ge-
nossenschaft " of Hamburg (1643ff.) was led by the purist Zesen.
The " Pegnitzschaf er " of Niirnberg (1644ff.) were under the
sponsorship of Klaj and Harsdorffer, the grammarians. The
"Elbschwanen" (Hamburg, 1660-1667) were under the leader-
ship of Johann Rist. A common chief aim of all these and
similar societies was the elevation and the purification of the
German language, especially the supplanting of French and
Latin words. The very existence of these societies testifies to
the consciousness of a danger threatening the language. Yet
even the method of combating the encroachment was suggested
from without. The model of the "Fruchtbringende Gesell-
schaft" was the " Accademia della Crusca" of Florence (1582).
The cherishing of the vernacular was furthermore a common
renaissance tendency.

Germany participated as a late convert in a change of taste
in fiction. The love story reached its climax in Amadis of Gaul,
a Portuguese romance of about the year 1500. This type of
novel had enjoyed a great popularity; but a reaction in favor
of the simple life had already set in. Jacobo Sannazaro's
Arcadia (Naples 1504), Montemayor's Diana (Portugal 1524),
DTJrfeVs L'Astree (France 1607-1625), and finally the Arcadia
of Sidney (England 1590), which Opitz translated into German
in 1638; these titles indicate the triumphant march of pastoral
prose and poetry around the periphery of the continent to in-
terior Germany.

The prevailing literary contest in Germany was that between
the purists and the bombasts or, as they are usually termed, the
adherents of the first and of the second Silesian school; for
strangely enough Silesia had come into literary leadership for
the time. The affected bombastic trend had its counterpart in

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 127

other countries; in Italy it was represented by Marino, whose
Strage degli innocente appeared in 1630 j1 in Spain by Gongora
(1561-1627); in France by the * * precieuses " ; in England by
Lyly, whose Euphues appeared in 1579. Daniel Casper von
Lohenstein (1635-1683), who gave his name to the trend in
Germany (Lohensteinscher Schwulst), was accordingly one of
the last to be affected.

By common consent Martin Opitz (1597-1639) is the spokes-
man of orthodox literary opinion of his time and country. When
still a young man he had protested in a well written Latin
treatize, Aristarchus sive de contempt u linguae teutonicae
(1617), against the excessive use of Latin and foren languages
in Germany. He made it his life work to show that Germany
could have all the literary genres possible in other languages.
There is something less than complete literary independence in
this very endeavor. Even his Buck von der teutschen Poeterey
had many predecessors. One of the earliest in renaissance times
was that of Hieronymus Vida, which appeared in Rome in 1527
under the title De arte poetica: Libri tres. J. C. Scaliger publisht
his Poetices libri septem in Lyons in 1761 ; the seven-book division
was retained by most of his successors. Du Bellay of the French
"Pleiade" wrote his Defense et illustration de la langue
frangaise in 1549, which his colleag Ronsard contracted into the
Abrege de I 'art poetique (1565). Sir Philip Sidney wrote his
Apologie for poetry in the years 1579-1580.2 Martin Opitz
studied at Ley den (1620) under the noted Dutch grammarian
Heinsius, author of Nederduytsche Poemata (1616), before pro-
ducing his own Buck von der teutschen Podterey in 1624. Again
we have the typical advance from Italy thru the Romanic coun-
tries to England and thence indirectly to Germany, this time by
way of Holland. More frequently England's contribution to
the common stream past back into Germany by way of France,
while still other currents past directly from France or Italy into
Germany, leaving England out of the course.

1 Translated into German by Brockes (1715), Der bcthlemitische Kin-
dermord.

2 Cf. Brie, Sidneys "Arcadia" QF CXXIV (1918) 158.

128 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

From the foregoing it is clear that the English was only one
of many foren influences operating in Germany in the seven-
teenth century, and on closer inspection it appears as one of
the least weighty of these. Waterhouse, in his monograph The
literary relations of England and Germany in the seventeenth
century [17], treats of the reciprocal relations between the two
countries. In the sixteenth century, as has been shown, Ger-
many was the giver to England. In the eighteenth century
she was to be the receiver. In the seventeenth century the
accounts are brief, but Waterhouse finds the balance nearly even.
It is true Waterhouse omits the drama from consideration, a
considerable omission, for the English drama, as represented by
the English comedians, was destined to prove itself the one
permanent English literary influence of the time. There remain
then, on the English > German side, for Waterhouse 's discussion
about seven main topics.

:.. In the realm of lyric poetry Georg Rudolf Weckherlin (1584-
1653) is the only German of his time to display the results of
English influence. Weckherlin was born in Tubingen, he studied
in Stuttgart, and traveled in France and England. For six
years he was in the service of the Duke of Wiirttemberg. In
1616 he married an Englishwoman, Elizabeth Raworth. In 1622
or before he left Stuttgart, and in 1624 he entered the diplo-
matic service in England. On the defeat of the royalists he
lost his position as secretary for foren tongues to the committee
of the two kingdoms and was succeeded by John Milton. He
died in London in 1653.

In spite of his preoccupation with state affairs, in spite of
his long absence from Germany, and in spite of his imperfect
technik, Weckherlin enricht his century with some of its best
German poetry. Weckherlin is better known, however, on ac-
count of his opposition to Opitz in the theory of metrics. Weck-
herlin based his view on the false assumption that the German
syllabification was more nearly akin to that of the French,
Spanish, and Italian languages than to the Dutch and English,

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 129

for which latter languages, he said, Opitz 's rule fitted well.
As a creative poet Weckherlin takes precedence over Opitz.
According to some of the best critics,2 he anticipated Opitz in
the reform of German poetry. He introduced the sonnet and
the romance strophic and metric forms as early as 1616. This
was the entering wedge that eventually rendered obsolete the
old Germanic narrative poetry in ' ' Reimpaaren. ' '

Tho Weckherlin drew upon France most largely for his new
forms, the English influence was not entirely negligible, as Bohm
[20] has shown. While in the service of the Duke of Wiirttem-
berg Weckherlin wrote a poem entitled Triumf newlich bey der
F. Kindtauf zu Stuttgart gehalten. The English princess Eliza-
beth, the wife of Frederick V., Elector Palatine, was a guest of
honor on this occasion. Weckherlin summoned for the purpose
all the English that he commanded and wrote an English version
of his poem, which he dedicated to her. Weckherlin 's Oden und
Gesdnge (1618) are introduced by a free rendering of Spenser's
lines "To his Booke" in the Shepheardes Calender (1579).
Weckherlin also wrote a poem addrest to the princess Elizabeth,
in which the Latin, English, French, and German muses speak
in turn in their own languages. His Kennzaichen eines gliick-
seligen Lebens is a translation of a poem by Sir Henry Wotton.
Bohm has pointed out additional English-Weckherlin parallels.
Waterhouse agrees with Weckherlin 's editor, Fischer,3 that some
of Bohm's parallels are best accounted for by the supposition
of a common French origin.

Weckherlin 's impulse toward poetic production was kept alive
by the example of foren poets, English poets among others.
Borinski says: "Die Stellung der englischen und franzosischen
Poeten bestimmte den schon zu Amt und Wiirden gelangten
Mann, mit einem Band deutscher Gedichte hervorzutreten,
dem ersten bedeutenden Ergebnis der Renaissancepoesie fur

2 Cf . Goedake, Introduction to Gedichte von Georg Rudolf WecTcTierlin,
Deutsche Dichter d. 17. Jh. V (Leipzig 1873). See also Borinski, Die
PoetiJc der Renaissance, etc. (Berlin 1886), p. 52; quoted by Waterhouse
[17] 67 and 72.

3 Georg Rudolf Weckherlins Gedichte (ed. Hermann Fischer), Bibliothek
des Stutt. lit. Vereins CXCIX and CC, Stuttgart 1894 and 1895.

130 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Deutschland, "4 while Schaffer attributes to England an influ-
ence on Weckherlin's style. He says: " Under the influence
of the English court poets — Wyatt, Surrey, Sidney, Spenser —
Weckherlin became tinged with that marinistic style to which
the literatures of Spain, France, Italy, and England in the latter
half of the sixteenth century were addicted.5

The thirty years ' war is doubtless responsible for the absence
of English lyric influences during the remainder of the seven-
teenth century. Dryden, Prior, and Milton scarcely became
known in Germany till the eighteenth century ; hence the history
of their fame does not belong here.

The third chapter of Waterhouse 's book is entitled ' ' Sidney 's
Arcadia in Germany." Sidney began the Arcadia in 1577.5a He
died in 1586, leaving the unfinisht poem to be publisht in 1590.
The work shows the influence of previous pastoral poetry in
other lands. It became immediately popular; editions followed
in rapid succession in England, and two French translations
appeared in 1624-1625. It is first mentioned in Germany in
the second edition of Opitz 's Aristarchus in 1624. The first
translation (1629) was written by one who signed himself Valen-
tinius Theocritus, and who admitted that he translated from the
French rather than the English. The publisher found it neces-
sary in 1638 to provide for a new edition, "jetzo allenthalben
uffs neu iibersehen und gebessert ; die Gedichte aber und Reymen
gantz anderst gemacht und iibersetzt von dem Edlen und Besten
M. 0. V. B." This M. O. V. B. was none other than Martin
Opitz von Boberfeld. It was asserted by Lindner in 17406 that
Opitz was also responsible for the earlier version of the Arcadia
which appeared under the name of Valentinius Theocritus, and
this view was accepted by some later critics,7 but it has been
proven untenable by Waterhouse and by Wurmb,8 who have

^Borinski, Die Poetik der Eenaissance (Berlin 1886), 52; quoted by
Waterhouse [17] 72.

s Schaffer [20a] 68.

B* According to Brie, QF C'XXIV (1918); cf. Fischer in LblGEPh XL
(1919) 157.

« Lindner, Umstandliclie Nachricht von des weltberuhmten Schlesiers,
Martin Opitz von Boberfeld, Leben, Tod und Schriften; Hirschberg 1740.

TCf. Brie [25].

s Wurmb [25*] 54ff.

1920] Price: English*^ German Literary Influences — Survey 131

reacht their conclusions, as it appears, independently of each
other. Wurmb is not able to find any certain proof that Opitz
used the English original in revising the translation of " Theo-
critus," or, indeed, that he knew the English language at all.
Sidney influenced Opitz 's version, she says, not at all as to
content, but in some respects as to form. The improvements
that Opitz really introduced concerned chiefly the form and the
style. She also brings out the interesting fact that still a third
translator had a hand in the German Arcadia of 1638. This
version contains a translation of the sixth book of the poem.
The French version had not included this book, nor had the
translation of 1629. The first impression would be that Opitz
had translated this book directly from the English, but Wurmb
shows that poetic licences are taken in this book which Opitz
denied himself on principle. So one must conclude that the
publisher or perhaps Opitz himself engaged an unknown trans-
lator to render this portion of the work.

Under the caption ' ' The Latin novel, ' ' chapter IV of Water-
house 's work treats of the reception accorded to Sir Thomas
More's Utopia (1516), Joseph Hall's Mundus alter et idem
(1607), and John Barclay's Argents (1617-1621). The last
named work was by far the most popular. Opitz was called
upon to make a translation.9 He used the Latin and a French
version alternately as his basis. His popular translation was
severely criticized by such competent scholars as Johann Balt-
hasar Schupp and Daniel Morhof , while the Latin of the original
was condemned as a dangerous model for the young. John
Barclay's Argcnis itself was, however, held up as a model by
such scholars as Schupp, Harsdorffer, Buchner, and Birken in
the seventeenth century, and dissertations on his work began to
appear at this early period. Kindermann's Ungluckselige Nisette
(1669) and Zesen's Assenat (1670) may be regarded as imita-
tions of the Argenis, while Grimmelshausen 's Simplicissimus
profited much from the Argenis in the matter of technik, as
Bloedau [21ax] has pointed out. The most successful pure

»Cf. Schmid [21a].

132 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

imitation of Barclay's Argenis in Germany was the drama of
Christian Weise, Von der sizilianischen Argenis (1684).

John Owen (1563-1622) of Carnarvonshire was the best
known epigrammatist of his age. His influence upon German
literature was investigated by Urban [23]. Waterhouse sum-
marizes the results, at the same time printing a number of
parallel passages which Urban merely indicates. Owen's epi-
grams were written in Latin, chiefly in alexandrines. Among
the German translators and imitators we note some of the lead-
ing names of the time — Rist, Fleming, Weckherlin, Gryphius,
Morhof, and numerous others; but the most distinguisht poet
in this particular field was Friedrich von Logau (1604-1655).
We may regard the influence of Owen in Germany as a healthful
one for by his epigrams he brot it about that pithiness of ex-
pression and clarity of phrase were recognized as virtues.

The intellectual connexion between England and Germany
was also maintained by other ties not purely literary. English
philosophy found a ready acceptance in Germany. The first
complete edition of Bacon's works was publisht in Frankfurt
in 1665. This was of course printed in Latin. There were no
English versions, but certain passages from time to time were
translated from the Latin into German. There are echoes of
Bacon in the writings of many German poets; but in the case
of the scholars Schupp and Morhof we may speak of a distinct
influence. Bacon determined Schupp 's views in regard to so-
ciety, economics, and education, and to a large extent in regard
to ethics. Morhof, the father of German literary history, reveres
Bacon as the founder of the study of the history of literature.

The English theologians also were not without their influence
in Germany. William Perkins (1558-1602) was honored with
several translations into German. The same is true of Joseph
Hall (1574-1658), Harsdorffer being one of his translators, of
Daniel Dyke (1508-1614), and of John Barclay (1582-1621),
the latter being the only Catholic theologian so distinguisht.
Waterhouse mentions several other names, but no especial im-
portance is attacht to their influence.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 133

The fate of English rulers was followed with interest in
Germany. Catherine of Aragon, her divorce and death, is the
theme of Joh. Chr. Hallmann's Sterbende Unschuld (1684).
The beheading of Charles the First is a favorite theme ; Andreas
Gryphius, Carolus Stuardus (1657), is its most noted dramatizer.
The most popular character of all, however, was Mary, Queen
of Scots, as has been shown by Kipka [11].

To sum up the results of the century, we may say that
England retained its place as intellectually one of the remotest
countries from Germany tho its influence was not quite so insig-
nificant as might be inferred from the comment of Moscherosch.10
At the courts f oren languages prevailed ; Italian was spoken in
South Germany, in Vienna, and in Hessia ; French at Stuttgart ;
and English, for a time, at Heidelberg. The Italian had to yield
to the French as time went on. In literature French influence
predominated, but Italian influence accompanied it. Dutch in-
fluence was prominent in the first half of the century, Mosche-
rosch's Philander von Sittewald (1642) and Grimmelshausen 's
Simplicissimus (1666) betray the influence of the Spanish
' ' Schelrnenroman, ' ' and English influence is not wholly absent.

The century falls, as far as English influence is concerned, into
three unequal parts. The first period reaches its climax about
1613, when the entry of an English princess in Heidelberg sug-
gests the possibility of many close relations between England
and Germany. Such prospects are ruined in the next period by
the thirty years' war in Germany; but ere that war is over the
religious wars have begun in England. Not until the end of the
century have normal conditions been restored. Of the influences
toucht upon thus far, those of Owen, Sidney, Barclay, and More
may be regarded as transitory ; that of Bacon was more impor-
tant, tho less enduring than the influence of later English philoso-
phers-11 Of further-reaching importance were the visits of the
English comedians to Germany, which form the theme of the
next chapter.

10 See beginning of this chapter.

11 Zart [307] and Freudenthal 's review of the same.

134 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 2

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY— DRAMATIC

The wanderings of the English comedians in Germany during
the last decades of Shakespeare's life and the half century or
more after his death form one of the most romantic episodes of
literary history. The reconstruction of the itineraries, reper-
tories, and stage technik of these companies in broad outline,
and the resurrection even of unimportant but convincing detail,
constitute one of the definite triumphs of the last round hundred
years of research.

In the year 1592 an Englishman by the name of Fynes
Moryson past thru Frankfurt and found some of his country-
men presenting some English plays for the entertainment of the
German audience. Moryson was not at all edified by the exhi-
bition and exprest himself in no uncertain terms in the account
which he wrote on his return. This account [26] was publisht
in London in 1617.

In the nineteenth century it seems to have been Ludwig Tieck
who first called attention to the comedians. In his Deutsches
Theater [27] he reported in 1817 regarding the comedians, but
in such a way as to excite curiosity rather than satisfy it. Ideas
regarding the comedians grew more fanciful until the whole
matter threatened to be lookt upon as a myth by scholars ; but
in reality Tieck had a store of evidence regarding the subject,
which eventually came to light. About the year 1850 Tieck
was called upon to pay a large debt which his brother had con-
tracted. Not having the necessary money, he was compelled to
sell the valuable library he had been zealously collecting. In
order to do so, however, his books had to be first put in order
and cataloged.1 For this special service Albert Cohn was called

Cf. ShJ XLII (1906) 221.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 135

in. Confidential relations were establisht between Tieck and
Cohn. Tieck 's data regarding the comedians were placed at
Cohn's service, and thus the first reliable account of the wan-
derings and repertory of the players was rendered possible.
Cohn's work [28] of the year 1865 is of value even to-day.
The historical introduction is followed by six specimens from
the plays of Ayrer and the repertory of the English comedians.^
Cohn was indebted not only to Tieck but to the work of A.3
and E. A. Hagen,4 Fiirstenau,5 Grimm,6 and Rommel.7 His
work was supplemented by Kohler in the Shakespeare-Jahrbuch
of the same year [29]. By the year 1886 the data regarding
the productions of the comedians had already reacht extensive
proportions, as a glance at the items indicated by Goedeke will
show.8 When Creizenach [39] summed up the results three
years later he was able to include additional material brot in
by Bolte, Cohn, Trautmann, Criiger, and Konnecke during the
years 1885-1889.° The more recent work of Herz [45] is divided
into two parts, corresponding to parts I and III of Creizenach ;10
the first dealing with the wanderings, the third with the reper-
tory of the comedians.

2 Comedy of the Beautiful Sidea, by Jacob Ayrer of Niirnberg (about
1595), the only drama extant which points to the plot of Shakespeare's
Tempest; Comedy of the Beautiful Phaenicia, by Jacob Ayrer of Niirnberg
(about 1595), containing the plot of Shakespeare's Much Ado about
Nothing; Tragedy of Julius and Hyppolita, acted in Germany, about the
year 1600, by English players, containing part of the plot of Shake-
speare's Two Gentlemen of Verona; Tragedy of Titus Andronicus, acted in
Germany, about the year 1600, by English players, supposed to be an
imitation of the old Titus Andronicus; Tragedy of Fratricide punished or
Prince Hamlet of Denmark, acted in Germany, about the year 1603, by
English players; Tragedy of Borneo and Juliet, acted in Germany, in (and
perhaps before) the year 1629, by English players.

3 A. Hagen, Shakespeares erstes Erscheinen auf den Biihnen Deutsch-
lands. Preusz. Prov.-U. 1832.

4 E. A. Hagen, Geschichte des Theaters in Preuszen (Konigsberg 1854).

5 Moritz Fiirstenau, Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hofe
der Kurfiirsten von Sachsen (Dresden 1861).

e Grimm [54].

i Rommel, Geschichte von Hessen (Cassel 1837), Bd. VI.

s Goedeke, Grundrisz sur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung1* II 522ff.

» See BIBLIOGRAPHY [34]-[39].

10 See BIBLIOGRAPHY for chapter headings of Creizenach [39].

136 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

As far as the repertory is concerned, Herz had little to add
to the collection of his predecessor. In the fourteen years that
had elapst since 1889, however, a mass of new material had
accumulated in regard to the journey ings of the English players,
to which Bolte's two monographs, [40] and [42], contributed
the largest share. That Herz failed, unfortunately, to include
all the material available has been demonstrated by his reviewers.
Von Weilen points out the following omissions : The appearance
of Sackville in Vienna, in 1590, and in Prag August, 1598 ; of
Green in Vienna, July 28, 1617 ; of the players of Moritz von
Hessen and Herzog Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig in Prag,
1610; and of comedians at the court of Philipp Julius von
Pommern-Wolgast, 1606 and 1623 (Richard Jones's name is
signed to a petition of the latter date) j11 Kaulfusz-Diesch calls
attention to an appearance of the troupe of Peter de Prun in
Nurnberg in the year 1594, while Witkowski mentions certain
unused sources of information.12 Since the appearance of Herz's
work the fund of available information has been further increast
by the articles of Witkowski and Niedecken-Gebhart, [46] and
[48] . Herz shows a series of maps of Germany upon which are
indicated in graphic fashion the wanderings of the various
troupes. The narrative of their wanderings is also found in
connected form in the monographs of both Creizenach and Herz
and need not be repeated here. The graphic representation on
the diagram opposite page 138 will serve in place of much de-
tailed description. The outline is based chiefly on Herz 's resume
and on the addenda of his reviewers as indicated above. In its
broad outline the history of English comedians in Germany
presents itself as follows:

The English comedians found their way into1 Germany by
way of Denmark. In 1579 English musicians are reported in

11 Meyer [44] 209.

12 Witkowski refers to: Koppmann, Zur Geschichte der dramatiscJien
Darstellung in Bostock, in Beitrdge zur Geschichte BostocTcs 1890, 37-70;
Hippe, Aus dem Tagebuch eines Breslauer Schulmanns im 17. Jahrhundert,
in Zeitschrift des Vereins fur Geschichte und Altertum Schlesiens, XXXVI,
190ff.; Zimmermann in the Braunschweig er Anzeiger 1902, nos. 117-122,
later in the Festschrift fur Hermann Paul.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 137

Denmark; in 1585 English players followed them. In the next
year William Kempe and his followers are all designated by
name as players at the court.13 Christian I, the electoral prince
of Saxony, heard of the performances in Denmark and thru his
connexion with the king arranged for a visit of Kempe 's five
players to his court. These players followed him on his journeys
and entertained him with their repertory, which consisted of
"Singspiele, Schauspiele, Musik und Tanz." They remained
about nine months in his service, leaving Dresden July 15, 1587,
and visiting Danzig on their homeward journey.13*

A lasting foothold in Germany was first secured by the troupe
of Browne in the year 1592. Browne was succeeded by Greene
temporarily during the years 1593-1596 and permanently in
1607. From Browne's troupe descended the Sackville troupe
(1593-1603), the Webster troupe (1598-1613), the Blackreude-
Theer troupe (1603-1606), the Greene troupe (1607-1627). It
will be noted that the Sackville, Blackreude-Theer, and Greene
troupes exactly combine to cover the period 1593-1627 (see dia-
gram opposite p. 138). After the year 1627 Greene's name ap-
pears no more in the records. Reinhold seems to have been his
immediate successor. The Reinhold troupe in spite of losses and
reorganizations held itself together for nearly half a century
longer. Certain of its members are mentioned as playing in
the year 1671, and it is supposed that they took part in per-
formances in Dresden of an even later date.14

Contemporaneous with the Browne-Greene troupe were other
companies which purported to come directly from England.
The most notable of these were the Spencer troupe (1604-1623)

13 William Kempe did not go with the others at this time, but his
presence in Germany at a later time is attested. He is a well known
personage in English stage history. He was a player of Shakespeare's
clowns and an incorrigible improviser. Hamlet's strictures in the speech
to the players are said to have reference to him. Eegarding this as well
as Kempe 's continental journeys see Nicholson, Kempe and the play of
Hamlet in Transactions of the new Shakespeare society, series I no. 8, 57-65.
That Kempe visited Germany is stated by Cohn [28] xxi and Bolte [38]
101. Cf. Creizenach [39] iii and Herz [45] 6.

i3» Bolte [40] xvi.

14 Herz [45] 58.

138 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

and the Jolliphus troupe (1648-1660). It is by no means cer-
tain, however, that these troupes were entirely unrelated to the
Browne-Greene stock. Thus Kaulfusz-Diesch mentions as sig-
nificant the fact that of five dramas played by Spencer in Niirn-
berg in 1613 three correspond to plays known to have been in
Browne's repertory,15 while Worp [47] calls attention to the
notice of the birth in Niirnberg, December 29, 1659, of a child
to Geo. Jolliphus and Maria di Roy. This Maria di Roy of
Utrecht is shown to be related to William Rowe, who was a
member of the Reinhold troupe and later a leader of a part of
the same. The presence in Utrecht in 1645 of a "Willem van
Roo" had already been establisht.16 It has thus been made to
appear that the Jolliphus ensemble, far from being a new troupe,
consists in part at least of the remnants of the old Browne-Greene
troupe which Jolliphus from now on directed.17

Recent information in regard to players in Leipzig is partic-
ularly difficult to harmonize with previously existing theories.
An entry of the city records, dated July 19, 1585, and reprinted
by Witkowski [46], records the payment of "5 Thaler den
englischen Spielleuten, so ufm Rathhaus ihr Spiel mit allerlei
Kurzweil getrieben." Witkowski interprets "Kurzweil" as
inclusive of a comedy. It will be noted that this performance
antedates by more than a year the arrival of the Danish players
of Christian I, which has previously been regarded as the
earliest appearance of the comedians in Germany.

The second item from Leipzig18 also runs counter to pre-
existing impressions. Hitherto no information could be obtained
of any English comedians in Germany between the date of the
arrival of Kempe's followers (1587) and the arrival of Browne

15 Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 142.

16 Herz [45] 56. Herz depends on Wolter, Chronologic der Eeichsstadt
Coin, Zeitschrift des Bergischen Geschichtsvereins XXXII, 102.

17 Attention is also called to the large number of sporadic perform-
ances indicated on the outline opposite page 138, such as those of Peter de
Prun (1594), Fabian Penton (1602), the " Hof schauspieler des Prinzen
Moritz von Oranien" (1611), an unknown troupe in Frankfurt (1607),
and about a dozen other attested performances which cannot with cer-
tainty be attributed to any particular company. Of. Herz [45] 63.

is Witkowski [46] 442.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 139

(1592), but the city records of Leipzig record the payment of
two gulden to one Andreas Rothch at the end of July 1591,
"dasz er ein Spiel vom reichen Mann gespielt." If Wustmann
is right in seeing an Andrew Rudge behind this name, then the
existence of a hitherto unknown company must be conceded.

Entries in a private diary indicate the presence of English
entertainers in Leipzig in the years 1610, 1611, and 1613. One
entry reads, "Im Ostermarkt sind 2 Englische Comodianten
allhier gewest." Witkowski, rather arbitrarily it seems, inter-
prets this to mean two troupes of comedians. The entry of
April 25, 1613 is also ambiguous: "Bis Pfingsten hat der
Engellander Hanss Leberwurst mit s. Knaben Comodien gespielt
in der Fleischergasse. " Whether two persons are meant here
or an entire English company is not clear. It would be strange,
however, if the Leipziger Messen never sot to compete with the
Frankfurt festivals in theatricals of this type, and doubtless
more decisive information will be produced in course of time.

It is unlikely, however, that the existence of any hitherto
unknown companies will be demonstrated. The sporadic per-
formances here and there were in all probability staged . by
stragglers of- the already well-known companies. It does not
seem likely that new companies coming from England would
have found it easy to win large rewards. Even the old estab-
lisht companies played with varying success. They discovered
that it was first necessary to learn the German language, then
that they must acquire the art of pleasing the spectators with-
out conflicting with the city authorities. In times of little income
there was a tendency to split up into smaller groups, which were
perhaps recruited by additions from amateur German talent.
The term "eine neue, aus England herubergekommene Truppe"
probably had an advertizing value, and doubtless some com-
panies called themselves English that had no valid claim to that
designation.

The leaders of the various companies differed widely in their
personal characteristics. The most reliable and honest of them
all was Browne. He was aware of the inferior place assigned

140 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

by society to actors and accepted it as a matter of course. He
cherisht his reputation as a man and could remind the author-
ities, "dasz er nie wegen Uberforderung der Spectatores oder
sonstiger Unbill bestraft worden sei."19 This was a rare dis-
tinction for a player. The civic authorities addrest Browne
always in terms of respect. He accepted a refusal from them as
final. He was not enterprizing and not inventive, but he never
demeaned his art to gain the favor of the spectators. Greene
was in most respects the opposite of Browne. He judged suc-
cess by financial gain and, measured by that standard, was a
good business manager. He met city councillors on a basis of
equality. He preferred to seek a virgin soil rather than to
cultivate the old fields. Sackville was a many sided artist who
played all types of fool and clown with equal success. He later
utilized his experience as buyer for his company and his popu-
larity with people and court, by becoming a merchant and
" Hof lief erant " in Braunschweig. Spencer was a Greene on a
larger scale. He met the authorities with an attitude of superi-
ority. His spectacles, especially his Tilrkiscke Triumphkomodie,
were the most elaborate recorded. He treated the public with
a certain mephistophelian irony. When accused he could play
the role of the injured benefactor. Meeting opposition once in
Koln, he found a way nevertheless to continue his performance ;
he argued about religion with the authorities and let himself
and his company ostensibly be converted to Catholicism. As a
reward they were permitted to play during Lent at an increast
price. In Dresden and Berlin his change of heart was not known
and he was received with the usual favor on his return. There
was nothing grandiose in the faults of Jolliphus. Either the
time or the immediate surroundings of the comedian's life seem
to have had a depraving effect upon him. He is last heard of
in Niirnberg, where he played in May and June 1659. He was
ordered out of the city at the end of September and again at
the end of October ; he was then permitted to return on November

[45] 22.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

141

14, only to be driven out again on account of a disgraceful row,
of which he was the occasion.

Information regarding the repertory of the English come-
dians is far from complete. It is based chiefly upon fifteen lists
of plays which were handed in to the city authorities by the
comedians desirous of permission to play20 and upon a collection
of the plays of the English comedians containing ten plays and
five farces publisht in Leipzig in 1620 (2nd edition, 1624). On
the basis of this and some miscellaneous evidence the following
English plays have been listed by Creizenach as presented in
Germany, or as related to some plays performed in Germany.
The precise nature of the relationship is in most cases in doubt.
Very frequently the English play and the German play are
shown to have had a common origin in some well known Euro-
pean romance ; but even in these cases some minor incident, a
character, or some phrase shows that the English version has
contributed something to the version of the comedians
Germany.

John Still, Bishop of

Bath:

Kobert Wilmot:
George Peele:

Christopher Marlowe:

Thomas Kyd:
Eobert Greene:

Henry Chettle:
William Shakespeare:

20 See Herz [45] 64-70.
[39] xxvii-xxxi.

Gammer Gurton's needle

Tancred and Gismunde

Sir Clyomon and Sir Clamydes

The Turkish Mahomet and Hyrin the fair Greek

Doctor Faustus

The rich Jew of Malta

The massacre of Paris

The Spanish tragedy

Orlando Furioso

A looking glass for London and England

Alphonsus, king of Arragon

Patient Grissil

Comedy of errors

A midsummer night's dream

The merchant of Venice

The taming of the shrew

King Henry IV

Titus Andronicus

Romeo and Juliet

Julius Caesar

Hamlet, prince of Denmark

King Lear

Othello, the Moor of Venice

The winter's tale

Thirteen of these are included in Creizenach

142

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Pseudo-Shakesperean
plays:

George Chapman:
Thomas Dekker:
Thomas Hey wood:

William Houghton and

John Day:
John Marston:
Lewis Machin:
John Mason:
Francis Beaumont and

John Fletcher:
Philip Massinger:

John Ford:
Henry Glapthorne:
Lewis Sharpe:
Anonymous plays:

The two noble kinsmen

The London prodigal

A Yorkshire tragedy

Mucedorus

The conspiracy and tragedy of Charles, duke of

Byron

Old Fortunatus

If this be not good, the devil is in it
King Edward IV
The rape of Lucrece

Friar Eush and the proud woman of Antwerp

Parasitaster or the fawn

The dumb knight

The Turke

The maid's tragedy

The prophetess

The virgin martyr

The great duke of Florence

The broken heart

Albertus Wallenstein

The noble stranger

The prodigal child

Esther and Ahasverus

Nobody and somebody with the true chronical
historyie of Elidure, who was fortunately
three several times crowned kinge of England

Sir Thomas More

The tragical life and death of Tiberius Claudius
Nero

The following plays are also listed by Creizenach as indi-
cating the existence of English plays which are now lost :

Julio und Hyppolita

Comodia von der schonen Sidea, wie es ihr bisz zu ihrer Verheuratung

ergangen

Tug end und Liebesstreit
Schone lustige triumphirende comoedia von eines koniges Sohne aus

Engellandt und des Koniges Tochter aus Schottlandt
The four sons of Aymon

The influence of the English comedians upon dramatic art
was more important than upon literary production. These
entertainers were the first professional players in Germany.
Their performances easily surpast in theatrical art the "Schul-
komodien," the ' * Fastnachtsspiele, " and the productions of the
"Ziinfte." It is true that the "Ziinfte" were semi-professional.
Their members joined their talents and produced plays for money
in their own cities and even journeyed to neighboring cities, but

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 143

they never abated their dignity as citizens and master workmen.
It was their aim as Hans Sachs's Prologus frequently says:

Ein Tragedi zu recedirn

In teutscher Sprach zu eloquirn.2i

It was the aim of the English comedians, on the other hand,
to arouse emotions, fear or at least horror, or to cause tumultu-
ous laughter. They cared not a whit for dignity. They sub-
merged their own individualities in the parts which they played,
and they studied every gesture and facial expression in order
to emphasize its effects. The frequent stage direction to "tear
the hair" seems to have been meant and understood literally.
In short, the comedians brot with them an entirely new attitude
toward their art. Their specialty was what is known to-day
as "getting it over." There is no doubt that they exerted a
deep and lasting influence upon dramatic art in Germany. The
direct successors of the English players were the wandering
players of the last half of the seventeenth century, among whom
Velten was recognized as a leader. A direct descendant profes-
sionally of Velten was Frau Neuber, who was later to join for a
time with Gottsched in the purification of the stage, especially
from the very abuses the English comedians had brot in.

The plays of the comedians were at first given in the English
language, which, according to Herz, explains the cool reception
accorded to the Browne company in Frankfurt and Niirnberg
in 1592 and 1593.22 The year 1596 found the company still
playing in the English language. When the change to the
German language began is not known; but it began as early as
1608,23 and we may assume that it was completed at the time of
the publication of the Leipzig collection of 1620. During the

21 With the view that the English comedians were more realistic in
their representation than the amateur players from the peasant and poorer
classes Minor in his review of Kaulfusz-Diesch does not coincide. Euph
XIV (1907) 802.

22 Herz [45] 11; but cf. Moryson [26], who reports that the Frankfurt
performance found great favor.

23 Niemand und Jemand was played in German in Gratz in the year
1608; see Bischoff [58a].

144 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

early or English-speaking period, Gundolf holds, the English
verse form was retained,24 but doubtless monologs and dialogs
unaccompanied by action were omitted from the earliest time.
The trend toward demoralization increast after the plays were
transferred into German prose. Thereby every connexion with
the poetic original was severed and unrestricted opportunity was
given for the improvization of words and the introduction25 of
the rude comedy of the clowns, that was sure to call forth an
immediate reaction from the audience.

The naturalistic tendencies of the players favored the transi-
tion to the prose form. Kaulfusz-Diesch holds that the first
transition was from English verse to German verse, and that
the prose form, as represented by the collection of 1620, was the
result of a later disintegration. The prose plays of Herzog
Heinrich Julius formed an exception in this period, Kaulfusz-
Diesch holds, the prose being occasioned by the duke's extreme
haste. Kaulfusz-Diesch bases this theory chiefly upon two facts :
First, that there are rithmic lines in the collection of 1620,26
remnants, he says, of the earlier verse form; and second, that
the Blackreude troupe in Niirnberg in 1604 undertook to present
its play in "schonen deutschen Reimen." Kaulfusz-Diesch is
somewhat alone in this belief.

Minor, in his review of Kaulfusz-Diesch, holds it as most
improbable that the English comedians would have made first
the transition from English blank verse to the German "vier-
hebigen Reimpaaren." The rimes at Niirnberg would scarcely
have been mentioned, he says, unless they had formed an ex-
ception,27 while the " durchklingende Verse" of the collection of
1620 might have been an intentional imitation of the Shake-
spearean mixture of prose and poetry. Minor holds further
that it is improbable that a rimed version, once establisht, would
have given way to a prose version. That the lack of rime was

a* Gundolf [416] 18.

25 Ibid., p. 20.

26 Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 85.

2? Minor, review of Kaulfusz-Diesch [49]; Euph XIV (1907) 801.

1920] Price: English>German Literary Influences— Survey 145

felt as a fault, is shown by the fact that two of Herzog Julius's
plays were later done into rime by a reviser. Doubtless the
companies gladly availed themselves of rimed versions when
such were to be had, but for the most part contented themselves
with prose.

The new or naturalistic technik was the most essential in-
novation of the English comedians. It did not impress the
spectators, however, so forcibly as some concrete changes that
were brot in. These changes consisted of the employment of a
new type of stage, the use of elaborate stage decorations, and
the introduction of new types of stage fools. All these inno-
vations have been studied in detail by Kaulfusz-Diesch. He
develops his stage from a minute study of a large number of
dramas of the comedians, dramas of Herzog Julius von Braun-
schweig, and of Jacob Ayrer of Nurnberg. It is possible here
only to record his results. He holds that the stage of the English
comedians, like that of their contemporaries at home, was divided
into three parts, which he calls * ' Vorderbiihne, Hinterbiihne und
Oberbiihne." The "Vorderbiihne" was without decoration and
was neutral, i.e., it could represent any place according to need.
The ' ' Hinterbiihne " was not separated from the " Vorder-
biihne," but was distinguisht from it by the presence of specific
decoration; consequently it could not be neutral. The "Ober-
biihne" was a balcony attacht to the rear wall and could rep-
resent whatever specific place a play demanded. One or two
doors were at the back of the " Hinterbiihne " beneath the
balcony. There were also doors at the right and left opening
directly into the ' ' Vorderbiihne, ' ' as indicated in the diagram on
page 146. Kaulfusz-Diesch finds that the stage directions in the
plays of Herzog Julius von Braunschweig almost without ex-
ception are applicable to a stage precisely like that described.
The text and stage directions of Jakob Ayrer, on the other hand,
point to a compromize between the old Hans Sachs stage and
that of the English comedians, which may be represented as
follows :

146 University of Calif ornia- Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9

Back of stage

Standorte^

Balkon

Balkan (=Zinne)

Standorte™

Hinterbiihne

Ungeteilte
Neutralbiihne

Ungeteilte
Neutralbiihne
(= Buhne oder Bruclce)

Neutrale Vorderbiihne

Hans Sachs

Englische
Komodianten

Ayrer

A more definite idea of Kaulf usz-Diesch 's conception of the
appearance of the stage of the English comedians is given below.

Fig. 1 — Keconstruction of the stage of Herzog Heinrich Julius von
Braunschweig (according to Kaulfusz-Diesch [49]).
(a) "Vorderbuhne"
(fc) "Hinterbuhne"
(c) "Balkon"

Kaulf usz-Diesch 's investigation is painstaking and thoro, but
the critics are far from ready to concede that he has proved his
assertions. Bolte records his conclusions without taking excep-
tion to them, but Minor and Kilian in their more detailed reviews
indicate points where he has forcibly fitted the stage directions
to his hypothesis regarding the German stage, and Evans points
out that his original assumption regarding the threefold division
of the English stage is false. It appears that it will be impos-

28 In the religious dramas as well as in Hans Sachs 's dramas a given
place on the stage represented a given locality (heaven, hell, a tavern,
etc.), as long as a certain group of people maintained its position there.
Such a point was called a ' ' Standort. ' '

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 147

sible to obtain convincing results regarding the stage from in-
ternal evidence alone, and definite external evidence is lacking.

More impressive to the German public than the change of
stage form was the elaborate stage scenery and costume. The
splendor of the English comedians came to be proverbial. In
the Magdeburger Geldklage of Johannes Olorinus Variscus
(1614) a passage reads: "Da rniissen die Kragen mit Perlen
besetzet werden, und wird ein solcher Pracht gesehen, dasz sie
einhergehen, wie die Englischen Komodianten. "29 The troupe
of Greene had, at least on one occasion, a special "Kleiderbe-
wahrer,"30 and Spencer, whose Tilrkische Triumphkomodie sur-
past all else as a show play, once claimed 1000 Thaler as due
to him from the court for expenditures.30 These large expendi-
tures seem not to have been taken into account by Harris in his
estimate of the profits of the companies [50].

The role of the fool was of course traditional with the German
religious and profane drama as well as the Elizabethan. The
English comedians merely introduced new and distinctive types.
The new clown was distinguisht by his groteskness and his origi-
nality. Elsewhere in the play of the comedians the principle
of naturalness was adhered to. Exaggeration, however, was the
privilege of the clown. Kaulfusz-Diesch distinguishes three
types of comic characters — the active, the passive, and the
acrobatic. The Jan Bouset played by Sackville and the Pickel-
haring of Reinhold were of the passive type, "der einfaltige
Tb'lpel. ' ' Wursthansel was of the active type, ' ' der Schlaukopf . ' '
The acrobatic clown was called the * ' Springer. ' ' It was such a
one of whom it is recorded ( Schmalkalden 1595), "dasz er in Paul
Merkerts Hof gesprungen und die "Wand hinauf gelaufen sei."5
These various types were not always kept apart and were later
combined with the Harlekin of Italian origin. Kaulfusz-Diesch
remarks: "In einer Beziehung sind die englischen Komodien

so Quoted by Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 107.

so Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 107.

siHerz [45] 13.

si* Kaulfusz-Diesch [49] 114.

148 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

armer als das altere deutsche Drama; es fehlt ihnen der gemiit-
volle, philosophische Narr, der unter der Maske der Torheit tiefe
Weisheit verbirgt, der Jeckle des Hans Sachs in seiner Esther.
Shakespeare hat allerdings auch diese Gestalt ; die rohen Wander-
truppen in Deutschland jedoch konnten sie nicht brauchen. "3ia
Creizenach says: ' * Tiefsinniger und gemiitvoller Humor war
nicht ihre Sache."32

The action of the fool was sometimes merely indicated in
the manuscript, as in Fortunatus, "hier agiret Pikelharing ; "
in other cases the entire action was comic, as in the "Sing-
spiele ; " in still other cases it was originally a minor action
which later developt into a major one. In the English original
of Jemand und Niemand the comic element makes up about a
third of the play, in the German version of 1608 it is about
half, in the version of 1620 about two-thirds.33 As the comic
figure was regarded as the chief character, it was usually played
by the leader of the company. Sackville played Jan Bouset,
Spencer called himself ' ' Stockfisch, " and Reinhold, "Pickel-
haring. ' '

When the immediate literary influence of the English come-
dians is thot of, only two names can come under consideration ;
Herzog Julius of Braunschweig and Jakob Ayrer of Niirnberg.
Landgraf Moritz von Hessen is known to have written dramas
under the impulse given by the comedians, but his works have
not been preserved.34

The zeal of Herzog Heinrich Julius was phenomenal. In
the space of two years, 1593 and 1594, he wrote nine plays for
the comedians he had called to his court. His plays dealt chiefly
with German material, but his Tragoedia von einem ungerathenen
Sohn has been connected with Titus Andronicus, the Comoedia
von Vincentio Ladislao with Much ado about nothing, and the
Tragoedia von einer Ehebrecherin with the Merry wives of

32 Creizenach [39] cviii.

33 Kaulfusz-DiescK [49] 110.
s* See Duncker [56].

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 149

Windsor.35 The duke's court formed no bridge, however, by
which the English drama could gain access to the German public.
His court was remote from German public life. It did not even
represent the taste of a class, as did the court of Louis XIV.
The players, for their part, soon lost their feeling for their native
land and perpetuated only a stage tradition.

The precise relations of Jakob Ayrer of Niirnberg to the
influence of the English comedians is a problem that has occu-
pied investigators for a round hundred years. In his Deutsches
Theater (1817) Ludwig Tieck recognized that the dramas of
Jakob Ayrer stood in some close relation to the English dramas
and attributed the fact to the influence of the English comedians.
Wodick35a lists 241 works devoted in whole or in part to this
theme. His eight-page "Uberblick iiber den Gang der For-
schung" scarcely permits of any further condensation. Despite
the objections of reviewers, he accepts the work of Kaulfusz-
Diesch [49] as representing the present state of our knowledge
in regard to Ayrer 's stage as influenced by the comedians. Re-
garding the sources of Ayrer 's plays, we must give Wodick's
own work pre-eminence.

Robertson [51] drew up a chronology of Ayrer 's works,
basing it on the extent of English influence recognizable in his
dramas.36 Kaulfusz-Diesch has shown that his chronology is
untenable, and has drawn up another plan which shows, indeed,
that Ayrer first made use of the English clown in the second of
his Roman dramas, begun May 24, 1596, that is to say about a
month after an appearance of Sackville in Niirnberg; but not
all of the several dramas of the next following years made use
of the English clown. In the year 1602 the Browne troupe ap-
peared in Niirnberg, and its presence there was followed by a
series of dramas written by Ayrer, the subject matter of which
is closely related to that of the English comedians.

35 The plays were reprinted in 1855. See BIBLIOGRAPHY [53].

35aWodick [52] vi-xii.

ss Jakob Ayrer was born 1543 in Niirnberg, moved 1570 to Bamberg,
moved 1593 back to Niirnberg, where he was "Prokurator am Stadt-
gericht." He died in 1605. The period 1593-1605 is the time of his
greatest productivity.

150 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

To this chronology one non-conflicting detail has been sug-
gested by Castle [69]. He points out that in Ayrer's Histo-
rischer Processus Juris (Frankfurt 1597) Faust appears as a
doctor of laws; in the folk book he had been known only as a
doctor of philosophy and theology ; the new degree had been
first conferred upon him by Marlowe. Marlowe's version might
have been brot to Niirnberg in 1596 by the Browne troupe, whose
performance Ayrer might have seen.

Wodick [52] coincides with Kaulfusz-Diesch in discarding
the chronology of Robertson. He finds that nothing is gained
by the endeavor to distinguish two periods in Ayrer's produc-
tivity, the one preceding and the other following his acquaintance
with the art of the comedians. The new element is present in
greater or less measure in all the dramas after 1593, but at the
same time Ayrer recurred ever and anon to the Hans Sachs type
of drama, which had been his starting point.

Certain of Ayrer's plays, however, present knotty problems
to the investigator of sources, and there is an extensive literature
on the relation of various dramas of Ayrer to certain dramas of
Shakespeare.38 Gundolf is doubtless right, none the less, in hold-
ing that Ayrer is quite as negligible as Herzog Julius as a
bridge for Shakespeare 's entrance into Germany. Herzog Julius
was inspired by the outward display of the comedians. The
external technik of the new players influenced Ayrer also, if
we accept the conclusions of Kaulfusz-Diesch. What chiefly
appealed to Ayrer, however, was the abundance of new material.
Herzog Julius would never have written but for the comedians ;
Ayrer would have written differently. Herzog Julius was in-
different to all traditions. Jakob Ayrer respected the old Hans
Sachs tradition, to which he adhered in its essentials. Unlike

38 The surmizes up to date and the facts ascertained in regard to this
group of plays are discust by Wodick [52], who devotes the largest share
of attention to the relation between Ayrer's Die schone Sidea and Shake-
speare 's Tempest. A common source accounts for most of the similarities.
Kaulfusz-Diesch [458] arrives at a like conclusion in regard to the
relation of Much ado about nothing and Ayrer's Die vom Tode erweckte
Fenicia cf. Heinrich [463x].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 151

Hans Sachs, however, Jakob Ayrer stood in need of some enrich-
ment of material. Gundolf says:

Des Schuhmachers Werke sind alle zusammengehalten durch jene welt-
freudige Stimmung, dasz es so viele merkwiirdige Dinge gibt, die man
seinen lieben Landsleuten mitteilen kann. . . . Bei Ayrer fiihlt man, dasz
sie nicht mehr aus einem Lebensgefiihl heraus geschaffen sind, sondern
aus der selbstandig und erstarrt welter rollenden Tradition.40

Gundolf weaves these relationships into the form of a symbol.

Man konnte auf diesem engen theatergeschichtlichen Gebiet Schicksale
vorgebildet sehen, die der Krieg auf politischem iiber Deutschland ge-
bracht: in Ayrer den Zerfall des deutschen Burgergeistes, in Heinrich
Julius die Entfremdung der deutschen Fiirsten, im Erfolg der englischen
Komodianten die Fremdherrschaft, in alien dreien Verwelschung, Ver-
stofflichung, Entvolkung, das Erloschen der bauenden, bindenden, begei-
sterten und begeisternden Kraft, die aus menschlichen Fahigkeiten erst
ein Ganzes, im Mensehen Stil, im Volk Kultur schafft.4!

Neither in Ayrer's works nor elsewhere did Shakespeare live
in Germany in the seventeenth century. At most we can speak
of the history of Shakespearean themes in Germany. For Shake-
speare 's works, as well as those of his contemporaries, were
reduced to raw material ; the spirit of the works departed from
them. Shakespeare 's works fared rather better than some others,
for as Gundolf points out:

Lear, Othello, Casar, Hamlet, iiberhaupt Shakespeares Werke, waren
straffer zusammengehalten als selbst die besten Werke seiner Mit-
werber, denen Unterhaltung und Fabel doch immer wichtiger war als
Pathos und Weltbild. Dieser Zusammenhalt, den die Shakespearischen
Fabeln relativ vor den iibrigen Darbietungen der Komodanten voraus
haben, ist (auszer einigen mythischen Biihnenbildern) fast das einzige,
was den dichterischen Ursprung dieser elenden Texte noch erkennen
laszt. Aber freilich ist dieser Zusammenhalt nur bewahrt, weil er
nicht tot gekriegt werden konnte, nicht etwa aus Pietat, oder auch nur
weil er brauchbar gewesen ware.42

To speak of the influence of Shakespeare's works on public
taste in Germany would be misleading; but it is interesting to

4oQundoif [416] 54.

41 Ibid., p. 56.

42 Ibid., p. 22-23.

152 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

note with Gundolf the influence of public taste on Shakespeare 's
works. He takes up in order several of the essential passages
in Shakespeare's dramas and shows how they disintegrated at
the hands of the comedians.

Vom Titus bis zum Juden von Venedig laszt sich eine Stufenfolge der
Zersetzung des Organismus durch den Mechanismus aufstellen. Der
deutsche Titus zeigt Charaktere, Sprache, Symbolik und Sinn zerstort
durch die Nerven-und Stoffsensation, die komischen Teile des Hamlet den
Sieg der Biihnenburleske iiber Humor und Ironie, Romeo den Sieg des
Opernhaften iiber das Poetische, der Jud von Venedig den Sieg der Gar-
derobe iiber die Handlung. . . . Nacheinander werden weggef ressen Sprache,
Seele, Symbolik, Stimmung, Charakteristik, Sinn, Handlung, und nach
einander werden herrschend Stoffmasse, Clown, Dekoration, Musik,
Garderobe.43

To show how the poetry of Shakespeare was converted into
the prose of the comedians, one of the examples presented by
Gundolf will suffice. Titus Andronicus II, 2, has the following
passage :

The hunt is up, the morn is bright and gray,
The fields are fragrant and the woods are green.
Uncouple here and let us make a bay
And wake the Emperor and his lovely bride.

I have dogs, my lord,

Will rouse the proudest panther in the chase
And climb the highest promontory top.
And I have horse will follow where the game
Makes way, and run like swallows o 'er the plain.

The English comedians rendered this passage as follows:

O wie lieblich und freundlich singen jetzt die Vogel in den Liiften,
ein jeglich suchet jetzt seine Nahrung . . . schb'ner und lustiger Jaget
hab ich mein Tage nicht gesehen.

However soon the poetic element may have forsaken Shake-
speare's dramas when transferred to German soil, the plots of
his plays soon became public property there, and the seventeenth
century produced a number of dramas based on Shakespearean
themes. The play Tugend und Liebesstreit (1697) deals with

Ibid., p. 47-48.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 153

the same theme as Shakespeare's Twelfth night." The Merchant
of Venice,1* Romeo and Juliet,™ King Lear,47 Hamlet48 and Titus
Andronicus49 were presented in the seventeenth century in forms
not wholly unlike their original, but Shakespeare 's name is never
mentioned in connexion with the plays. With few exceptions
the adaptors are also unnamed. Of the known adaptors may
be mentioned Michael Kongehl (1646-1712), who made use of
Much ado about nothing and Cymbeline,50 Christoph Bliimel,
who produced a version of the Merchant of Venice5^ (1654), and
Christian Weise (circa 1700), who produced a poor version of
The taming of the shrew.52 The only really excellent adaptation
of a Shakespearean play is the Peter Squenz of Andreas Gryphius
(1657), of which the peasant comedy of the Midsummer night's
dream forms the main action.53

Lessing was the first critic of note to comment on the con-
geniality of the English and German temperaments. He sup-
ported his assertion by a single example : ' ' Gottsched, ' ' he said,
"hatte . . . hinlanglich abmerken konnen, dasz unsere alten
Stiicke sehr viel englisches gehabt haben, und mehr in den
Geschmack der Englander als der Franzosen einschlagen, "54
Readers of Lessing ?s Literaturbriefe are still frequently inclined
to take sides with Lessing in his campaign against Gottsched
and the exclusive sway of French pseudo-classicism over the
German stage ; the illogicality of Lessing 's argument is therefore
all too easily overlookt by them.

44 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [463ax].

45 Ibid., [451]-[452].

46 Ibid., [459]-[461].

47 Ibid., [449]-[450].

48 Regarding the connexion of Der bestrafte Brudermord with Shake-
speare's Hamlet an extensive literature has grown up, [436]-[448].
Evans's view, [444], [446], and [447], seems to be prevailing, Creizenach,
the former chief opponent of that view, having modified his earlier
opinions.

49 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [450], [463], and [463x].
so Ibid., [464a].

51 Ibid., [452].

52 Ibid., [465]; cf. [462].

53 Ibid., [464], [453]-[456]. Palm [445] is the best authority on this
relation. Wysocki [456] should be used only in connexion with Creizenach 's
review of his work.

54 Lessing, Schriften VIII 41 ; letter of Feb. 16, 1759.

154 ' University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

From the popularity of the English plays, or rather, as one
would say today, of the English players, no conclusions should
be drawn disadvantageous to French classicism, which was almost
totally unrepresented in Germany in that century. Moreover,
the public that Lessing had in mind was, after all, different
from that which thronged the performances of the English come-
dians. Lessing 's statement needs to be narrowed down to the
assertion that the German public of the seventeenth century
was delighted with the crude strength of the dramatic products
of Elizabethan England. The fate of these dramas in Germany,
however, tends to bring out the differences rather than the simi-
larities subsisting between the Elizabethan public and the seven-
teenth century German public. These were, again, differences
of maturity rather than of race. The German public had not
yet reacht that elevation of taste and unity of spirit which lent
support to the dramas of Shakespeare. Whoever believes in the
existence of race characteristics, racial similarities and dissimi-
larities must defend his faith by other examples than that put
forth by Lessing.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 155

CHAPTER 3

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY IN GENERAL

Und warum ists falscher Geschmack, dem Britten zu folgen?
1st er nicht naher mit uns verwandt, als Galliens Sklaven,
Denen Gebrauch und Grammatik die starksten Fliigel besehneidenl
Deutsches sachsisches Blut schlagt in Brittanniens Barden.
Schande genug, dasz Enkel von uns uns langst iibertroffen,
Aber noch groszere Schande, wenn wir nicht Enkel verstiinden,
Und die gedankenreichsten Gesange fiir schwiilstig erklarten.
Aber noch brennt auch in unserem Deutschland das heilige Feuer,
Das von germanischen Barden auf brittische Barden gekommen.
Groszer Millton, wer konnt, auch bey uns dich schoner verewgen,
Als ein Bodmer und Klopstock durch ihre gottlichen Lieder!
Die unsterbliche Rowe singt aus dem fiihlenden \vieland;
Du, mein Gartner, Giseke, Gleim, Schmidt, Gellert und Schlegel,
Rammler, Leszing, und Dusch; und du freymiithiger Huber,
Ihr seyd alle Germaniens Zierde; und alle Verehrer
Der mit uns so nahe verschwisterten brittischen Musen.
Und konnt ich dich, Ebert, vergessen! Du, der du die Sprache
Dieses denkenden Volkes zu deinem Eigenthum machest?
Du, der Herold von jedem Genie der dichtrisehen Insel,
Wirst mit mir voll Mitleid die kriechenden Dunse verachten,
Die ihre Prosa voll hinkender Reime zur Gottinn erheben,
Oder vielleicht gliiht schon ein gliicklicher Schiiler von Popen,
Welcher die stolzen Zwerge mit Dunciaden verewigt.

In these words Zacharia in his Tageszeiten (1755) empha-
sizes one of the leading trends of German literature at the middle
of the eighteenth century, the preference of the younger school
of poets for English literature.

In the history of German literature in the eighteenth century
four movements stand out with especial prominence: the turn-
ing away from French pseudo-classicism, the simultaneous in-
crease of respect for English models, the renewed interest in the
classic literature property understood, and with it all the at-
tainment of literary independence on the part of Germany.
These movements are so interlockt that the study of any one

156 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

of them involves all the others. A perusal of Max Koch's brief
treatize Hber die Beziehungen der englischen Literatur zur
deutschen im achtzehnten Jahrhundert [76] convinces of this.
It is not easy to conceive of an essay more closely packt with
facts and at the same time more pregnant with ideas. Almost
every sentence is an embryonic paragraph, and the work as a
whole has served as a program for a series of investigations in
Germany, England, and America. It was never intended, how-
ever, as a permanent standard work of reference on its subject,
yet it is to-day still quoted as an authority, often to the ex-
clusion of more detailed and authoritative monographs, which
it has helpt to call into being. That this is the case is chiefly
due to the fact that it is not easy to learn of the whereabouts
of such monographs. It is the especial intent of this and the
following chapters to substitute the detailed monographs1 for the '
general work as authorities. At the time of Koch's writing the
present day authoritative work on the influence of the "moral
weeklies," of Pope, Thomson, Milton, Young, Percy, Ossian,
Richardson, Fielding, Sterne, Goldsmith, and Shakespeare in
Germany had yet to be written. Flindt [79] was little better
off as late as 1895, and he gives no indication, even by quotation
of authorities, of the progress that had been made in the last
twelve years. Seidensticker 's essay [77] of 1890 is preferable
to Flindt 's. It treats its subject matter with notable breadth.
Its generalizations are well founded, except that they give cur-
rency to certain traditional errors regarding Shakespeare's
entrance into Germany.2 Its details are also accurate3 and
handled in such a way as to present an impressive picture.

Since Koch's statements of facts in many cases have been
subjected to revision, his generalizations must be altered accord-
ingly. His final word is also assailable:

Die Verbindung mit modernen Literaturen hat uns zeitenweise ge-
schult, meist aber der deutschen Literatur ihre eigene Freiheit gekostet.

1 Cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY [72]-[372] and [466]-[623].

2 For a discussion of these traditional errors see SURVEY, chapter 14.

s An error in regard to Gellert 's translation of Eichardson is corrected
in SURVEY, p. 292, footnote 29.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 157

Nur in der innigsten Verbindung mit der Literatur des Altertums konnten
wir Hingebung und Selbstandigkeit mit einander verbinden. Dieses
Biindnis herzustellen, auf verschiedenen Wegen nach ihm strebend, be-
wuszt und unbewuszt, dahin zielten unsere literarischen Bemiihungen
seit den Tagen der Eenaissance. Nicht mit Hilfe der klassicistisehen
romanischen Literatur, sondern durch die stammverwandte englische sind
wir im achtzehnten Jahrhundert ans Ziel des langjahrigen Strebens
gelangt.4

Here speaks the classicist, and his words readily convince
those who see in the ripe works of Goethe and Schiller the last
phase of the German literary development; but voluntary sub-
mission and literary independence, "Hingebung und Selbstan-
digkeit," are as difficult to reconcile within the sway of ancient
literature as of modern ; and literary freedom is not to be found
in the acknowledgment of any one foren master.

There is one other statement of Koch's which many recent
investigations have tended to disprove. He says: "Hatte die
franzosische Literatur einen vorwiegend formalen Einflusz aus-
geiibt, so wirkte die englische hauptsachlich stofflich."5 On the
contrary, the fact stands out quite clearly to-day that the Eng-
lish influence on German literature in the eighteenth century
was largely a formal one. Addison was lookt upon as a master
of prose, while Pope's verse was the despair of his German ad-
mirers. Later the verse of Thomson was imitated, and the at-
tempt was made to soar with Milton in his flight. The letter-
form of Richardson's novels was reproduced, as were Fielding's
direct appeal, and Sterne's zigzag course of narration. Above
all the Shakespearean form of the drama broke down the pre-
vailing French form. It is true that in the attempt to follow
the English models new concepts were added to the German
language ; friendship, religious fervor, patriotism, sentimentality,
religious introspection, a feeling for popular poetry were de-
velopt in part under English influences. But even so such in-
fluences were not "stofflich," but rather, to make use of Gun-
dolf 's classification (Stoff, Form, Gehalt)5a they were influences
of the third and highest kind.

4 Koch [76] 40.

5 Ibid., p. 7.

Of. SURVEY, p. 120 and chapter 17.

158 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Before entering upon the discussion of the numerous English
men of letters whose works were known, admired, and imitated
in Germany in the eighteenth century it is of prime importance
to distinguish in a general way the stages of German cultural
development which conditioned the acceptance of these authors
by enlightened public opinion. To this end it is desirable to
make use of a fundamental principle of division which has appar-
ently never been set forth in any publisht treatize on the subject
but which has long been used in the study of English > German
influences in the German literature seminary at the University
of Wisconsin.6 There were three distinct groups of English
authors, embodying as many different tendencies, which in three
succeeding periods affected in some way the German pre-classical
eighteenth-century literature. There were in short three waves
of English influence.

The first group included such men as Addison, Pope, and
Thomson, who had certain strong French affiliations. Clear
thinking and clear writing were the highest ideals for them. By
the second group, including Milton and Young, man's religious
and emotional nature was emphasized, while the literature of the
third group, the dramas of Shakespeare, the songs of Macpher-
son's Ossian, and the popular poetry of Percy's collection had
the effect of setting in full light the justification and value of
genius, originality, and spontaneity in man.

The first impulse, which we have termed the Addison-Pope
wave of influence, makes its new force felt in the twenties and
endures thru the thirties and forties. Pope 's influence continues
even into the fifties, but it is being challenged by the forces which
Milton typifies. Milton begins to be a theme of discussion about
1740 and celebrates his triumph in the first three cantos of the
Messias (1748). Shakespeare becomes the vital problem with

6 It is with the express permission of Professor A. E. Hohlfeld that I
here first give broader circulation to this interpretation of the process
as a whole. A faint suggestion of some such classification of influence
can be found in Koch [76] (see especially pages 8 and 11) but unfortu-
nately in his subsequent presentation of the material it is completely lost
sight of.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 159

Lessing's 17. Literaturbrief (1759) but is not really establisht
until the ' ' Sturm und Drang ' ' period of the seventies.

The assimilation of these men of letters into Germany was
thus in inverse order to the order of their appearance in Eng-
land and not without good reason, for the sequence Shakespeare,
Milton, Pope represents a decline of the imaginative and creative
powers in England; Gottsched, Klopstock, Goethe represent a
corresponding ascent in Germany. Gottsched and Pope could
meet on a common footing, but German literature had to rise to a
higher- and still higher level before the fields of Milton and
Shakespeare could be surveyed. These periods of English in-
fluence, 1720-1740, 1740-1760, 1760-1780, are well worth bear-
ing in mind, tho deviations appear in the boundaries when more
closely inspected. What is true of the dates is also true of the
groups, for certain of the English poets are not to be classified
so sharply. Thomson, for example, was a pseudo-classical dra-
matist and a "sentimental" poet of nature, while Young was
a sentimental poet and a theoretic defender of genius and
originality.

The three important German literary centres, Hamburg,
Zurich, and Leipzig, were all connected with English literature
in a unique way. Leipzig, as a "klein Paris," was susceptible
to such English poetic influences as had a distinct French ad-
mixture. The sound sense and clear expression of Pope and
Addison found zealous advocates in Gottsched and his coterie.
Gottsched also followed French criticism of English writers
closely and quoted or echoed such criticism in his journals. To-
ward the second and third waves of English influence Leipzig
was compelled to assume a reactionary attitude.

Hamburg had ancient trade relations with England founded
on the traffic by sea. Many of the earliest translations came from
Hamburg, Brockes's translation of Pope and Thomson among
them; and Hamburg was foremost in the founding of popular
weeklies of the English type, Leipzig and Zurich taking second
and third place in this respect.

160 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Zurich's affiliations with England had a religious origin dat-
ing back at least to the time when English Protestants sot shelter
there in the reign of "Bloody Mary."6* It is not surprizing,
then, that Milton 's first advocate in Germany should have been
a Ziiricher, Bodmer. Bodmer's interest in English literature
was lifelong and extended not only to religious poetry but to
satirical poetry, to the Percy ballads and to Shakespeare as well.
A group of associates shared Bodmer's interest; their work
has been summarized by Vetter [102] .7 Among Bodmer's col-
leags Vetter makes especial mention of Hans Heinrich Waser,
deacon in Winterthur (1746-1777), the translator of Swift's
works in eight volumes (1756-1766) and of a prose version of
Butler's Hudibras (1765) ; of Johannes Tobler, Pastor at Er-
matingen (1754-1768), the author of a prose translation of
Thomson's Seasons and of a poetic translation of Gray's Ode
to adversity; and of Heinrich Escher, also a clergyman, who
translated sermons of John Tillotson, Archbishop of Canterbury,
whose style was said to have served Addison as a model, and of
Jeremy Taylor, "the Shakespeare of English prose, the Chryso-
stom of the English pulpit." The sermons of numerous other
English theologians were translated in Ziirich, among them those
of Isaac Barrow, Samuel Clarke, Philipp Doddridge, James Her-
vey, James Duchal, and Richard Hurd. The sermons of Lau-
rence Sterne appeared in Zurich after his better known works
had been translated elsewhere. English philosophy was repre-
sented by Fordyce, Ferguson, and Webb. In a moral weekly
Das Angenehme mit dem Niitzlichen (Zurich 1756-1767) Bacon,
Shaftesbury, Hume, Steele, Addison, Swift, Pope, Buckingham,
the Earl of Rochester, and John Gay are represented. These
are but minor facts. It is of the highest importance that Bodmer
was the most liberal interpreter of Addison in German liter-
ature, that he kindled Klopstock with Milton's spirit, and pre-
sumably first called Wieland's attention to Shakespeare.7 Zurich
deserves the distinction of having brot out the Wieland trans-

ea See BIBLIOGRAPHY [13a].
7Cf. Vetter [103].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 161

lation of Shakespeare (1762-1767) and its revision and continu-
ation by Eschenburg (1775-1782).

Should a fourth centre of English literary influence be men-
tioned, the distinction would fall to Gottingen. To quote R. M.
Meyer : ' ' Mancherlei Umstande wirkten zusammen, um aus der
neuen Universitat die erste moderne Hochschule zu machen. Vor
allem war es der freie Geist, in dem sie begriindet ward. . . .
Hannover gehorte damals zu England und war wohl der am
liberalsten regierte Teil Deutschlands, wie auch Lichtenberg
mehrmals aussprach."8 Lichtenberg 's interest in public affairs
was first aroused in England in 1728. Perhaps the same may
be said of that other Gottingen professor who visited England,
Albrecht von Haller. Haller's visit was brief, however, (July
25- August 27, 1727), and he had no command of the English
language at the time. Lichtenberg visited England twice. He
made a short sojourn in 1770 and a longer one from August
1774 to December 1775; he studied English conditions in their
totality and in detail, neglecting no important class of society,
and compared conditions in England with those in Germany.
To quote Meyer again : ' ' Keiner seiner Zeitgenossen . . . Jiat
wie er das Krankhafte und Blende der kleinstaatlichen Atmo-
sphare erkannt. . . . Er erkennt vor allem, wie das Gedriickte
und Armliche der allgemeinen Lebensbedingungen sich abspiegelt
in der Geringfiigigkeit und Inhaltslosigkeit der damaligen schon-
wissenschaf tlichen und gelehrten Literatur Deutschlands. ' ' Lich-
tenberg felt more at home in the English atmosphere than in
the German. Meyer asserts "er hat deutsch gefiihlt, aber eng-
lisch gedacht, und mehr und mehr gewann sein Kopf die Ober-
herrschaft iiber sein Herz. ' '8 Lichtenberg seems to have planned
realistic and satirical works after the manner of Fielding, whom
lie so much admired, but the works were never completed ; per-
haps, as Meyer surmizes, because there was so little to inspire
him in German life.9

Meyer [355] 72.
Ibid., p. 76.

162 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Kleineibst [131] provides abundant proof of the assertion
of Meyer in regard to the importance of Lichtenberg's sojourn
in England. Boie once accused Lichtenberg of anglomania10 but
the mania did not take the usual form, for nothing was more
distasteful to Lichtenberg than the senseless aping of English
literature. "Der Deutsche ist nie mehr Nachahmer," he de-
clares, "als wenn er absolut Original seyn will,"11 and again
he asks of what service it would be ' ' wenn ich originell schreibe,
z E. in synkopischen Sentenzen, fluche und schimpfe wie Shake-
speare, leyre wie Sterne, senge und brenne wie Swift. ' '12

Kleineibst says of Lichtenberg's sojourn in England:

Ein sprudelnder tibermut, eine frische Lebenslust spricht aus den
Briefen an seine Freunde, besonders aus denen der Jahre 1774-75. Eng-
land war ihm das gelobte Land; wenn er seine politischen, kiinstlerischen
oder seine gewb'hnlichen Lebenszustande mit dem Leben in Deutschland
vergleicht: so immer zum Nachteil seines Vaterlandes. Der Stolz und
das Selbstbewusztsein der Englander imponierte ihm gewaltig, ihre poli-
tische Eeife und Selbstandigkeit muszten ihm um so schatzenswerter
erscheinen, als es damals in Deutschland trotz Friedrich II. keine Macht
gab, die man in politischer Beziehung mit England hatte irgend ver-
gleichen konnen. Doch mehr noch als das Volk in abstracto interessierte
ihn, wie die Menschen der Aufklarungszeit iiberhaupt, das Volk selbst
in seinen Lebensgewohnheiten und seinem Treiben in Liebe und Hasz.
Selbst vor Piiffen und grb'szeren Gefahren — vom Taschentuchraub bis zum
Messerstich — schreekte er nicht zuriick, wenn es gait, das Straszenleben
und den Pb'bel Londons zu studieren.

Ebensosehr wie dies intensiv Leben, in das er sich kopfiiber hinein-
stiirzte, wird zu seinem freudigen Wohlbefinden in England die Gunst
der kbniglichen Familie beigetragen haben und die Hochschatzung, die
man ihm von alien Seiten entgegenbrachte. Er speiste nicht nur — zeit-
weise taglich — an der koniglichen Tafel, sondern durfte sich riihmen, den
Kb'nig auch bei sich, kurz nach dem Aufstehen, noch in primitivster
Toilette empfangen zu haben. Von der Kbnigin entlieh er Biicher und
erhielt von ihr unter anderm auch Lavaters Fragmente, die ihm damals
zuerst zu Gesicht kamen. tiberhaupt beschaftigt er sich gerade in Eng-
land besonders viel mit der zeitgenbssischen deutschen Literatur; hier
drangt sich ihm am starktsten auf, dasz sich die deutschen Dichter, was

10 Brief 'e von und an Burger ed. Strodtmann (Berlin 1874), III 67.

11 Lichtenberg, Aphorismen ed. Leitzmann DLD CXXXI (1904) 154.

12 Ibid., p. 196.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 163

Ziele und Formen anginge, auf Irrwegen befanden. Die praktische Ten-
denz des Engenders, die in seinem Welthandel, seiner Politik und vor
allem seiner Erziehung f iir das spatere' tatige Leben zum Ausdruck kam,
hatte es ihm angetan; und damals in England, selbst von diesem Wir-
kungsdrang ergriffen, faszte er den Plan zu einer groszen Satire gegen
die herrschende Mode der Originalgenies. is

Lichtenberg had at first planned to direct his satire against
''die schlechten gelehrten Zeitungsschreiber, " but at Nicolai's
suggestion he turned the point -against the * ' Originalgenies. "
The intensive study of German literature on English soil shows
that the plan was developing most rapidly there. The title of
this work was to be Parakleta oder Trostgriinde fur die Ungliick-
licken, die keine Originalgenies sind.

Kleineibst admits :

Dasz gerade die Beschaftigung mit Swift, dem Zeichner Hogarth und
anderen englischen Satirikern den Wunsch in ihm wach rief, die Zustande
in der deutschen Gelehrtenrepublik und auf dem Parnasz in einem groszen
satirischen Eoman zu karikieren, dariiber schreibt er selbst nichts, doch
sind die Englander sicher Wegweiser fiir ihn gewesen. Einen Mittel-
punkt, um den sich alles gruppierte, brauchte er fiir seine Satire: Was
lag ihin naher, als den hervorragendsten Vertreter des Sturm und Dranges
zu wahlen, ihn, der von den Strahlen des neuen Gestirns heller getroffen
auch tiefere Schatten warf.14

In his admiration of Shakespeare combined with an abhor-
rence of Shakespeare's German imitators Lichtenberg agreed
with Lessing. Several of Lichtenberg 's Aphorism-en are directed
against these imitators, but chiefly against Goethe.15 One of
the most striking because least logical asserts that Goethe has
gained the name of the German Shakespeare "wie die Keller-
esel (assel) den Nahmen Tausendfusz, weil sich niemand die
Miihe nehmen wollte, sie zu zahlen."16 Lichtenberg had been
helpt to a fuller appreciation of Shakespeare by his knowledge
of English life, his familiarity with Fielding's Shakespearean
criticism, and his association with David Gar rick. Fielding and

is Kleineibst [131] 3-5.

i* Ibid., 14-15.

is Op. cit., D. 211 and 604.

ie Lichtenberg, Schriften (Gottingen 1844-1847), I 10.

164 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Garrick were in their thot more advanced, more realistic than
the majority even of English interpreters of Shakespeare. Lich-
tenberg's satire against the ' * Originalgenies " remained, like
most of his works, a fragment. One of his few completed works
was an interpretation of the art of another great English realist,
Hogarth.17

Another German writer who succeeded in acquiring an inti-
mate knowledge of English life was Carl Philipp Moritz, who
journeyed afoot in England in 1782.17a Because of his method
of travelling he was lookt upon askance by the innkeepers and
treated as a suspicious character, but in spite of these incon-
veniences he came to know the English people well and favor-
ably. One of the things that imprest him in English life was
the close contact of poet and people. He reported:

Ausgemacht 1st es, dasz die englischen klassischen Schriftsteller, ohne
alle Vergleichung, haufiger gelesen werden, als die deutschen. Meine
Wirtin, die nur eine Schneiderwitwe ist, liest ihren Milton, und erzahlt
mir, das ihr verstorbner Mann sie eben wegen der guten Deklamation,
womit sie den Milton las, zuerst liebgewonnen habe. Dieser einzelne Fall
wiirde nichts beweisen, allein ich habe schon mehrere Leute von gerin-
gerem Stande gesprochen, die alle ihre Nationalschriftsteller kannten und
teils gelesen batten. Dies veredelt die niedern Stande und bringt sie den
Hb'hern naher. Es gibt dort beinahe keinen Gegenstand der gewohnlichen
Unterredung im hohern Stande, woriiber der niedre nicht auch mitsprechen
konnte. In Deutschland ist seit Gellerten noch kein Dichtername eigent-
lich wieder im Munde des Volks gewesen.17b

Direct personal contact of an author with a foren people was,
however, rare in the eighteenth century ; especially light was
the contact between Germany and England. English writers
such as Addison and Sterne were wont to include France and
Italy in their journey, as Milton before them had done, but Ger-
many was left unregarded. Indeed it is not easy to recall any
English men of letters who visited Germany before the end of

17 Lichtenberg, Ausfuhrliche ErTcldrung der Hogarthschen Kupferstiche
(Gottingen 1794) ; cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY [208a].

i7« See BIBLIOGRAPHY [132].

i7b Moritz, Eeisen eines Deutschen in England im Jahre 1782 ; reprinted
in DLD CXXVI (1903) 24-25.

1920] Price: En glish> German Literary Influences — Survey 165

the eighteenth century, when Coleridge and "Wordsworth arrived
(1798) as harbingers of a more active interest. In addition to
Lichtenberg, Haller, and Moritz, who have already been men-
tioned, there were, however, a few notable German visitors in
England : Wernicke, who adapted an English satire to Hamburg
conditions ;18 Postel, his adversary ;19 Borck, the Prussian ambas-
sador to London (1741),20 who first translated a Shakespearean
play into German;21 and Helferich Peter Sturz ( 1768-1770), 20
who, like Lichtenberg, met some of the literary leaders of Eng-
land, among them Garrick, Colman, Macpherson, and Dr. John-
son,22 and wrote some notable letters from there. Lessing's cousin
Mylius planned to include the whole of English literature within
the scope of his investigations but died soon after his arrival
(1754). A sojourn in England was a decisive element in the
education of Moser and of Hamann (1757-1758). Moser's rela-
tion to English life will be referred to presently. If Hamann
neglected the opportunity while in London to become acquainted
with English literature he at least gained the command of lan-
guage for his later study. The Swiss poet Tscharner in 1751
made a trip to England especially to visit Young, with whom
he spent two or three days.23 But Hermann Hagedorn (1726-
1729 )20 succeeded better than any of his contemporaries in trans-
fusing some of the English spirit into the German literary guild.
Hagedorn made a practice of acknowledging conscientiously
the sources of his inspiration. Perhaps that is why the theme
of his relation to English literature so long failed to attract the
investigator. But when influence is construed in the more lib-
eral sense it appears that Hagedorn 's literary relations to Eng-
land constitute an interesting and vital subject, for Hagedorn
was in many respects a transitional poet and, as Coffman [118]
shows, his brief visit to England was decisive for his own poetic
career.

18 See SURVEY, page 180.

19 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [134].

20 The dates in parentheses indicate the period of the stay in England.

21 See SURVEY, p. 363, and BIBLIOGRAPHY [490].

22 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [213a].

23 See SURVEY, p. 239.

166 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

It is true that Hagedorn, as a Hamburger, enjoyed a certain
contact with English literature even in his youthful days. His
father was a friend of Brockes. The young Hagedorn contrib-
uted to the Patriot two letters of the prevailing type. More-
over he studied at Jena the philosophy of Wolff, who popular-
ized some of the ideas that Leibniz had derived from Shaftes-
bury and the English deists. Yet in the collection of Moralische
Gedichte printed in 1729 there is chiefly a reflexion of the
pseudo-renaissance taste and little that is specifically English.
Then came the two years spent in London, ' ' die einzigen Jahre, ' '
as he wrote twenty years later to Bodmer, "die ich wieder zu
erleben wiinschte."24 It is not known whether he associated
with any English men of letters while in London; but Pope,
Thomson, Young, Eichardson, Gay, and Mallett were in London
at the same time Hagedorn was there. He read their works and
presumably it was there that he formed the habit of purchasing
the new works of English literature as they came out.25 English
books were at that time not readily to be had in Germany, and
Hagedorn enjoyed the reputation of being a liberal lender of
such works.26

The specific influence of Pope's and Thomson's poetry upon
the form and content of Hagedorn 's will be dealt with elsewhere.
What Coffman has to say regarding the spirit of English poetry
as reproduced in Hagedorn 's works she groups under five head-
ings: (1) Philosophy of happiness; (2) Hatred of pedantry, love
of wisdom; (3) Love of freedom, hatred of servility; (4) Friend-

2-1 Ungedruckte Briefe in Zurich; quoted by Coffman [118] 321 from
Schuster (see footnote 27a) 23.

25 In the appendix, pages 90-97, of Coffman 's work [118] entitled
" Hagedorn 's references to English literature" about 75 English authors
are included. Keferences are made in many instances to works soon after
their appearance in England.

2« A letter of Hagedorn to Bodmer, dated April 13, 1748, refers to two
books loaned in this way: Turnbull's edition of Shaftesbury, and John-
son 's Plan of a dictionary of the English language. The same letter men-
tions Borck's translation of Caesar. A year later Hagedorn lends Brockes
all his books on Chaucer, at another time the Essays of Hume. Cf. Vetter
[102] 12.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 167

ship ; (5) Love of country life.27 Trite as these ideals and senti-
ments may seem to-day they had only just been recognized in
England, and in Germany they were almost unknown. Schuster
is authority for the statement that Hagedorn's stay in England
and his familiarity with English life and literature had much
to do with the "Freundschaftskultus" in Germany27" Hage-
dorn's friendship, however, was that of good fellowship, not the
abnormal cult of the "Gottinger Hain," for example. As for
the hatred of servility, that too was a new note in German liter-
ature. There is a servile tone to Hagedorn's Das frohlockende
Ruszland, written in 1729 just before his departure for England.
The philosophy of happiness was lookt upon with suspicion as
being less than religious. Pedantry, insistence upon deference
by inferiors, and factionalism in literary matters were prevalent
in German literary life. It was the release from this atmosphere
of pettiness that so endeared London life to Hagedorn. It is
well-known that the joys of country life were only just being
discovered by Haller, Thomson, Brockes, and other innovators,
and Rousseau had not yet gained for them general appreciation.
There was nothing formal about Hagedorn's acceptance of
these new ideas. Optimism, good cheer, and love of the pleasant
things in life were in Hagedorn inborn. He was above all a
good fellow among his colleags, ready to give a helping hand

-^Hagedorn's views in regard to (1) are manifested chiefly in the
two poems Wunsche and GliicTcseligTceit. The former is drawn into com-
parison with Pope's Essay on man, Moral essays, 3rd. epistle, and Thom-
son's Seasons. GlucfcseligTceit is compared with Prior's Solomon on the
vanity of the world and Addison's philosophy of life as exprest particu-
larly in Spectator nos. 15 and 243. In regard to (2) Pope's introduction
to Homer is compared with Hagedorn's introduction to his Morahsche
Gedichte. Both authors expressly deny being learned men. Prior s Solo-
mon is also mentioned in this connexion. Thomson's Winter is compared
with Hagedorn's Wunsche. Hagedorn expresses his ideas in regard 1
freedom 'and against servility (3) in the poems Der Weise and Schreiben
an einen Freund. These are compared with Thomson's Liberty and Autumi
and Pope's Essay on man. (4) Hagedorn's sentiments regarding friend-
ship are deduced from the poems Freundschaft and Der Schwatzer. Inesc
are compared with Addison's sentiments as exprest in Spectator nos. bO
and 15, Thomson's in Autumn and Winter and Pope's Essay on man. (5)
Hagedorn expresses enthusiasm for country life in Horaz. Cf . T
Seasons.

27* Schuster, H., Friedrich von Hagedorn mid seine Bedeutung , fur die
deutsche Literatur (Leipzig 1882), 31; quoted by Coffman [

168 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

and forefending gratitude, asking no deference from his less suc-
cessful literary competitors, and heedless of his title of nobility.
He was at heart democratic, abasing himself before none and
claiming homage from none. Only in respect to his admiration
for country life may his professions have exceeded his sentiments.
In the year 1763 Justus Moser was called to London on a
mission connected with the regency of the English royal house
over the bishopric of Osnabriick. He remained there eight months
and saw England during one of her most prosperous periods.27"
He was a keen and interested observer, who turned his experi-
ences to good profit. As his biographer Nicolai says :

Alles offnet sich seiner lebendigen Beobachtung. Landesverfassung,
Politik, Industrie, Handlung, Litteratur, Schauspiele, Nationalbelustigungen,
und vor Allem menschliche Charactere von der interessantesten und ver-
schiedensten Art, beschaftigten Mb'sers Aufmerksamkeit. Auch das
Geringste entging ihni nicht. Dieser Zuwachs von Kenntnissen hatte auf
ihn als Geschaftsmann und als Schriftsteller einen wichtigen Einflusz.
Die Menge der Gegenstande, worauf er nachher in seinen Schriften seine
Augen richtete, deutet hierauf; und seine unnachahmliche Laune ward
hier hauptsachlich, wo nicht erweckt, doch noch mehr entwickelt.27C

Several years after his return Moser founded (1766)27d the
weekly paper Die Osnabruekischen Intelligenzblatter, which was
patterned after English weeklies he had seen. In this paper
he publisht his Patriotische Phantasien (1768ff.). Goethe com-
pared Moser with Franklin ' ' in Absicht auf "Wahl gemeinnutzi-
ger Gegenstande auf tiefe Einsicht, freie Ubersicht, gliickliche
Behandlung, so griindlichen als frohen Humor,276 but Nicolai
preferred to compare him with Addison, whom Moser excelled as
a statesman and man of affairs. He says:

Beiden war die feine Weltkenntnisz, die ungesuchte Eleganz, der Sinn f iir
das Schickliche, die mannigfaltige Einkleidung und die Gabe, ganz kleiiie
Gegenstande zu wichtigen Folgen anzuwenden, gemein. Der Zuschauer und
die Phantasien stehen in gleichem Range.28

27b See Nicolai 's Leben Mosers in Moser, WerTce ed. Abeken (Berlin
1843), X 27.

2?c Ibid., X 30.

271 Ibid ? x 43 and 107. Koch [76] 20 gives the date 1768.

27e Goethe, WerTce I 28, 240f. Moser and Franklin had already been
paralleled by the Berlinsche Monatssclirift of July 1783, p. 37f.; cf.
Moser, WerTce X 73.

28 Moser, WerTce X 73.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 169

If English men of letters failed to visit Germany they were
at least accessible to correspondence. Klopstock and Meta cor-
responded with Richardson and Young. Klopstock opened up
a futile correspondence with Macpherson regarding the presum-
able melodies of the Ossianic songs, and Young replied graciously
to his German admirers promising to meet them in heaven.

To supplement such inadequate personal communication the
German literary journals made an earnest effort to keep in touch
with tendencies outside their own land. In the earliest part of
the century the journals lookt to France for information even
in regard to English literature, but later on the inflow of Eng-
lish thot became more direct. The Spectator, Tatler, and Guar-
dian were so influential that they are reserved for treatment in
the next chapter of this SURVEY. But other English journals
also apprized German critics of the new works of fact and fiction
as they appeared in the British Isles, and German journals
spread the information. Trieloff [86ax] devotes over a hundred
pages to the reproduction of foren parallels to passages in the
Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigen for 1772. Most of the parallels
are from the Monthly review, a few are from the Gentleman's
magazine and other sources; the Monthly review was also the
chief source of Christian Felix Weisze's plagiarized book reviews
in the BMiothek der schonen Wissenschaften (1758ff.). When
Nicolai was forced for business reasons to yield up the editorship
of this journal he was succeeded by Weisze, who added a new
department, "Vermischte Nachrichten. " Herder regarded this
as one of the best and most interesting parts of the magazine
and always read it first, for it kept its readers in touch with
literary affairs in other countries,283 and gave reviews of the
most important works in foren languages. Weisze's knowledge
of the English language is well known. He was indeed the
translator of a large number of English works,28" but his in-

28» Herder, Werke I 145.

as* For a list of some of the translations see Christian Felix Weiszes
Selbstbiographie hrsg. von dessen Sohne Christian Ernst Weisze und dessen
Schwiegersohne Samuel Gottfried Frisch (Leipzig 1806), p. -

170 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ability to concentrate his mind upon a work long enuf to ap-
praise its value was admitted by himself.28C Despite this fact
the Bibliothek contains scores of pithy reviews of contemporary
English works. Giessing [141a] has recently discovered the
English sources from which many of these Reviews were drawn.
That the plagiarism was rather systematic is shown by the fact
that of eleven reviews of English works in Weisze's first volume
the first five were almost literal translations of estimates in the
Monthly review, and the plundering was continued in the later
volumes, as Giessing's parallel columns strikingly show. Other
British sources were exploited by Weisze as well. In five half-
year volumes of the Bibliothek searcht by Giessing eleven cases
of dependence on the Scots magazine were discovered. In no
case is there any evidence that the reviewer read the book he
criticized and in no instance is there any acknowledgment of the
source of his information. Weisze's Bibliothek stands in markt
contrast to Eschenburg's Brittisches Museum fur die Deutschen,
the reviews in which were also taken from English magazines
but with acknowledgment. The practice of borrowing from
foren periodicals was apparently widespread at the time, for it
brot upon itself a general condemnation from the Neues Han-
noverisches Magazine in 1800 in an article entitled "tiber die
Diebstahle der Gelehrten. "28d

So closely intertwined was English literature with German
literature in the eighteenth century that it is difficult to define
the relations without losing oneself in a mass of detail. In order
to distinguish the essential from the unessential it is worth while
to bear in mind a paragraph of R. M. Meyer in which he has
summarized in a masterly fashion the forward movement of
German literature in the eighteenth century:

Da kommen die Vorklassiker. Haller bringt wieder Ernst und Kraft,
Hagedorn Leichtigkeit und Geschmack, Gellert lehrt wieder eine gewisse
Natiirlichkeit der Rede, Gottsched und die Schweizer gewinnen wieder
hchere Standpunkte der Kritik und der litterarischen Padagogik. Auf

28^ ibid., p. 272.

28* Op. cit., 1800, p. 2014; quoted by Giessing [141a] 88.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 171

dem Fusz folgen ihnen die Klassiker. Klopstock giebt ein groszes Bei-
spiel dichterischer Kiihnheit; er ergreift schwungvoll die hochsten Inter-
essen: Religion, Vaterland, Humanitat, und sprieht in seinen Oden per-
sbnliche Empfindungen frei und wahr aus. Lessing wirft mit sicherer
Kritik den angehauften Dilettantismus beiseite, schafft eine Prosa, wie
Deutschland sie seit Luther nicht kannte, und erzieht durch seine stolze
Selbstandigkeit ein seit Jahrhunderten an bestellte Arbeit gewohntes
Publikum zu der Forderung, dasz der Dichter sich selbst und seine innere
Wahrheit geben musse. Wieland lernt Franzosen und Englandern die
bei uns ganzlich verfallene Kunst der Erzahlung ab und wiirzt sie durch
eine freie Gesinnung. Herder betont den Begriff der Originalitat, reiszt
endgiiltig die Scheidewand nieder, die den ' ' Gebildeten ' ' den Blick auf
die volkstiimliche Bichtung entzog, und bahnt den groszen Verkehr einer
Weltliteratur an. "29

We have principally to inquire to what extent Pope, Prior,
Dryden, and Thomson helpt Hagedorn toward his facile manner
and good taste, how much of his grace of style Gellert owes to
Addison; how much Addison, Milton, and Shakespeare contrib-
uted to the esthetic and literary principles developt by Gottsched
and the Swiss scholars; how much Klopstock was indebted to
Milton and Thomson for the new ideals wherewith he was able
to enrich the content of German life and poetry; how much of
the art of entertaining narration Wieland learned from the Eng-
lish; how much support for his ideas in regard to genius Herder
found in Shakespeare and in Macpherson's Ossian; and to what
extent the Percy collection of ballads helpt him to break down
the barrier that kept the educated from appreciating folk poetry.
In attempting to answer such questions we may be sure that
we are laying hold of the essential only. The answers of the
critics to these vital problems will be summarized in the fol-
lowing chapters.

In order to clear the ground for the discussion of the gen-
uinely crucial questions it is first necessary to mention in passing
certain English poems, novels, and satires which, tho not actually
influential in German literature, nevertheless called forth a re-
sponse that should not be entirely ignored in this connexion.
Under this category falls first much of the work of Dryden and
Prior.

29 Meyer, Die deutsche Literatur d. 19. JTi.2 (Berlin 1900), 3.

172 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Dry den's Essay of dramatick poesie played a leading role in
the history of the German drama and will be discust in its
proper connexion.30 His Alexander's feast was as influential a
poetic model as Pope's Ode to St. Cecilia,.^ Other works of
Dryden made but minor ripples on the literary current. Of
Dryden's twenty-five dramas publisht in about as many years,
1669-1694, only five became known in Germany. The Spanish
friar (1681) was apparently played at court in Wurttem-
berg sometime between the years 1681 and 1685. The State of
innocence (1674) was discust because of its connexion with
Milton's Paradise lost. Bodmer translated some passages of it
in his treatize, Von dem Wunderbaren in der Poesie (1740).
Later three translations appeared in Switzerland, in 1754, in
1757, and in 1761. The second one was by Sprenger. Baum-
gartner [182] gives good evidence that the first and third were
by Grynaeus.32 Dryden's Oedipus (1679) appeared anonymously
at Basel in 1758 in a collection entitled Neue Probestucke der
Englischen Schaubuhne, aus der Ursprache ubersetzt von einem
Liebhaber des guten Geschmacks. Baechtold attributes the trans-
lation to Grynaeus.33 Dryden's All for love or the world well
lost (1678) played a more important part in German dramatic
history. It was one of the first English plays that Bodmer read
(1723). The first translation was by Schmied (1769). A better
translation appeared in a Mannheim collection in 1781, but the
work was called most directly to the attention of the public by
a controversy between Ayrenhoff of Vienna and Wieland, when
the former presented Kleopatra und Antonius on the Vienna
stage. For this play Dryden as well as Shakespeare was a
model.34 Baumgartner,35 as well as Ibershoff [183] has called
attention to the fact that Dryden's Tempest or the enchanted

so See SURVEY, p. 356.

si Baumgartner [182] 66ff.

32 Ibid., p. 44-58 and Ibershoff [183].

33 Baechtold, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur in der Schweiz (Frauen-
feld 1892), Anhang p. 174.

34 See Horner [482].

35 Baumgartner [182] 55-57.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 173

island (1670) was an important source for Bodmer's Noah
(1752). Dryden's Fables were admired by the Zurich circle.
Certain of them were imitated by Hagedorn. In his Laokoon
Lessing refers to Dryden's translation of Virgil,30 and Blanken-
burg regarded it as the best translation of its kind.37

Prior,38 like Dryden, was a poet of Roccoco taste, only a
trifle less French than the French themselves. Appreciation of
Prior was regarded as a sign of good taste in an English gentle-
man. In Germany he was admired by men of most diverse
tastes ; by Herder, Voss, and Boie, by Gleim and Uz, by Lessing,
Hagedorn, and Wieland. At the time of his death (1721) the
German journals spoke of him in laudatory terms; and even
after public taste had past thru transitions as a result of the
influence first of Milton and then of Ossian and the Percy col-
lection, he continued to live in the Almanache even into the
nineteenth century. He brot no new type of poetry into vogue.
He was admired because he practiced the prevailing poetry with
such skill. Herder translated Prior's To Chloe weeping for the
Gottinger Musenalmanach of 1772 and included it in his Volks-
lieder; but, of the more notable poets, only Hagedorn and Wie-
land showed more than a passing interest in Prior.

The Almanack der deutschen Musen, Leipzig 1773, p. 3,
praises Hagedorn as "der deutsche Prior." There is much in
Hagedorn 's literary manner and way of life and experience that
justifies such a comparison. Wukadinovic discusses the several
instances in which Hagedorn borrowed a theme from Prior, and
shows that he treated these themes freely, sometimes improving
on the originals and sometimes falling short of them.

Wieland, in his early and more pious days, spoke of Prior's
seductive poetry with disapprobation, and in 1755 he seemed
resolved to preserve himself from its beguilements ;39 but by

se Lessing, Schriften IX 41.

37 Cf. Baumgartner [182] 64.

38 Wukadinovic [286] is practically the only authority regarding Prior
in Germany, but cf. Coffman [118] for Prior's influence on Hagedorn 's
didactic poetry.

39 Wukadinovic [286] 47.

174 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

1764 he was competing with Prior in Prior's own domain.
Nadine (1762) was the first fruit of this competition. There
are traces of Prior's influence in Amadis, and Wukadinovic has
collected external evidence showing that Prior's Alma gave the
original impulse to Wieland 's Musarion (1768). This seems to
have been the last obvious debt of Wieland to Prior. There
follows with Wieland the period of enthusiasm for Sterne, whose
work seemed to have much the same allurements for him as
Prior's.40

To the poets Dry den and Prior may.be added the novelists,
Bunyan, Defoe, and Swift, whose works were known, translated,
admired, and in some instances imitated in Germany; yet it
would be an exaggeration to rate their novels as important influ-
ences in the development of German literature.

The earliest of these narrators, John Bunyan, denied that he
owed anything to the learning of the world, but that he owed
much to oral tradition seems now quite certain. The tales of
fugitive Anabaptists of Germany and Holland told to the humble
folk of eastern England clung to his memory and formed the
basis of his Pilgrim's progress (1678)4°a and his Holy war
(1682).4°b It is little wonder then that these epics became house-
hold books with the later pietists of Germany. A translation of
The pilgrim's progress was made as early as 1685 by Pastor
Christoph Matthaeus Seidel, a follower of Spener.4°c The second
part of the work appeared in 1708 and soon after that a transla-
tion of The life and death of Mr. Badm.au. In his preface of
1708 Seidel explicitly assumes that the life and character of
Bunyan are well known to all his readers. By the year 1733
other works of Bunyan had appeared in German translation:
Der heilige Krieg, Das zarteste Herz der Liebe Christi, and Die
Gnade Gottes uber den groszesten Sunder. In 1785 a French

40 See SURVEY, p. 320.

40* See Heath in the Contemporary review LXX (1896) 540-558.
40" ibid., LXXII (1897) 105-118.

4oc The Congressional library has a German reprint (1732) of this
work. The work appeared in Ephrata, Pennsylvania, in 1754.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 175

translation of The pilgrim's progress was printed at Halle, and
about the year 1826 Friedrich Heinrich Ranke, brother of the
historian, began to translate The pilgrim's progress to read to his
parishioners in the little town of Riickersdorf. The work was
publisht in 1832. Since that time The pilgrim's progress has
appeared frequently in German translation, but its influence
appears to have been religious rather than literary. Of the
known eighteenth century writers Lenz and Jung-Stilling alone
seem to have shown an interest in him ; the latter once planned a
Christenreise in hexameters.40*1

Robinson Crusoe, it is well known, belongs to world literature
to an extent scarcely surpast by any other English work.41 The
first translation into German was that of M. Vischer (Hamburg
1720 ).42 The first imitation was Der teutsche Robinson oder
Bernhard Creutz das ist Eines ubelgearteten Junglings seltsame
Lebensbeschreibung usw. (Hall in Schwaben 1722) . All previous
German ' ' Robinsonaden ' ' were surpast by J. G. Schnabel 's Insel
Felsenburg (1731),43 which sped thru many editions, was trans-

4oa The source of the above paragraph is Eifert [164x]. It is to be
hoped that this interesting essay will soon be publisht. It is full of
interesting detail not reported above.

41 Ullrich [175] records 5 Dutch translations, 49 French, 21 German
(scarcely more than a half dozen since the appearance of Campe's Eobinson
der Jung ere in 1779), 5 Danish, 4 Swedish, 3 Polish, 2 Spanish, 2 Arabic,
2 Old Grecian, 1 Finnish, 1 Turkish, 1 Maori, 1 Bengalese, 1 Maltese,
1 Hungarian, 1 Armenian, 2 Hebrew, 1 Gaelic, 2 Portuguese, 1 Esthonian,
and 1 Persian.

42Kegarding the translator see Biltz [172], Kippenberg [171], and
Schott [177a].

43 The work is commonly called Insel Felsenburg for short but the
complete title is: Wunderliche / FATA / einiger / SEE — FAHBER, /
absonderlich / ALBEETI JTJLII, eines gebohrnen Sacteens, / Welcher in
seinem 18ten Jahre zu Schiffe / gegangen durch Schiff-Bruch selb4te an
eine / grausame Klippe geworffen warden, nach deren Vbersteigung / das
schonste Land entdeckt, sich daselbst mit seiner Gefdhrtin verheyrathet, aus
solcher Ehe eine Familie von mehr als / 300 Seelen erzeuget, das Land vor-
trefflich angebauet, / durch besondere Zufdlle erstaunenswiirdige Schatze
ge- / sammlet, seine in Teutschland ausgekundschafften Freunde / gliicldich
'gemacht, am Ende des 1728sten Jdhres, als in / seinem Hunderten Jahre,
annoch frisch und gesund gelebt, / und vermuthlich noch zu dato lebt, / ent-
worfen / Von dessen Bruders-Sohnes-Sohnes-Sohne, / MONS. EBERHARD
JULIO, / Curieusen Lesern aber sum vermuthlichen / Gemuths-Vergnugen
ausgefertiget, auch par Commission / dem Drucke iibergeben / Von GISAN-
DEBN. / Gisander was Schnabel 's pseudonym.

176 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

lated into Danish and thence into Icelandic, and was workt over
and continued by German, writers and writers of other nations.
Schnabel 's work is, however, no mere imitation of Defoe 's.43"

Campe's Robinson der Jung ere (Hamburg 1779), a popular
" Bearbeitung, ' ' reacht its 115th edition in 1891. 44 Campe's
Robinson had been by that time translated into French, Italian,
Spanish, Latin, English, Dutch, Danish, Swedish, Polish, Lithu-
anian, Turkish, and ancient Greek, and widely imitated in all
parts of the world. Ullrich's bibliography, with its 248 pages
practically of titles alone, gives some conception of the extent
of Robinson imitation. German enthusiasm exhausted itself in
imitations and in imitations of imitations. Close upon Der
teutsche Robinson there followed, according to Flindt, "ein
frankischer, pfalzischer, sachsischer, schlesischer, westfalischer,
brandenburgischer, ein Leipziger und ein Berliner Robinson.
Diesen folgen dann, fiir einzelne Klassen geschrieben, der medi-
zinische, der geistliche und der buchhandlerische, ja schlieszlich
sogar ein jiidischer und ein weiblicher, die Jungf er Robinson. ' '44a
This widespread interest and imitation does not necessarily
prove the existence of literary influence in the strictest sense.
Robinson merely provided a solid chapter in the records of
"Stoffgeschichte."45

43« Cf. Briiggemann [180] and Strauch in ZDPh. XLVIII (1919) 148.
Three new elements in Schnabel 's work were: "1, die Auffassung des
Inselaufenthaltes als eines Asyls, nicht eines Exils; 2, als Folge davon
das systematische und keinesweges nur unfreiwillige Sichabschlieszen
. . . gegen die europaische Kulturwelt; 3, ein geschlechtliches Moment."

44 According to Philippovic [353] 28.
44« Flindt [79] 8.

45 The following additional comments should be made in regard to the
literature on the subject. Hettner's lecture [170] was based on tradi-
tional information, much of which was false. There is little evidence of
first-hand acquaintance with his theme. Ullrich is the recognized author-
ity upon the subject; however, only the first and most essential part of
his work [175] has appeared. In his criticism of Kippenberg [171]
Ullrich says that he is thoroly reliable in regard to the first German
translations of Robinson, in regard to the history of Eobinson since 1731,
and in regard to Tnsel Felseriburg ; that his treatment of the introductions
and of "Kobinsonaden" since 1731, however, displays "erhebliche
Liicken." The list of works in the BIBLIOGRAPHY [170]-[181] might
have been easily extended but for the conviction of the compiler that
we do not have to do here with a genuine instance of literary influence.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 177

Robinson Crusoe may be described as a realistic novel dealing
with an implausible adventure as a result of which its hero
retraces the early stages of human development. The German
imitations emphasized the adventurous element almost exclu-
sively. But this element was a prevalent characteristic of the
seventeenth century novel, so it may not be said that Robinson
brot a new element or influence into Germany, but rather that
it prolonged an older tendency. No important instance of a
genuine Robinson influence has been pointed out, but Carl Heine
makes a comparison which is too interesting to pass over. He
refers to Wilhelm Meister, which was one of the first German
works in which a character development similar to Robinson's
takes place: "Robinson wie Wilhelm sind gut veranlagte, le-
benskraftige, gliickliche aber keineswegs iiber das Durchschnitts-
masz erheblich hinausragend begabte Naturen. Beide geraten
im Verlauf ihres Lebens in Lagen und Umstande, auf die ihre
urspriingliche Bestimmung keineswegs hingewiesen hatte, und
diese Umstande zwingen beide Jimglinge zu einer durchaus all-
seitigen Ausbildung aller in ihnen ruhenden Krafte."46 There
is a difference here, which Heine does not fail to point out.
Robinson's fate carries him to a desert isle, Wilhelm 's to a
highly cultivated community, where, in contrast to Robinson, he
develops from egotism to cosmopolitanism. If it can be shown
that Robinson Crusoe really contributed in any essential way
to the origin of the " Bildungsroman " in Germany, then Defoe
will assume a hitherto unconceded importance in the history of
the novel.

Gulliver's travels won its way into Germany less rapidly
than Defoe's novel. Not until a French edition of fifteen hun-
dred copies was sold out in one year (1726-1727) was its popu-
larity noted, and the French version turned into German by one
Corner (1727). In 1729 a translation of The tale of a tub
appeared in Altona but no further translations of Gulliver ap-
peared until Bodmer's friend, Waser, began his translation of

46 Heine [89] 46.

178 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Swift's works (1757ff.). Gulliver's travels was included in his
fifth volume of the set (1760-1761) but found no great favor. In
1787-1788 R. Risbeck was at work revising Waser's translation of
the Tale of a tub, Battle of the books, and Gulliver's travels. His
work consisted largely of modernizing the language of his prede-
cessor. In 1800-1801 Gulliver's travels appeared as the fifth
volume of a translation by Potts (Leipzig 1798-1801). A new
translation by an anonymous hand appeared in Leipzig in 1804.
A review of the same year expressly assumed that every one was
familiar with the work. The year 1839 saw a new Gulliver's
travels in the large illustrated edition of Kottenkamp. A Gulliver
fur die reifere Jugend prepared by Karl Seifart (1870) was not
the earliest version of its kind, but Philippovic is unable to
furnish data as to the earlier ones.

There is a notable absence of Gulliver imitations in Germany.
So far as is known Lichtenberg was the only one who even
planned such a work. There is a reference to this plan in his
Tagebuch, Oct. 7, 1785, but like his contemplated satirical novels
against the sentimentalists and against the "Sturmer und
Dranger" the idea was allowed to lapse entirely unless we may
take into account a mere fragment entitled Lorenz Eschenhei-
mers empfindsame Reise nach Lap-it a, Schreiben des Hrn VXQ+
da^ddy Trullrub, Aeltesten der Akademie zu Lagoda, das Emp-
findsame im Reisen zu Wasser und zu Lande und im Hause sit-
zend betreffend, aus dem Hochbalnabarischen iibersetzt von M. 8.
( Martinus Scriblerus ? ) . In the preface Lichtenberg says : ' * Die
gelehrte Welt hat es bekanntermaszen schon langst und mit Recht
bedauert, dasz der beriihmte Lemuel Gulliver bei seinem Aufent-
halte in Lapita und Lagoda sich nicht mehr bemiiht hat, eine
genaue Verbindung zwischen der dasigen Akademie und irgend
einer europaischen zu stiften." After a little more learned
nonsense this fragment abruptly ends.

Nor can it be said that any other of Swift's works exerted
a genuine influence in Germany. Philippovic says:

Ungefahr mit dem zweiten Viertel des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts be-
ginnt sich Swift in der deutschen Literatur fiihlbar zu machen. An-

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 179

nahernd em Jahrhundert halt er vor, um dann mit Gullivers travels der
deutschen Kinderliteratur anheimzuf alien. Seine Wirkung in Deutschland
ist niemals tief und niemals von groszer Bedeutung gewesen. Eigent-
lichen Einflusz hat er nur auf die zwei mehr oder weniger geistesver-
wandten Kopfe ausgeiibt, namlich auf die Satiriker Eabener und Lich-
tenberg; und selbst diese zwei wiirden wohl schwerlich ein anderes Gesicht
zeigen, wenn sie die Schriften des Dechanten nicht gekannt hatten. . .
Man kann fast sagen, dasz er seit ungefahr 1760 nur noch bei den An-
hangern der alten Eichtung in Deutschland lebt. Es kennzeichnet die
von der neuen Stromung wenig beeinfluszte schweizerische, speciell ziir-
cherische Literatur, dasz noch nach 1760 in der Schweiz eine Gesamt-
iibersetzung49 erscheinen konnte.47

More influential than Swift's writings were his extraordi-
nary personal experiences. Goethe workt these over freely in
his drama Stella, and according to Caro [354] they, rather than
Lillo's Merchant of London and Richardson's Clarissa, were the
basis of Lessing's Miss Sara Sampson.50

Philippovic has collected references to Swift from the works
of Gottsched, Bodmer, Haller, Hagedorn, Liscow, Rabener, Gel-
lert, Kastner, Lessing, Lichtenberg, Herder, August Wilhelm
and Friedrich von Schlegel, and Jean Paul Richter. None of
these, however, wrote any extensive work in imitation of Swift.
Hagedorn, it is true, discovered "Swiftische Erfindung" in
Liscow 's Briontes (1732) and Bodmer joined with others of his
time in calling Liscow "der deutsche Swift." Litzmann, how-
ever, finds that the influence of Swift on Liscow has always been
exaggerated. He was influenced a little as to form by Swift as
well as by Pope and Arbuthnot, but the chief foren influence on
him was that of his acknowledged master, Boileau.52

There were comparatively few attempts to adapt Swift's
works to German conditions. Schwabe's translation of his
The art of sinking in poetry goes farthest in this direction.

47 Philippovic [353] 43; cf. p. 19.

4» The reference here is to the translation by Waser, the friend of
Bodmer; cf. Bodmer [139], Vetter [140], and SURVEY, pp. 160 and 178.

soKunze [215] 15 says: "Goethes Stella beruht auf Lillo's London
Merchant, ist aber nur durch Vermittlung von Weiszes Groszmut fur
Groszmut entstanden;" cf. Metz [353a].

52 Litzmann, Christian Ludwig Liscow in seiner litterarischen Laufbahn
(Hamburg 1883), p. 74.

180 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Schwabe was commissioned by Gottsched to undertake this work
and to provide examples of " bathos" from German poets as
well as English.53

The attempts of German critics to make adaptations of
other English satires are significant. They show that the Ger-
man leaders in literary affairs were conscious of the need of
foren tutelage as far as form was concerned. A satirist writes
for his own community, where the conditions he satirizes are
known, his half veiled references penetrated, and his jibes ap-
preciated. Moreover political and literary conditions in Ger-
many differed so greatly from those in England as to make
adaptation particularly difficult. Despite this fact the attempt
was constantly repeated thruout the century in Germany.

The earliest imitation of this kind stands at the very thres-
hold of the century. It was written by Wernicke in 1702.
Christian Wernicke was more familiar with English literature
than were most men of his time. He had served as a diplomat
in London and Paris. Literature was not a profession with
him, but a leading interest. He had studied the works of Morhof
and Opitz, nevertheless in his early days he had admired Gry-
phius, Hoffmannswaldau, and Lohenstein. He later repented of
this unnatural taste. When the opera came to the fore in Ham-
burg Wernicke made a stand against it and opposed, in literature
and art, all that was not founded on sound sense, including the
work of his formerly admired Lohenstein, whom he criticized
in the second edition of his Uberschrifften (1701). Christian
H. Postel, a leading adherent of the operatic bombastic school,
retorted with a sonnet. To this sonnet Wernicke replied with
his Heldengedicht, Hans Sachs genannt, aus dem engliscken
'tibersetzt. In the introduction to this poem Wernicke wrote:
"Als ich nun mit diesem Gedanken im Schwange ging (i.e. of
replying to Postel) so gerieth ich unversehens unter meinen

as Anti Longin oder die Kunst in der Poesie zu kriechen, anfdnglich von
dem Herrn D. Swift den Engldndern zum besten geschrieben, itzo zur Ver-
besserung des Geschmacks bey uns Deutscnen iibersetzt und mit Exemplen
aus engliscnen, vornehmlich aber aus unsern deutsclien Dichtern durchgehends
erldutert. (Leipzig 1734.)

1920] Price: E ng lis /i> German Literary Influences — Survey 181

zusammengesammelten Schriften auf folgendes sinnreiches Ge-
dicht eines beriihmten englischen Poeten, worinnen er eine Per-
sohn aufgefiihret hat, welche meinem Wiedersacher in alien
Stiicken gleichet."

Wernicke's model was the English satire Mac Flecknoe, or
a satyr upon the true-blew Protestant poet T. S. (London, 1682).
The "true-blew Protestant poet T. S." was known to be Thomas
Shadwell, and the author of Mac Flecknoe was no doubt
Dryden,54 whom Shadwell had recently attackt in a satire entitled
The medal of John Bayes. The situations represented in the
two poems are closely similar. The Irish poet Richard Flecknoe,
who died in 1678, had been accorded the title of the prince of
dullness. After his death the author of the poem lets his mantle
fall upon Thomas Shadwell. The coronation rites are described
in detail and offer abundant opportunity for parody and jest
at Shadwell's expense. Wernicke calls his work a translation
but it was really a successful adaptation in which Postel, in the
poem designated as Stelpo, plays a role corresponding to that
of T. S. To Hans Sachs is assigned the Mac Flecknoe role.
There is a close correspondence of detail and of verse as well.
Many of the lines are simply translations or paraphrases of the
original. Wernicke's satire is composed of 269 verses as against
217 in Dry den's. Eichler holds this early literary satire to be
of no small significance. It was criticism not only of Postel but
of Hans Sachs. It was "Kritik des literarischen Individuums. "
"Den Begriff dieser letzteren," he says, "so weit wir sie fur
moderne deutsche Literatur zuriickverfolgen konnen, verdanken
wir m. E. den Englandern. "55

After Wernicke had launcht this attack against Postel, a
third rate Hamburg writer Hunold came to Postel 's defence
with a comedy called Dem thorichten Pritschmeister, oder
schwermcnden Poeten (Coblenz 1704). Hunold 's plot is with-
out originality. He makes Wernicke, under the names Weck-

s* Dryden 's authorship has recently been challenged but on inadequate
grounds; see BIBLIOGRAPHY [185].

55 Eichler [185] 233. Eichler is the most satisfactory authority f
this feud; Baumgartner [182] for its aftermath.

182 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

narr and Narrweck, the prince of dullness and the ' ' Erzpritsch-
meister." J. TJ. Konig of Hamburg wrote to his friend Bod-
mer of the Postel-Hunold-Wernicke passage-at-arms and sent
him, April 30, 1725, a transcription of the lampoons. Bodmer
reprinted the work of Wernicke in 1741 and it past thru four
editions during the time of the Leipzig-Swiss controversy. Bod-
mer always implied that Gottsched belonged to the Hans Sachs-
Stelpo school; and he himself wrote (1742) a prose satire called
Das Complot der herrsckenden Poet en (i.e. of the Gottsched
school) for which he borrowed notives from Wernicke as well as
from Pope's Dunciad.

Bodmer 's taste for satires was only less strong than for re-
ligious poetry, but most of the satirical works he planned fell
short of completion. He endeavored to adapt Pope's Dunciad
to German conditions,56 but the fragment that appeared in 1747
showed the insuperable difficulties of this undertaking. Bodmer
had previously (1737) publisht a prose translation of two cantos
of Hudibras without any attempt at adaptation : ' * Ein Hudibras
fur uns ware Uberflusz und unnotig, wir leben nicht mehr in
den schwarmerischen Zeiten Karls des Ersten."57 The intro-
duction \vas of some significance. Bodmer says that burlesk
poetry is of two kinds, that in which an insignificant character
is elevated, and that in which a great character is degraded.
This idea Bodmer has derived from Addison, tho he does not
specifically acknowledge it. At the same time Bodmer misquotes
Addison to the effect that rime is a matter of minor importance.
Bodmer 's owrn tame translation of Hudibras58 is evidence to the
contrary.

Gottsched reviewed the work of Bodmer rather favorably in
his Kritische Beitrage; he hoped that Bodmer would finish his
translation and that some one else would turn the prose into

56 See SURVEY, p. 208.

57 Bodmer [139]; quoted by Thayer [167] 578.

ss Thayer [167] 549 and Vetter [102] and [103] agree that Bodmer
first learned of Hudibras thru the Spectator no. 249. Bodmer borrowed
from Zellweger the copy from which he translated. There are references
to Butler in letters written by Bodmer 1723 and 1729.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 183

verses "und zwar in solche, die hiibsch altfrankisch klingen."59
Gottsched then gives a practical demonstration as to how this
should be done. His verses are based on Bodmer's prose, how-
ever, and not on the original. Bodmer let it be known that he
did not intend to complete the translation. His friend Waser
took up the task and produced a complete version in prose in
1765. 60 Haller regretted the prose form,61 as Gottsched had
done in the case of Bodmer's translation. The earliest complete
rimed version was that of Soltau (1787).62 There were other
later renderings83 but the only noteworthy one was that of
Josua Eiselein, " Professor und weiland Oberbibliothekar der
Universitat Heidelberg" (Freiburg 1845). It has a rambling,
erudite, and irrelevant introduction. Eiselein introduces matter
of his own invention into the text and uses Soltau 's verses wher-
ever he feels he cannot improve upon them.

In spite of numerous and extensive efforts Hudibras never
became naturalized in German literature. Herder in his Frag-
mente iiber die neuere deutsche Literatur speaks of Hudibras
as one of the works which are non-translatable: "An einen
Deutschen Cervantes, Hudibras, Tristram, und wie die guten
Leute mehr heiszen, laszt sich bei unserm Antonio von Rosalva,
bei unserm Renommisten, und noch weniger bei anderen Schrift-
stellern kaum gedenken."64 Thayer [167] shows that Pope was
far more influential than Butler in the shaping of mock epics
in Germany, even among the poets who knew Butler. Wieland
found pleasure in Butler, but did not imitate him in his humor-
ous poetry. The same is true of Riedel, who followed Pope in

^Beytrage zur Jcritischen Historie etc. (Leipzig 1737), 17. Stuck, pp.
167-176; quoted by Thayer [167] 553.

GO Meanwhile J. J. Dusch had publisht a prose rendering of about 1200
lines in 1764; cf. Thayer [167] 554.

si GGA 1766 I 32; cf. Thayer [167] 557.

^Hudib'.as frey verdeutscht, dem Herrn Hofrat Wieland zugeeignet von
D. W. S. (Eiga 1787, revised ed. Konigsberg 1797).

es In the Deutsches Museum, Sept. 1798, the first canto by Dietrich
Wilhelm Andrea, in Vienna an ostensibly new prose edition, in reality a
revision of Waser 's.

64 Herder, WerTce II 46.

184 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

his comic epic Der Trappenschuzze (1765). Thayer finds in-
sufficient grounds for the assertion of Sime and E. Schmidt that
Lessing and Nicolai planned to write a satire against Gottsched
in the manner of Hudibras.™

Young 's satires made even less stir in Germany than Butler 's.
Written in 1725-1728 they were first commented on in 1745.
Gottsched reviewed the fourth edition in that year, attributing
it to Glover, quoting 130 verses of the original, translating it
into German prose, and expressing the hope that his fellow coun-
trymen might he satirized in a similar fashion. Such an at-
tempt was made in a fragmentary paraphrase appearing in a
Hamburg journal in 1753. Meanwhile Bodmer had reviewed
the satires in his Neue critische Brief e (1749) giving a trans-
lation of numerous verses.67 A poor but complete translation
by an anonymous author appeared in Frankfurt and Leipzig,
1755-1756. This had at least the result of leading Ebert to
include a good translation in his edition of 1771. There were
a few other scattered fragmentary translations, but there is
nowhere a sign of influence. Even the writers who were enthu-
siastic about the Night thoughts paid no attention to the satires.

To a large extent Fielding's Joseph Andrews was a satire
upon Richardson. A similar satirical element predominates in
Musaus's Grandison der Zweite (1760) which is described in
another connexion.68 It is in order here to refer in passing to a
work called Geschichte Edward Grandisons in Gorlitz (1755).
Edward Grandison is a copy of Richardson's novelistic hero
Charles Grandison. In passing thru Gorlitz he falls in with
Schonaich and some other literary men and seizes the opportunity
to inform himself about literary affairs in Germany. Schonaich
commends Gottsched and his school, and Bodmer, the admirer of
Milton, is harshly treated. But the mention of Milton arouses
Grandison 's curiosity. During the night he reads some works
of the Swiss and the Leipziger and decides promptly in favor of

66 Thayer [167] 579-580.

67 Vetter [103] regards Bodmer 's authorship as doubtful,
es See SURVEY, p. 296.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 185

the Swiss. He is confirmed in his conviction by the conversation
of Gottsched and some friends, who arrive and talk the next day.
Bodmer was one of the authors of this work, tho it was publisht
under Wieland 's name.69 The general impression that one de-
rives from most of the imitations just mentioned is that the
Swiss men of letters and a few others were constantly trying
to estimate their own work by the English standard. In Leipzig
the French standard was still regarded as the valid one.

In the last quarter of the eighteenth century occurred an event
that attracted much attention on the part of the leading German
journalists and men of letters, the war of the American colonies
for independence. The German writers in question were prac-
tically unanimous in their support of constitutional government
but differed as to which side best represented that principle.
Goebel [93], Hatfield and Hochbaum [94], and Walz [96] and
[97], have all made valuable collections of data on this question.
They have searcht not only thru the works of literature of the
time but also thru the journals for contemporary German opinion
regarding the contest in America. The findings of these investi-
gators are comparatively accessible, and the contradictory opin-
ions that prevailed in 1775 and thereafter do not need re-quota-
tion here. A few outstanding facts will suffice.

Gottingen was influenced by the strong ties that bound it to
England, and Schlozer, a professor at the university, was an
ardent defender of the English cause, as apparently were several
of his colleags. The three Swabian journalists whose attitude
Walz [97] defines, Schubart, Wekhrlin, and Schiller, were all
enamored of England's institutions. Wiirttemberg shared with
England the distinction of being one of the two constitutional
lands in Europe. It is true a right of 'habeas corpus' was lacking
to its constitution, as one of the three journalists, Schubart, soon
discovered to his sorrow. Schubart 's admiration for the English
was intense. Tho sometimes overshadowed by his sympathy for

oo Regarding the participation of Wieland and Bodmer in this work
see Hordorff, Untersuchungen zu "Edward Grandisons Gesclnchte in Gor-
litz" (ScUusz} Euph XIX (1912) 66-91, and Budde, Wieland und Bodmer,
Pal LXXXIX (1910) 103-129. Cf. Waniek [116] index.

186 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

the colonists, it never entirely disappears. He regrets the Ger-
man traffic in soldiers, but he defends the Hessians in America
against the charge of cruelty, and is proud of their achievements.
Wekhrlin, on the other hand, in his Ckronologen (1779-1781)
and other journals was uncompromisingly for the English. Eng-
land was his ideal state. He was a confest monarchist with a
corresponding antipathy for the revolutionists. Schiller, finally,
was for a time (1781) editor of a Stuttgart paper, the Nach-
richten zum Nutzen und Vergniigen, a four page sheet, which
had much to say regarding English and American political
affairs, but very little regarding Swabian — a more dangerous
subject. Schiller was a neutral observer of the conflict overseas.
There is no direct criticism of the German traffic in soldiers,
but there is a suspicion of a fine irony in the picture he drew,
March 16, 1781, of the hired troops on their way to America
pausing for a moment before the palace to salute "ihren ange-
beteten Landes Vater und Begenten." One is reminded by this
report of Kabale und Liebe, II 3.70

Other writers have treated of the opinions of Klopstock,
Herder, the ''Storm and Stress" poets, and Goethe regarding
America.7011 All accounts agree: First, that the men of letters
advocated a liberal, constitutional government generally inclin-
ing, on the whole, toward the cause of the colonies ; second, that
the German traffic in soldiers was especially distressing to them ;
and third, that the American cause was summed up to the Ger-
mans in the names of Washington and Franklin. Other notable
patriots and statesmen, such as Hamilton and Jefferson, were
practically unknown to them. "Walz [97] finds that Wieland,
unlike the other German leaders of thot, was rather colorless in
his remarks in the Teut seller Merkur (1773ff.) . There are rather
few references to England, and there is no expression of opinion
against the traffic in soldiers ; but the quotations of Hatfield and
Hochbaum [94] seem to bespeak a rather warm interest in the
American colonists.

™ Goebel [93] holds that the contrast was made for effect. Walz [97]
127 sees no necessity for such an interpretation.
™a See BIBLIOGRAPHY [92]-[101].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey

187

Klopstock's admiration for the Americans is exprest in two
odes Sie und nicht wir (1790) and Zwei Nordamerikaner (1795),
also in Denkzeiten (1793) line 22ff. Klopstock was proud of a
diploma of citizenship received from the French republic and
declined to surrender it, because he felt that in so doing he would
surrender his fellow-citizenship with Washington. Walz [96]
believes accordingly that in the phrase "Mitburger des Guten"
in Furstenlob the term "des Guten" applies to Washington.
There are several other references to Washington in his letters.71

Herder makes several references to Franklin, in one of which
he compares him with Socrates;72 but Herder was most con-
cerned about the traffic in soldiers. He wrote of the German
mercenaries :

Und doch sind sie in ihrer Herren Dienst

So hiindisch-treu! Sie lassen willig sich

Zum Mississippi und Ohio-Strom

Nach Candia und nach dem Mohrenfels

Verkaufen. Stirbt der Sklave, streicht der Herr

Den Sold indess und seine Witwe darbt;

Die Waisen ziehen den Pflug und hungern. Doch

Das schadet nichts; der Herr braucht einen Schatzjs

Others who were opposed to the renting out of troops were
J. J. Engel in Furstenspiegel (1798) and Hermes in Sophiens
Reise (1769-1773). Frederick II was against it too, but not
for sentimental reasons. He felt that it was drawing too much
fighting blood from the German states. He taxt soldiers con-
ducted thru his domain just as he taxt cattle similarly led.
Schubart voiced the almost universal opposition to the lending
of troops in his Kaplied (1787). Matthison says the song was
sung from the Limmat in Switzerland to the Baltic sea, from
Moldau in Bohemia to the banks of the Ehine.73a

71 Incidentally Klopstock profest to agree with Franklin in regard to
simplified spelling. In a letter to Cramer, Dec. 10, 1782 he says: "War
kan anders iiber di Ortografi denken, als Franklin und ich?" Lappen-
berg, Brief e von und an Klopstock (Braunschweig 1867), 308.

72 Herder, WerTce XVII 295.

73 In Nationalruhm, originally intended for Hiimanitatsbriefe but with-
held for political reasons until 1812. See Herder, Werke XVIII 208-210;
quoted by Walz [96].

73" Matthissohn, Erinnerungen (Wien 1794), I 181.

188 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The "Sturmer und Dranger" were interested in America
socially rather than politically. Klinger believed in the moral
superiority of the Indian over the white man, as a follower of
Rousseau should. The scene of his drama Sturm und Drang,
which gave the name to the movement, was laid in America.
Klinger hoped at one time to secure, thru Franklin, a commission
in the American army; failing in this, he showed his freedom
from partizanship by seeking, thru the Herzogin Amalia, a
position as officer in the mercenaries of the Herzog von Braun-
schweig; but this plan failed also. Franklin plays an important
role in Klinger 's novel Geschichte eines Deutschen der neuesten
Zeit (1778). Lenz's attitude toward the colonists is not clear.
Hatfield and Hochbaum infer from the dramatic fragment
Henriette von Waldeck oder die Laube (1776) that Lenz was
interested in the American cause,74 but Walz [96] , on the other
hand, concludes from the Waldbruder of the same year that his
attitude was one of indifference. In numerous German novels
of the revolutionary time and later, America is referred to as the
refuge of those who find conditions no longer favorable at home.
Lili Schonemann once proposed to Goethe that they go to America.
"Amerika war damals vielleicht noch mehr als jetzt," Goethe
says, "das Eldorado derjenigen, die in ihrer augenblicklichen
Lage sich bedrangt fanden."75 "Damals noch mehr als jetzt;"
had Goethe written in 1830 instead of 1810 he would not have
so exprest himself. But America as the Eldorado of the opprest
is a theme that for chronological reasons must be reserved for the
third part of this survey.

74 Hatfield and Hochbaum [94] 365.

75 Goethe, WerJce I 29, 156.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey J89

CHAPTER 4

ADDISON AND THE MORAL WEEKLIES
r
The journalistic successes of Steele and Addison brot a new

type of literature to the front in England. The Tatler (1709)
was followed by the Spectator (March 1711-Dec. 1712 and June-
Dec. 1714), the interval in its publication being filled succes-
sively by the Guardian (1713), the Englishman, and the Lover.1
These periodicals furnisht a common subject matter of conver-
sation to men and women of leisure. The Tatler appeared three
times every week, the Guardian appeared weekly, while the
Spectator presented itself daily, and after its revival in 1714,
tri-weekly for discussion at the coffee houses. There was a
reformatory impulse behind these papers. They sot to improve
morals by dint of elevating taste; to substitute literature and
manners as topics of conversation for horse-racing, cock-fighting,
and other gentlemanly interests; and to introduce into the com-
mon speech the simplicity and elegance of the French language.
These journals continued to appear thruout the eighteenth cen-
tury in England. Kawcynski [149] has counted over two hun-
dred during that period, and Brandl in his review has added to
the list, yet the papers seems to have lost much of their prestige
with the final discontinuance of the Spectator. About the time
the movement was passing its crest in England a similar one
began in Germany. The German weeklies surpast the English
in number, tho not in quality.

1 These papers were not without predecessors, tho the Christian hero,
mentioned by Hartung [163] and Coffman [118], was not a moral weekly.
Defoe 's Weekly review of the affairs of France, 1704ff, a news sheet rather
than a moral weekly, but incidentally containing discussions of moral and
poetic questions, preceded the Tatler, as did also the Athenian gazette,
1690. In reality the moral weeklies developt out of the popularity of
moral essays and of ' ' Characters. ' ' Works of this kind were prevalent
since the time of La Bruyere and especially popular in England in the
first decade of the 18th century. See Baldwin, PMLA XIX (1904) 75-
144 and Dunham MLN XXXIII (1918) 95-101.

190 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The earliest German weeklies were :

Der Hamburger Vernunfftler, Hamburg 1713-1726.

Die lustige Fama aus der ndrrischen Welt, Hamburg 1718.

Neuangelegte Nouvellen-Correspondence aus dem Reicke
derer Lebendigen in das Reich derer Todten, Hamburg
1721.

Die Discourse der Mahlern, Zurich 1722-1723, conducted
by Bodmer and Breitinger.

Der Leipziger Spectateur, Leipzig 1723.

Der Hamburger Patriot, Hamburg 1724^1726, founded by
Brockes and his friends.

Die vernilnfftigen Tadlerinnen, Leipzig 1725-1726, con-
ducted by Gottsched.

It was natural that Hamburg, Zurich, and Leipzig should
lead the movement, not only on account of their connexions with
England, which have already been set forth,ia but also because of
their remoteness from court life, which was then under the domi-
nation of the more aristocratic French influence. Berlin joined
the movement tardily with Das moralische Fernglas (1732) and
Der Weltburger (1741-1742). 2

Gottsched listed 180 weeklies founded in Germany during the
period 1713-1761. Kawczynski listed over 500 in Germany dur-
ing the eighteenth century. Hamburg was the leader with
ninety-nine such publications including the Patriot, in its day the
most widely read paper in Germany, with 4500 subscribers in
Hamburg and elsewhere. Leipzig followed with twenty-eight
weeklies, the leading one being Gottsched 's.

The count must necessarily vary with the definition of the
term "moral weekly." Most of the papers were partly moral
and partly literary with a tendency, as time went on, to become

ia See SURVEY, p. 159f.

2 Eegarding the four Hamburg papers see Jacoby [151]; regarding
Die Discourse der Mahlern, der Patriot, die verniinfftigen Tadlerinnen see
Milberg [148]; for the Discourse der Mahlern see further Vetter [157];
for the Hamburger Vernunfftler Hartung [156]; for the Berlin papers,
Geiger [152].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 191

strictly literary. The year 1735 may be taken as a turning point
in that respect. In that year Gottsched suffered his Biedermann,
successor to the Tadlerinnen, to pass away and founded in its
stead his Beytrdge zur kritischen Historic der deutschen Sprache,
Poesie und Beredsamkeit. From 1737 to 1773, the date of the
founding of Der teutsche Merkur, literary titles predominate.3
In the moral weeklies we have all the elements essential to a
widespread influence. They were read everywhere and by all
classes of people. They stood in high esteem and they provided
the most available organ thru which young writers could express
themselves.

After Kawcynski, Jacoby, Milberg, and Vetter had prepared
the way with special studies of special papers or groups of
papers. Umbach [155] was able to advance knowledge of the
weeklies by giving his investigations a broader base. He ex-
amined twenty-five such journals and included in the scope of
his inquiry the later period, which his predecessors had slighted.
He lays special stress on the close relation of the weeklies to the
English Spectator, a phase which Milberg had neglected and
Kawczynski had by no means exhausted.

Umbach finds that most of the early moral weeklies in Ger-
many frankly admitted their indebtedness to the Spectator and
that the dependence, tho less pronounced, was obvious thruout
the century. The complete translation of the Spectator, which
Frau Gottsched produced (1739-1743), necessitated a more active
quest for original material. Frau Gottsched also publisht a
German version of the Guardian in 1749 ; a translation of the
Tatler appeared in 1756. The Hamburger Verniinfftler de-
pended on its English original, the Tatler, for its inspiration,
but most of the early papers depended upon a French trans-
lation of the Spectator of 1714, in which 214 numbers were

s Some of these literary journals had a distinct English flavor, as for
example- Die britische BiUiothek (Leipzig 1759ff.), and Bremisches Maga-
zin zur Ausbreitung der Wissenschaften, Kunste und Tugend von einigen Lieb-
habern derselben mehrenteils aus den englischen Monatsschriften gesammelt
und herausgegeben (Bremen and Leipzig 1757-1766). For the period 1777-
1855 Elze [74] 58-59 has listed twenty-one English-German 1
magazines publisht in Germany.

192 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

lacking or incomplete.4 It was this version that Bodmer pickt
up in Geneva in 1718 on his return from Italy and resolved to
imitate. Umbach finds that the Spectator was plundered most
largely of its religious articles. Persiflage of human faults and
foibles is next in point of prominence, and ideas regarding edu-
cation were also borrowed largely. These borrowed articles must,
to a large extent, have determined the general tone of the German
periodicals.

The common moral philosophy of these papers, English and
German, seems to go back to Locke and Shaftesbury. They all
look upon nature in its totality and speak of the wholesome effect
of its impressions on man. They attack the group which denies
the existence of God. Regarding morals the journals held that
good common sense should prevail. They made a crusade against
carnivals, masked balls, and modern dances. They ridiculed
popular superstitions, astrology, and alchemy. They dealt with
practical questions of education and interested themselves in
broadening the outlook of woman. They opposed affected man-
ners and false assumptions in society. They preacht the ideas
of brotherhood and humanity. In short, they popularized the
creed of the age of enlightenment, while the emphasis laid upon
the equality of man in his natural state and the protest against
artificial distinctions lookt forward to the age of the revolution.

It was in the field of letters, however, that the weeklies were
most influential. Like their English models they devoted them-
selves to the simplification of style, the purification of diction,
and the fostering of good taste.

Addison had developt his taste and acquired his style by read-
ing the literary works of the ancients and of the French classicists.
He strove for a form of expression free from all affectation,
one that rendered up its content with ease and simple elegance.
He rarely preacht good style in his journals, but trusted to
the power of example. The German imitators, however, declare

4 Vetter was unaware of its incompleteness when he wrote [157]. The
wrong impression is corrected in [103], where his earlier results are sub-
jected to a review.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 193

their object in advance,5 and claim the sanction of the Spectator.
Frau Gottsched announces a similar purpose in the preface to
her translation of the second volume of the Spectator- "Unser
"Wunsch ist allerhand Arten von Leuten zu gef alien und ihnen
durch keine seltsame und eigensinnige Schreibart anstoszig zu
werden, sondern sie vielmehr durch einen zwar reinen aber auch
gewohnlichen und bekannten Ausdruck anzureizen." Quoting
Boswell's A method of study she writes: "Sie (Addison und
Steele) haben sich als Meister in alien Schreibarten gezeigt,
sodasz man seine eigene wohl nach ihnen einrichten konne."7
The Hamburger Patriot is of a like opinion, claiming Addison
as its model in point of style. The editor professes to have once
visited the Spectator in London and asserts : * ' dasz seine Schrif-
ten vornehmlich die Ursache der Vollkommenheit sind, die die
mglische Sprache nun erlangt hat/'8 A simple and easily com-
prehended style was the characteristic of nearly all the moral
weeklies. The weeklies, moreover, afforded young men their best
opportunity for winning their literary spurs. It is not too much
;o say that the notable simplification of German prose that took
place during the eighteenth century was indirectly a result of
Addison 's betterment of the English language.

The German periodicals were confronted with one task with
which the English editors did not have to cope, the purification
of the language from foren words. The Hamburger Patriot led
the reform saying:

Ich habe einen anderen Nutzen gesuchet, nehmlich den Geschmack
meiner Landsleute in der Sprache und Schreib-Art zu verbessern. . . .
Ein Teutscher musz ietzund Franzb'sisch, Lateinisch und Italianisch ver-
stehen, urn ein Buch in seiner Mutter-Sprache lesen zu konnen. Ich habe
mich aber auf alle Weise bestrebt, durch eine sorgfaltige Keinlichkeit
und edle, ungekiinstelte Einformigkeit diesen verwehnten Geschmack zu
bessern.8a

s See Hamburger Patriot, Stiick 156; quoted by Umbach [155] 34.

7 Op. cit., Vorrede zu Band II; quoted by Umbach [155] 31; cf. Die
vernunft'tigen Tadlerinnen II, Stuck 32 and Milberg [148] 57.

8 Op. cit., 20 Stiick; quoted by Umbach [155] 32.
88 Op. cit., 156 Stiick; quoted by Umbach [155] 34.

194 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

At the outset the Discourse der Mahlern was one of the worst
offenders in respect to the use of foren words. It was attackt
for this fault by the Patriot and other weeklies. In its twenty-
third number it criticized its own previous style, suggested bet-
terments and improved from that time on. The average number
of foren words per page in the first twenty-two numbers was
fifteen, thereafter four.9

The German weeklies joined with the English ones in the
crusade against unnatural forms of poetry and writing, against
acrostics, against puns and plays on words. They followed the
English papers also in their positive endeavors. The descrip-
tions of nature helpt prepare a way for the reception of Brockes.
The fables and characters, which are frequent in the English
Spectator, in imitation of similar French forms, are re-echoed
in the German periodicals, and the opinions of the English critics
especially regarding the theatre are quoted as authority.

In his fifth chapter Umbach considers the influence of the
English weeklies upon certain important poets of the eighteenth
century. His investigations in regard to Haller confessedly
bring no definite results. He finds several correspondences of
ideas and phraseology between Haller 's poetry and the Spectator
papers ; but might these not go back to the English moral phil-
osophers, whom Haller knew as well as did Addison? Haller
did not know English at the time of his journey to England
(1727), but the French Spectator was doubtless well known to
him, as well as the German imitations. Haller joined with the
German weeklies in the campain against the foren word.

Hagedorn made some minor contributions to the Hamburger
Patriot in 1726. He was then eighteen years of age. He prob-
ably first read the English Spectator and Guardian in the orig-
inal during his visit to England 1729-1731. On his return he
found the German weeklies insipid in comparison with the
English prototypes he was familiar with.10 He did not write
essays for weeklies in Germany, but he workt material from

» Umbach [155] 37.
10 Ibid., p. 73.

1920] Price: En glish> German Literary Influences— Survey 195

the English weeklies frequently into his Moralische Gedichte,11
with his usual acknowledgment of source.12 He called attention
to the folk-songs reprinted in the Spectator, and with Addison
he exprest an admiration for this type of poetry.13 Hagedorn's
simplicity and brevity of style is due in some measure to the
example of the Spectator,™ which strengthened him also in his
democratic tendency.

The content of Rabener's satires shows a close correspond-
ence in subject matter to the German and English moral weeklies,
and there are several particular references therein to the Spec-
tator. Rudolf Nedden [158] has shown the extent to which
Gellert drew upon the Spectator papers for his Fabeln und
Erzahlungen. Umbach calls Gellert "die Summe der moral-
ischen Wochenschriften : Was diese unermiidlich in einzelnen
Abhandlungen dem Volke vor Augen gestellt haben, faszt Gellert
zu einem groszen moralischen Lehrgebaude zusammen."15 Um-
bach finds many passages in Gellert paralleling the German
moral weeklies, several paralleling the English weeklies, and
many laudatory references to Addison, which he quotes at length.

It is to be regretted that Umbach did not include the two
Gottsched s among the list of authors individually tested as to
their relation to the English weeklies. Gottsched 's esteem for
Addison is well known. He showed it not only by his frequent
references but by his tragedy Cato, written in manifest imitation
of Addison 's Cato and of the Cat on d'Utique of Deschamps.16
Lessing points out that this is far from signifying an appreci-

11 Coffman [118] 78-79 draws a comparison between Hagedorn's Die
Freundschaft and Addison 's essay, Friendship.

12 Harvestuhde and Schreiben an einen Freund to Spectator, nos. 196
and 612.

13 See Spectator, nos. 366-406 and 70-74; cf. SURVEY, p. 267.

i* See letter to Bodmer, April 13, 1748; quoted by Umbach [155] 75.

is Umbach [155] 80.

ie See Turkheim [160] and Criiger [161]. Addison 's Drummer was
translated into French by Destouches, who revised it slightly to suit his
taste. Frau Gottsched later translated Destouches 's work into German;
cf. Beam [86] 86. Addison 's Cato was thrice translated into German
prose, Frau Gottsched 1735, Anon. 1758, Anon. 1763; and twice into
German verse, Felss 1803 and Boehler 1863; see Hegnauer [162] 104.

196 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ation on Gottsched's part of the essential nature of English
poetry.17

Regarding Frau Gottsched there might be something to say
as well. While at work on her translation of the Spectator she
received a letter from a stranger asking advice regarding mar-
riage with a man below her rank. Frau Gottsched gave the
answer in the form of a play. Schlenther comments:18 "Wie
Meister Addison nicht nur moralische Wochenschriften sondern
auch moralische Komodien verfaszte, so unterbrach auch Frau
Gottsched ihre Ubersetzung der Wochenschriften mit der Ab-
fassung von Komodien." The reference here is to Frau Gott-
sched's Die ungleiche Heirat (1743), Die Hausfranzosinn (1744),
and Das Testament (1745). 19

Not by any detailed investigation of individual German
authors, however, is the extent of the influence of the English
weeklies on German literature to be estimated, but rather by
broader considerations that involve the whole literary history of
the first half of the eighteenth century in Germany. Before
the classic literature could develop, the German language had
to be bettered in many respects. The necessary movement toward
purification, clarification, and simplification began under the
banner of French pseudo-classicism, but was extended and pop-
ularized by the example of the English weeklies.

A further serious defect in Germany at the beginning of the
eighteenth century was the lack of a common culture. The re-
naissance had caused a rift between the classically trained scholar
and the uneducated mass. Opitz had tried in vain to bridge
the gulf. The thirty years war had remedied the disparity only
in so far as it levelled downwards. When Gottsched, at the
beginning of the eighteenth century, renewed the effort his task
was a difficult one. The people read little and satisfied their
literary cravings by marvelling at the rude plays of wandering
players. Men of culture affected a preference for French liter-

17 Lessing, Schriften VIII 42; in the 17. Literaturbrief.
is Schlenther [117] 180.
is Cf. Hegnauer [162] 131.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 197

ature and the French drama. Then it was that the moral week-
lies provided a common meeting ground. They were elegant
enuf for the enlightened and not too deep for the uneducated.
For Gottsched in Leipzig, and for his confederates in Hamburg
and Zurich, Addison was the man of the hour. But none of
them acquired Addison 's easy manner. He wrote as if to social
equals. The tone of his German followers on the other hand
was stiffer and more pedagogical; they held that the unlearned
masses must be instructed by their intellectual superiors. The
German public, however, took the lesson in good part, as an
English public perhaps would not have done.

Thirdly and lastly, an indispensable pre-requisite for a healthy
literature was scientific literary criticism and the development
therefrom of an esthetic theory. Both the Leipzig group and
the Swiss group learnt from the English weeklies how to express
themselves with discrimination and some precision in such mat-
ters. Out of their divergencies of opinion arose a journalistic
debate. The debate clarified opposing literary theories and
markt the beginning in Germany of a criticism worthy of the
name.

In view of the great esteem in which he was held in Germany
it was fortunate that Addison was so liberal a critic and that
he had taken occasion to express so emphatically his admiration
of Milton and Shakespeare and even, tho timidly, of popular
poetry. Addison with Pope and other men of wise restraint,
common sense, and good taste make up the first wave of English
influence in Germany in the eighteenth century. The laudatory
essay on Milton opened the way to the second wave, in which
the marvellous secured its recognition. The frequent references
to Shakespeare aroused first curiosity, then enthusiasm for Shake-
speare, while Herder was able to claim Addison 's sanction in his
campain in behalf of the poetry of the uneducated, and thus
the arrival of the third wave was signalized. In short, the
English weeklies played a pioneer role in the movement of
English literature in Germany, in the eighteenth century.

198 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 5

POPE

The discussion of Pope 's influence on German literature seems
to have been opened by Max Koch in a study of 1880 [284],
wherein he showed that Pope's version of January and May in
the Merchant's tale from Chaucer, was, with Shakespeare's Mid-
summer night's dream, an important source of Wieland's Oberon.
In his general sketch of English > German influences three years
later [76] he laid emphasis upon the influence of Pope's "philo-
sophisches Lehrgedicht" on the poets Brockes, Haller, Drollin-
ger, Uz, Ewald Christian Kleist, Pyra, Wieland, Goethe, and
Schiller. He pointed out that Pope was considered a great phil-
osopher in Germany until Mendelssohn and Lessing in their tract
Pope ein Metaphysikerf (1755) demonstrated the contrary to
the Berlin Academy. He further called attention to the fact
that Pope popularized the prevailing English philosophy just
as Schiller later popularized Kant 's ideas. Among the evidences
of this influence he refers to two works of Haller: "Das Be-
streben, Thomson und Pope zu verbinden, hat Albrecht von
Haller in seinen Alpen (1729) geleitet. Popes Richtung geson-
dert hat er im Gedichte Uber den Ursprung des libels* (1734)
eingeschlagen. " This last assertion doubtless has reference to
Pope 's Essay on man, with which Haller 's work shows many cor-
respondences ; but the common direction of the two poetical essays
is purely accidental, for, as Wyplel points out, ia Pope's Essay
on man, tho begun in 1732, was not completed until 1734, while
Haller had begun his Ursprung des Ubels in February 1733. Up
to this time there had been no reference to Pope in Haller 's cor-
respondence, tho Butler, Rochester, Swift, Shaftesbury, Blount,
and Hobbes had already been referred to. The first mention of

iKoch [76] 14.
i" Wyplel [120] 21.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 199

Pope is in a letter from Stahelin in 1734. Haller might have
taken his work in hand, thereupon, and revised it with the help
of Pope's example, but there is no evidence whatever that he
did so. In a later edition of his poem he expressly denies that it
had profited by the Essay on man.2 Wyplel emphasizes the fun-
damental differences in the characters of Pope and Haller, dif-
ferences that find their natural reflexion in dissimilarities of
style. At most, he says, Pope, with the other philosophic poets
of England, may have encouraged Haller in his trend toward
greater pregnancy of style.

Wyplel attributed certain apparent Pope-Haller parallels to
a common origin in the earlier English philosophic writers and
emphasized the importance of Shaftesbury as an influence on
Haller. A promist investigation by him did not appear but his
surmize has been confirmed by others.

Bondi [318] finds the prevailing English philosophy in
Haller 's Gedanken uber Vernunft, Aberglauben und Unglauben,
in Die Falschheit menschlicher Tugenden, and in Uber den Ur-
sprung des libels. Jenny, on the other hand, says that Haller 's
philosophy corresponds rather with Leibniz's.20 Where it does
correspond with Shaftesbury 's, Haller derived his ideas at second
hand from him thru Leibniz. Grudzinski [328] holds a middle
view. He declines to regard, with Bondi, the question of the
freedom of the will as a touchstone to distinguish Leibniz's
philosophy from Shaftesbury 's but sees the distinguishing char-
acteristic of the latter in its esthetic stamp, that of the former
in its metaphysical foundation:

Wo sich ein Dichter in begeisterten Schilderungen der Harmonic und
Ordnung in der Welt ergeht, wird gewohnlich Shaftesburys Einwirkung
vorliegen. Darauf beschrankt sie sich auch in Hallers Ursprung des
fbels, dessen metaphysische Grundgedanken durchaus der Leibnizschen
Philosophic entnommen sind. Shaftesburys Einflusz auf Haller ist in
seinen Gedanken iiber Eeligion und Sittlichkeit zu such en; fur die ausge-
glichene daseinsfreudige Lebensansicht des Engenders hat der schwer-
miitige, weltabgewandte Schweizer kaum Sinn gehabt.s

2Maack [277] 8.

2a Jenny [319] 11.

3 Grudzinski [328] 18.

200 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

At all events investigations undertaken since 1883 tend to
show that Koch [76] exaggerated Pope's influence at the ex-
pense of that of Shaftesbury and other English philosophers.
The three most recent works on Shaftesbury, those of Elson,
Grudzinski, and Weiser3", have given Shaftesbury his due. We
may hope for an impartial appraisal of the relative influences in
a work that has been begun by Heinzelmann, who intends to
include in the scope of his investigation : ( 1 ) an account of the
extent to which Pope was read by the Germans of the eighteenth
century; (2) an account of their critical attitude toward him;
(3) a sketch of the influences which he exerted upon their litera-
ture.4 As yet he has publisht only his bibliography of translations
[274] and a text to the same [275]. This text is so arranged,
however, as to give an adequate general idea of the development
of the Pope influence in Germany. His subdivisions are in them-
selves suggestions : ( 1 ) Pope first entered Germany thru France ;
(2) Hamburg and the early Pope translations; (3) translations
growing out of the Bodmer-Gottsched controversy; (4) later
translations and the rationalistic undercurrent; (5) Pope and
the beginning of German romanticism. The first three captions
indicate the familiar France-Leipzig, Hamburg, and Zurich
routes, whereby Addison and other English authors had made
their entry into Germany in the early part of the century. The
fourth sub-title calls attention to a fact, sometimes overlookt,
that rationalism was by no means an outlived • force in German
literature even after the coming of the later movements (senti-
mentalism and "Sturm und Drang").5 Heinzelmann shows that
the popularity of Pope reacht its climax in the sixth decade. It
was in the year 1755 that the Berlin Academy made Pope's say-
ing "Whatever is, is right" the subject for a prize essay; and
Pope's philosophy, Heinzelmann says, continued to be accepted
generally in Germany despite the efforts of Lessing and Mendels-

3aSee BIBLIOGRAPHY [327], [328], and [313].

4 Heinzelmann [275] 318.

s Cf . Graner [278] 3. "In Deutschland nahm das Interesse fur Pope
ganz und gar ab, als das strahlende Gestirn eines Shakespeare zu leuchten
anfing. ' '

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 201

sohn.5a Translations of the Essay on man are abundant in the last
half of the century, indeed the best do not appear until then. In
the sixth decade too translations appeared of several of Pope's
poems which had not previously been done into German, among
them January and May, To Mr. Elijah Fenton, Temple of fame,
Windsor Forest, and To Mrs. M. B. on her birthday. The years
1762-1764 brot the first reprint of Pope's works in Germany.
It was supervised by Nicolai. About the same time Schlosser,
later the brother-in-law of Goethe, was busy at the task of writ-
ing in heroic couplets an anti-Pope, an imitation of Pope wherein
he sot to demonstrate that man could be unhappy in spite of
the perfection of the universe. A prose translation of the Essay
on man accompanied this work. The whole was not publisht
until 1776.

Heinzelmann 's last subdivision calls attention to the fact too
often overlookt that there were qualities in Pope that appealed
also to the romantic mind. Byron, for example, profest a great
admiration for Pope. So among Pope's translators in Germany
we find such names as Herder, Lenz, Burger, and Sophie
Brentano.

Naturally different works came to the foreground at different
literary periods. The Essay on man was the chief object of
interest with the rationalists. The Essay on criticism and the
Dunciad played a role in the Gottsched-Bodmer controversy6
while Eloise to Abelard was first appreciated by the more senti-
mentally-minded public of the end of the century. During the
period 1780-1805 there were ten or more translations of this
poem, Eschenburg's and Burger's being the most popular.7 It
is interesting to note that Dryden also, as a lyric poet, was most
fully appreciated about this time.8 His reputation was based
almost exclusively upon his Alexander's feast, an ode written

5« Heinzelmann [275] 346; cf. SURVEY, p. 198.

e Cf. SURVEY, p. 208.

7 An early predecessor of these was a literary curiosity,
translation by an Englishman into the French language publisht in 1
in 1751. See Heinzelmann [275] 324.

s Cf. SURVEY, p. 172f.

202 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

on St. Cecilia's day 1697. It had been translated by Weisze in
1763 and by Ramler in 1766 and 1770, but the new century
produced a new sheaf of translations. In 1800 three versions
saw the light, one by Kosegarten in Schiller's Musenalmenack,
and one by Noldeke and another by T — r, both in Wieland's
Neuer teutscher Merkur. In 1805 a new translation appeared
in Zurich and still another in Vienna in 1812. It was Pope,
however, who first attracted attention to this poem in Germany,
for when Drollinger (1741) publisht a translation of Pope's
Essay on criticism he had to include Pope's eulogy on Dry den's
famous ode. In his Essay on the writings and genius of Pope
Warton, following Pope, commended Dry den's ode as the best
modern lyric poem, reserving the second place to Pope's Ode on
St. Cecilia's day. The essay of Warton was much noticed in
Germany,9 was reviewed by Mendelssohn in 1758,9a and trans-
lated by Nicolai in 1763.10

Koch [284] laid as much stress on the content of Pope's
writings as on their form. Friends tho they were, Pope and
Voltaire were at variance in their philosophies. Pope held that
whatever is, is right, while Voltaire held that much of the tradi-
tional was wrong. Generally speaking Germany seems to have
accorded Voltaire the first place as a literary critic, but to have
followed Pope in his philosophy.

It would appear from Heinzelmann 's study, however, that
Pope's poetic form rather than the content of his poetry should
be emphasized as a force in German literary history. Pope,
like Addison, had developt his taste under French influence.
Boileau was his authority in poetic matters, and he followed
essentially in his practice the precepts of French pseudo-classi-
cism. The simplicity and clarity of Addison 's prose were char-

9 See Britische Bibliothek II (1757) 377, and Mendelssohn in the
~B%blioihek der schonen Wissenschaften IV (1758) 314. Both comment on
Alexander's feast. Other commentators on Dryden's ode were Hagedorn,
Herder, Boie, and Schubart. Upon none of the others, however, does it
seem to have made so deep an impression as upon Herder. See Baum-
gartner [182] 363-370.

9" See footnote 19 of this chapter.

10 Nicolai, Sammlung der vermischten Schriften (Berlin 1763), VI 1 ff.;
cf. Baumgartner [182] 359.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 203

acteristic of Pope's poetry. To these virtues he added an epi-
grammatic pointedness, being a master in the art of precisely
encompassing a simple thot in a highly polisht couplet. In at-
tempting to imitate this conciseness, clarity, and brevity, German
poetic style improved just as the prose had improved under the
guidance of Addison, with the difference, however, that Addison
presented a permanent model of good prose style while Pope's
measured beat eventually grew tiresome in the land of its origin
as well as elsewhere.

As far as form is concerned Hagedorn was one of Pope's
aptest imitators. Frick [281], who thinks only of material re-
semblances, says that Pope's influence upon Hagedorn begins
to wane after the publication of Glilckseligkeit (1743), but Coff-
man points out the constancy of Hagedorn 's trend toward Pope 's
measure. In three of his moral poems Hagedorn employed the
iambic pentameter, the form in which the Essay an man was
written. In one of these poems, Horaz (1751), he uses the heroic
couplet thru out, while in the other two, Der Gelehrte (1740) and
Der Weise (1741), he employs it at the close of each stanza. In
his use of the heroic couplet, Coffman believes, Hagedorn was
an innovator borrowing from the English literature and intro-
ducing into the German a form which has since been popularly
employed there to the present day.11 Coffman further empha-
sizes Pope's influence on Hagedorn by quoting from the latter
several epigrams of strong antithesis which are at once recog-
nizable as after the manner of Pope. "Hagedorn was the first
German writer," she says, "who was able to reject the lumber-
ing diffuseness of contemporary German literature and to imitate
successfully Pope's compactness of style."12 Coffman supports
this assertion by calling attention to a group of three poems
which marks a constantly nearer approach to Pope's conciseness.
They are: A rendering of Pope's Universal prayer (1742),
Schriftmaszige Betrachtungen uber einige Eigenschaften Gottes
(1744), and Horaz (1751).

11 Coffman [118] 504.

12 Ibid., p. 506.

204 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Coffman places the chief stress, however, upon the harmony
of spirit and taste that prevailed with Pope and Hagedorn, in
justification of which she appropriately quotes, from Hagedorn 's
introduction to his Moralische Gedichto:

Die schonste tibereinstimmung zwischen zwei Dichtern beruhet so
wenig auf Worten, als die edelste Freundschaft; Geist und Herz sind in
den besten Alten und Neuern die lebendigen, oder vielmehr die einzigen
Quellen des gliicklichen Ausdrucks gewesen. Er leidet zum oftern unter
dem Joche einer blinden Folge und kiimmerlichen Knechtschaft. Man
sollte nachahmen, wie Boileau und Lafontaine nachgeahmt haben. Jener
pflegte davon zu sagen: "Cela ne s'appelle pas imiter; c'est jouter
centre son original. ' >13

Hagedorn also quoted Pope in support of this view and
especially commended Pope's imitations of Horace, calling them
" meisterhaf te, freie Originate" and "ein Muster der besten
Nacheif erung. " Pope had said in his observations on Homer:
"It is generally the fate of such people who will never say- what
has been said before, to say what will never be said after them. ' '
Hagedorn put this prosy statement into a Pope-like couplet:

Wer nimmer sagen will, was man zuvorgesagt,

Der wagt, dies ist sein Loos, was niemand nach ihm wagt.14

At the outset, it was thot that Pope's poetry could not be ren-
dered into German verse. Readers unfamiliar with the English
language contented themselves with French translations, which
were early available. The first German translation was of the
Rape of the lock (1739) by an unknown translator who ob-
viously used the French prose version of Ferard (Paris 1728 }15
as his basis. Two years later a German translation of the Essay
on man of similar origin appeared. The inadequacy of the
French versions was first discovered by Frau Gottsched. She
completed a translation of the Rape of the lock in 1744. She
had begun the work on the basis of the French version six or
seven years before and had finisht four cantos before an English
edition came to her hand. In translating the final canto from

13 Hagedorn, PoetiscJie Werhe* (Hamburg 1760), I vii.

14 Ibid., xix.
i5Waniek [116] 429.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 205

this edition she realized that her previous work was valueless
and laid it aside until she at length summoned up the courage
to translate the earlier portions again, this time from the
original.16

Frau Gottsched translated Pope 's heroic couplets into the
all-prevailing hexameters. This had the advantage of giving her
an extra syllable per line, but the result was a somewhat heavy
form. There were also errors of translation in several cases.
Heinzelmann regards the work, however, as a very creditable
effort. A revised edition appeared in 1772 after Frau Gott-
sched's death. The Rape of the lock was included in Dusch's
complete prose translation of Pope (1758-1764), but no further
version appeared until 1797, when G. Merkel produced a "mod-
ernized" translation, or adaptation, which Heinzelmann calls
"a distorted shadow of Pope's work."16* However, the Rape of
the lock was in the foreground of attention during this period
and was a constant object of imitation, as Petzet [276] has
shown. As imitations worthy of special mention he reckons:17

Pyra's Bibliotartarus (a fragment of 1741)

Rost's Tanzerin (1741)

Zacharia 's Renommiste and other satires (1744ff.)

Uz's Sieg des Liebesgottes (1753)

Schonaich's Der Baron oder das Picknick (1753)

Dusch's Schoszhund (1756)

Lowen's Walpurgisnacht (1756)

Thummel's Wilhelmine (1764)

The most frequently translated work of Pope was naturally
the Essay on man. Most of the translators were satisfied to give
a mere prose rendering, among them Mylius and Dusch. On
the appearance of the latter 's work in 1758 Lessing protested.

is Heinzelmann [275] 322.

16* Ibid., p. 355.

IT Compare Waniek [116] 491-493.

i?a Zimmer, J. F. W. Zacharia und sein Eenommist (Leipzig 1892). p. 44,
holds it most probable that Zacharia had seen the prose translation of
The rape of the lock (1739). He presumably was not able in 1744 to read
Pope in the original, but he had very likely been allowed to see the Mb.
of the verse translation which Frau Gottsched had begun.

206 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

He characterized Pope as a poet, * ' dessen . . . Verdienst in dem
war, was wir das Mechanische der Poesie nennen ; dessen ganze
Millie dahin ging, den reichsten, triftigsten Sinn in die wenigsten,
wohlklingendsten Worte zu legen; . . . dem der Reim keine
Kleinigkeit war. Einen solchen Dichter in Prosa zu iibersetzen,"
he said, "heiszt ihn arger entstellen, als man den Euklides ent-
stellen wiirde, wenn man ihn in Verse iibersetzte. "18 Mendels-
sohn agreed with Lessing in his extensive review (1758) of War-
ton's Essay on the writings and genius of Pope. Dusch and
his supporters held the criticism to be unjust, said that Pope
could not be done into German verse, and were able to cite many
unfortunate attempts in proof of their assertion.

Some of the best verse artisans of the country wrestled with
the problem of rendering Pope into verse, but with only mod-
erate success. Brockes's attempt (1740) was entirely unsuccess-
ful. His use of a meter of eight feet gave him room enuf, but
often necessitated meaningless additions ; so the translation was
neither poetic nor close. It was accompanied by Zinck's trans-
lation of Warburton's defence of Pope against the attack of
Crousaz.

Heinrich Christian Kretsch 's translation of the Essay on man
into rimed alexandrines (1759) received much criticism, most
of it favorable and apparently well deserved. In the year
1762 a polyglot edition of the Essay came out in Amsterdam,
containing the original English and the best translations into
Latin, Italian, French, and German. Kretsch 's work was ac-
corded the honor of representing the German language. Between
1776 and 1790 several new translations appeared, two of them
in blank verse. Another blank versie translation, Broxter-
mann's, appeared in 1798. All of these last named transla-
tions were prosy and uninteresting. Heinzelmann regards a
translation of the Essay on man by Bothe in 1794 as the most
successful of the century. Bothe20 preserved the original metre

is Lessing, Schriften VIII 5; (in the 2. Literaturbrief) .

19 Publish! in BibliotJieTc der schonen Wissenschaften IV (1758) 500-532.
Of. footnote 10 of this chapter.

20 Re Bothe see SURVEY, p. 279.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 207

to a large extent, but he introduced longer and shorter lines
whenever compelled to, and used new rime schemes. He made
a virtue of this necessity, claiming that it brot in a needful
variety.

The Essay on man was the subject of controversy not only
in Germany but elsewhere. A Swiss scholar, Crousaz, charged
it with being unorthodox, and at the same time asserted that
Pope was dependent upon Leibniz for many of his ideas. His
Examen de I'essai de M. Pope sur I'homme (1737) was, there-
fore, an attack on Leibniz as much as on Pope. Its direct provo-
cation was a translation by Du Resnel of the same year, Les
principes de la morale et du gout en deux poemes, traduits de
I' anglais de M. Pope. It soon developt that much of Crousaz 's
criticism of Pope was unjustified, for Du Resnel, under the pre-
text of adapting Pope to the French readers, had inserted his
own ideas into the text. His translation was half as long again
as the original. Doubts as to Pope's orthodoxy prevailed even
in England, however, and in the following year Pope wrote his
Universal prayer, in which he showed that his doctrine was based
upon free will and not upon fatalism. Pope's defenders in
Germany were quick to translate this prayer into their tongue.
Hagedorn's paraphrase, which appeared in 1742, was the most
popular. His cautious rendering of the last phrase " Jehovah,
Jove, or Lord" into "Gott, dem alle Gotter weichen" was re-
ceived with unmerited approbation. To-day critics are not much
concerned with the question of Pope's orthodoxy, but are still
interested to know whether Pope was indebted to Leibniz for
his leading ideas. The case for the negative has been quite re-
cently stated by C. A. Moore.21 He thinks it unlikely that Pope
was even indirectly dependent on Leibniz thru Shaftesbury. To
a large extent Shaftesbury and Leibniz go back to common pre-
decessors for their common ideas but, as Moore points out, Leib-
niz admitted that King and Shaftesbury had anticipated much
of hisTheodicee (1710).22

21 C. A. Moore, Did Leibniz influence Pope's essay? JEGPh XVI (1917)
84-102.

22 Ibid., p. 89.

208 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9

Next after the Essay on man the Essay on criticism occu-
pied the largest share of attention. Since Pope was a recognized
authority in matters literary both the "Leipziger" and the
"Schweizer" desired to claim him as their own. Drollinger was
first in the field with a translation of this essay (1741), a
prose one, to which the Leipzig group could only respond with
a translation by G. E. Miiller (1745). Miiller attempted a line-
for-line rendering into hexameters but came to grief. Even
Gottsched could not approve of his work unconditionally, but
held it to be better than the lazy prose form of Drollinger or
the too long metrical form of Brockes.23 A prose translation of
the Essay on criticism was included in Dusch's work of 1758-
1764, but apparently no other complete translation appeared
before 1795. In that year a rendering was made by J. J. Eschen-
burg, the translator of Shakespeare. The version was far in-
ferior to what might have been expected of such a writer.

Bodmer planned in 1747 a Dunciad also, in which the Leip-
ziger should play the title role. He tried to adapt it to the
conditions of German literature; but the scheme was not easily
carried thru, and his translation was comparatively tame. On
the whole the Swiss were as little successful in establishing a
claim upon Pope for their sect as Gottsched had been in claiming
Addison for his.

While waiting for the completion of Heinzelmann 's study
we have only scattered and somewhat unsatisfactory authorities
to consult regarding the direct influence of Pope on particular
German poets in the eighteenth century. Petzet's adequate
account of the imitators of the Rape of the lock [276] has already
been mentioned. Graner has treated of the translations of Pope 's
Essay on criticism [278]. There are brief articles on the influ-
ence of Pope on Goethe [280], Hagedorn [281], Lessing [282],
Schiller [283], Wieland [284] and [285], and on Zacharia
[145] ff. Maack's program Tiber Popes Einflusz auf die Idylle

23 The reference is to Brockes 's translation of the Essay on man; cf.
SURVEY, p. 206.

1920] Price: EngUsh>German Literary Influences— Survey

209

und das Lehrgedickt in Deutschland [277] includes several
authors in its scope and needs some further description.

Maack 's findings in regard to the "Idylle" are neither ex-
tensive nor definite. That Brockes often received suggestions
from Pope may be accepted as a fact, tho one parallel passage
falls short of proving it.24 Only a general comparison is made
between Pope's Windsor forest and Haller 's Alpen. Such an
influence is barely possible, for Haller began to learn English
soon after his return from England, that is to say about 1728 ;25
Die Alpen, which appeared the following year, originated prin-
cipally out of the impressions Haller derived from a botanical
trip made in 1728. During this trip he stayed for a time at
the home of a friend, Ludwig von Muralt. Muralt was the
author of Lettres sur les Anglais et les Frangais, in which he
commended the "bon sens" of the English and the "bel esprit"
of the French.26 One is free to surmize that Pope's descriptive
nature poetry was discust on this visit, but definite proof of its
influence on Haller 's Alpwi is lacking. In the comparison of
Pope's pastoral poetry with that of Ewald Christian von Kleist
Maack again only refers to general similarity and Thomson's
poetry is not taken into account at all. The evidence that Dusch
plundered Pope is conclusive but not surprizing.

Maack is able to speak more definitely regarding the influ-
ence of the Essay on man in Germany. He finds the first trace
of such influence in Brockes 's Neujahrsgedicht 1739. Brockes
was at that time preparing his translation of the Essay, which
appeared the following year. With Frick [281] and Coffman
[118] Maack calls attention to Hagedorn's indebtedness to
Pope.28 He refers also to Kleist 's indebtedness to Pope in his
Fruhling29 and to Zernitz's in his Der Mensch in Absickt auf die

24 Brockes, Irdisches Vergniigen in Gott (1744) I 27, (Das Wasser im
Fruhling), and Pope, Works (London 1777), V 17ff., (Spring).

25Umbach [155] 69.

26 Koch, in Vogt and Koch, Geschichte der deutschen Literature (Leip-
zig und Wien 1904), II 79.

23 Grudzinski [328] 22 says, however, that not the Essay on man but
Shaftesbury 's philosophy was the inspiration of Hagedorn's Freundschaft.

29 The verses in question are reprinted in parallel columns.

210 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Selbstcrkenntnis and Gedanken von den Endzwecken der Welt.
Uz was not only dependent on Pope in his Sieg des Liebesgottes
already referred to, but also in his Theodicee.2Q Dusch borrowed
from the Essay on man as well as from Pope's Windsor forest.
Not much can be proved by investigations of so small a
scope as Maack's. It is to be hoped that the work of Heinzel-
mann [275] will soon be rounded off. In the meanwhile his
studies together with Coffman's have corrected the prevailing
impressions in two essential respects: First, the influence of
Pope did not entirely fail even with waning rationalism (ca.
1770), but on the contrary there were qualities in his work
that particularly attracted the romantic mind ; and second, Pope
guided the Germans not so much in thot as in literary form. To
use Heinzelmann 's concluding phrase : ' * The numerous efforts to
reproduce the much admired characteristics of Pope's style con-
tributed no inconsiderable share to the rapid development under-
gone by the German poetic language during the last half of the
century. ' '

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 211

CHAPTER 6

THOMSON

During the course of the eighteenth century an evolution
occurred in the treatment of nature by the English poets. The
earlier English poets of the century, of whom Pope is typical,
praised the benign aspects of nature, the blue skies, the green
fields, and gently sloping hills, in somewhat traditional phrases.
A little later these phrases became less stereotyped and poets
began to describe with a greater regard for reality and with
more attention to things actually seen. At the same time the
less benignant aspects of nature began to receive their share of
attention, and were defended as useful after all ; and in the end
nature came to be glorified, even in her most forbidding aspects
and sternest moods, as one inseparable whole so fashioned as to
produce the most exalted feelings in man.

The transition has sometimes been called the romantic revolt,
with the implication that romanticism was a conscious reaction
against rationalism, but it now appears that the change was not
a revolution but a most natural evolution, that the seeds of de-
velopment were contained in the writings and thot of the earlier
part of the century.1 Previous treatizes regarding the influence
of English nature poetry on Germany in the eighteenth century
have been based largely upon the revolutionary theory, and are
consequently subject to a certain amount of revision if the newer
interpretation be accepted.

The church regarded as strongly orthodox the defence of
nature on the grounds that some of its seeming deformities after
all had their usefulness. As specimens of such defence a recent

i See the article by C. A. Moore, The return to nature in English poetry,
in Studies in philology (Chapel Hill N. C., Univ. of North Carolina) XIV
(1917) 243ff. This article treats of the descriptive content largely, while
an article by the same author in PMLA XXIV (1916) 264-325, Shaftet-
bury and the ethical poets of England, treats more extensively of the theo-
logical and ethical content. Grudzinski [328] also brings Thomson into
close connexion with Shaftesbury.

212 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

critic, Moore, quotes William King's De origine mali (1702,
English translation 1729 ).2 From the theologian the idea past
to the poet and was exprest by Sir Richard Blackmore in Creation
(1712). This utilitarian interpretation of nature is practically
that of Brockes. Even Pope exprest a theoretic esthetic appreci-
ation of nature as a whole, tho he dwelt in detail only upon its
milder aspects.

Shaftesbury, however, in his Moralists (1709), had surveyed
nature in its totality and held it to be the chief and most won-
derful revelation of God, rendering other proofs superfluous.
The church regarded this doctrine as heretical. Shaftesbury
not only defended but glorified the harsher aspects of nature,
and so, tho he wrote in prose, he was none the less a predecessor
of Thomson and the winter poets, and not in opposition to them
as has sometimes been implied. There is need to investigate the
extent of Brockes 's and Haller's knowledge of Shaftesbury, now
that recent investigations have reduced to a minimum3 the pos-
sible influence of Thomson on these poets. In so far as Brockes,
Haller, and Thomson had anything in common it might prove
to be due to the common influence of Shaftesbury among others.
Shaftesbury is now receiving more attention as an influence
in Germany in the eighteenth century4 and is claiming some of
the importance formerly attributed to Pope and Thomson.

Thomson's Seasons appeared in London during the years
1726-1730. They were felt to be an entirely new kind of poetry,
not only in content411 but also in form. It had long been consid-
ered proper to praise nature with poetic epithets such as the
ancients used, selecting particularly those phrases which brot
noble and agreeable suggestions to the mind. Thomson's verses,
however, were free from restrictions not only of rime but to a
large extent of other conventions. The peacock's feathers had

2 See the article cited above in Studies in philology.

3 Moore, in a footnote to the article in Studies in philology, speaks
without qualification of the influence of Thomson on Haller 's Alpen (1729)
and Brockes 's Irdisches Vergniigen in Gott (1721); but cf. SURVEY, p. 213f.

4 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [307]-[328].

*a But cf . Moore, A predecessor of Thomson 's ' ' Seasons, ' ' MLN XXXIV
(1919) 278f.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 213

long constituted a part of the stock in trade of the poet, but
Thomson discovered that the feathers of the turkey, the cock,
and the duck were also beautiful. He no longer used the custo-
mary epithets but chose instead whatever adjectives seemed to
him to characterize his subjects most precisely. He described
in detail the processes of caring for stock, he described the com-
mon wild-flowers and the birds, he saw the beauty of the un-
cultivated fields and distant hills quite as readily as of the
convenient, well-cared-for parks.

These innovations found much favor in England, and the
new type of poetry soon made its way into Germany as well;
but not quite so soon as Koch [76] would have us believe.. Re-
garding Thomson's influence on Haller Koch says: "Das Be-
streben Thomson und Pope zu verbinden hat Albrecht von Haller
in seinen Alpen (1729) geleitet."5 Against this assertion Gjerset
quotes the opinion of Haller 's biographer Frey:

Sehr wahrscheinlich hat ferner Haller die Seasons im Jahre 1729 noch
gar nicht gekannt, die zudem erst ein Jahr vor seiner Eeise nach England
erschienen sind,6 und deren auch in dem Briefwechsel mit Stahelin nicht
die leiseste Erwahnung geschieht; iiberdies waren sie damals noch wenig
bekannt. Schlieszlich wissen wir, dasz der Plan zu den Alpen durch eine
im Juni 1728 in die schweizerische Gebirgswelt unternommene Eeise
hervorgerufen wurde.7

Furthermore there is convincing evidence of Thomson's influ-
ence, neither in the content of Haller 's poetry, nor in his method
of expression nor in his verse structure.

Koch was equally unguarded in his assertion concerning
Thomson's influence on Brockes. "Die Schilderung, wie wir
sie hier finden (i.e. in Irdisches Vergniigen in Gott) lernte
Brockes von James Thomson."9 Brockes was fifty years of age
when Thomson's Seasons began to appear, and he had begun

s Koch [76] 14; Flmdt [79] 12 repeats the erroneous statement.

o Haller visited England in 1727. In 1726 Thomson's Winter, only had
appeared. The first complete edition of the Seasons appeared in 1730.

7 Frey, Albrecht von Haller und seine Bedeutung fur die deutsche Liter-
atur (Leipzig 1879) ; quoted by Gjerset [358] 31 without page reference.

9 Koch [76] 13; cf. Koch [76] 16. Flindt [79] 12 repeats the erroneous
statement.

214 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

his Irdisches Vergnugen in Gott (1721-1748) fully ten years
before he first read the Seasons. He had already formed his
style, which was not totally unlike Thomson's. He too had
taught his countrymen to go out of doors and study nature at
first hand. He observed the minute phenomena of nature with
more intensity than Thomson. He could describe the colors of
an insect and the structure of the nightingale's throat with ac-
curacy. He laid stress upon the things perceived by the senses,
on sights and sounds and odors, but because he lackt the imagi-
nation of Thomson and because the German poetic language was
poorer than the English he could not describe as well as Thomson.
The grass was for him as green as the traditional emerald, and
the dew was like diamonds. Moreover he lackt Thomson 's ability
to see nature as a panorama. He did not share Thomson's ad-
miration for irregular landscapes and uncultivated expanses.
Thomson loved nature for its own sake, Brockes used it to show
how astonishingly well the Creator had ministered to man by
his works. This is the feature of his poetry that rendered him
so soon antiquated and brot upon him so much ridicule.

Brockes was ungrudging in his praise of Thomson. In his
Irdisches Vergnugen in Gott he speaks of Thomson's Seasons,

In welcher Schrift der grosze Thomson so sinnreich und begliickt gewesen,
Dasz wir bei keiner Nation dergleichen Meisterstiick gelesen;"10

and B. J. Zink, one of Brockes 's chief admirers, wrote an intro-
duction to Brockes 's translation of The seasons, in which he said :

Die Furcht, durch diese erhabene Schreibart sich iibertroffen zu sehen,
hat ihn so wenig abhalten konnen, selbige bekannt zu machen, dasz er
sich vielmehr verbunden erachtet, wenn er auch iibertroffen ware, den
groszen Endzweck auch hierin desto mehr befordern zu helfen, welcher
bei ihm einzig und allein darin besteht, das wahre Vergnugen der Men-
schen in vernunftigem Genusz nach Moglichkeit zu befordern.

Gjerset is doubtless right in thinking that these words were
inspired by Brockes himself.11

10 Op. cit., VII 427.

11 Gjerset [358] 9.

1920]

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215

But Brockes seems only tardily to have made the effort to
appropriate something of Thomson's art. He begins Herbst
(1743) with the words:

Auf denn mein Geist! Tritt eine neue Bahn
In dieser Zeitentheilung an!

The new arrangement, which is according to seasons, is carried
over also to the next volume (1746). It will he noted that
Brockes during this period was also busy with the translation
of Thomson's Seasons. G-jerset discovers some evidence of Thom-
son's influence in Brockes 's subject matter. He says: "In den
letzten drei Teilen des Irdischen Vcrgnugens in Gott finden wir
. . . eine Neigung, ins Freie der Natur sich hinauszuwagen und
die Jahreszeiten als ein ganzes zu betrachten. . . . Einzelbe-
schreibungen von Blumen, Blattern und kleinen Gegenstanden
erscheinen jetzt seltener. ' '12 The new tendencies, however, Gjer-
set holds, only extend to a few outward forms. The character
of Brockes 's poetry remained unchanged.

A more recent investigator notes the same change but dates
it from the time of Brockes 's earliest study of Thomson in Ritze-
biittel in 1735. "In this place with its quiet country life,"
Stewart says, "he breathed in a new inspiration for nature and
her solitudes."13

On the whole it may be asserted that the influence of Thomson
on Brockes is too slight to be measured. While Brockes was
yet ignorant of Thomson he had joined with him in the revolt
from the classic view of nature14 and its cold, lifeless, stereotyped
method of description. Brockes, like Thomson, was an interested
and accurate observer of nature, and his descriptions, like Thom-
son 's, were particular and precise and reproduced the character-
istics of definite localities. Both departed from the conventional,
saw with their own eyes, and described in their own words, but

12 Ibid., p. 15.
is Stewart [360] 22.

14 C'f . definition by Myra Reynolds, The treatment of nature in English
poetry between Pope and Wordsworth* (Univ. of Chicago 1909), p. 57.

216 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

this was as far as the similarity went. Brockes reasoned about
the admirable construction of the natural world • Thomson felt
its mysterious influence. Brockes loved the shady river banks
and the level meadows and all the forms of nature that are
comfortable and pleasant; Thomson loved the rigors of winter
and the distant hill slopes that lured the wanderer. At most
Brockes learnt from Thomson to lift his eyes now and then from
nearby scenes to the broader horizons of nature.

Tho Brockes 's response to Thomson's example was limited
by his temperament, his intellectual acceptance of his rival was
unreserved, and this helpt to make the path of Thomson in
Germany smooth. Brockes 's own popularity diminisht rapidly
from now on. The first volume of his work past thru seven
editions, the last volume thru but one. In the year 1767 the
Neue Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften und% der freyen
Kilnste speaks of the "so bewunderten und so bald vergessenen
Brockes."148 Wieland repeats the phrase in the Teutscher
Merkur of 1782,14" and Salomon Geszner echoes it in his Brief
uber die Landschaftsmalerei.15

Brockes 's merit, as far as Thomson is concerned, is chiefly that
of a translator. He began with several partial translations; in
1740 he printed a translation called Die ivilden und unordent-
lichen Eigenschaften der Liebe aus Mr. Thomsons Seasons as an
appendix to his translation of Pope's Essay on man. He used
several different meters, as if by way of test, and translated very
freely. In 1741 he translated Thomson's Hymn to the seasons
and used it as an introduction to his Harmonische Himmelslust
im Irdischen. At about the same time he translated lines 535-827
of Spring and incorporated them in his Frilhlingsgedicht. In
1743 he paraphrased Summer, lines 46-95 and embodied the
passage in Morgengedankcn in Irdisches Vergnugen in Gott.15'

i4» Op. cit., V 23; quoted by Gjerset [358] 18.

i4b Quoted by Gjerset [358] 18 without page reference.

15 Op. cit., in DNL XLI 1, 289.

isa Op. cit., VII 180.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

217

This ends the period of fragmentary translation18 and a
series of complete renderings begins in Germany. The list was
headed by Brockes's version, whose ' ' wohlgemeinte Ubersetzung, ' '
as Lessing called it,16a was generally regarded as unsatisfactory
even in the early years when it had few competitors, but the
frequent translations and the private correspondence of such
poets and critics as Ebert, Sulzer, Gleim, and Uz16b testify to the
popularity of Thomson's Seasons.

Gjerset says that most of the translations of the Seasons in
Germany follow the second edition (1738). One derives a dif-
ferent impression from Stewart, who represents the relation of
these renderings to one another, to the four editions of Thomson 's
Seasons in England, 1730, 1738, 1744, and 1746, and the later
editions of Lyttleton, 1750, Murdoch, 1762, and X, date un-
known, in the following graphic fashion:
1730 2738 1744 1746.

B = Brockes 1745^ M = Murdoch 1762 Sr = Schmitthenner 1822
Br = Bruckbrau 1827 N = Neuendorff 1815 St = Schubart 1789^
H = Harries 1796 P = von Palthen 1758 Su = Soltau 1823
L = Lyttleton 1750 R — Rosenzweig 1819 T = Tobler 1757-1 / 64
X = English text unknown to Stewart

ie In 1745 a translation of three episodes from the Seasons was printed
as an appendix to Lange and Pyra's Freundschafthche Lieder Wieland
attributed the translation to Bodmer. See BIBLIOGRAPHY [

iea Lessing, Schriften VII 67. rocm QQK*

is" Ke Ebert see Gjerset [358] 33; re the others Stewart [360] 3851.

IT Gjerset disputes the date of the title page and substitu *«* 1744' .

is Gjerset says [358] 74: "Im Versmasz des Originals,- but
[363] 118-119 gives selections, which are in rithmic prose. Cf. Stewart
[360] 394-395.

218 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Stewart says:

These translations extend over a period of more than 75 years, cover-
ing the critical period of German literature when the poetical language
of Germany was being created and perfected and when the literature of
the country was advancing by great strides from the dullness and bom-
bast of the early eighteenth-century writers to the finished work of the
classical period. . . . The various translations of The seasons may be
taken as a somewhat crude measure of the growth of the German lan-
guage and of the advancement of the art of translation which kept step
with the general literary development of the country.19

Stewart's statement is, however, obviously an exaggeration,
since of all the translations he lists only those of Brockes
(1745ff.), T<>bler (1757ff.), and von Palthen (1758) fall within
what may properly be called the critical period of German
literature.

According to Gjerset, Ewald Christian von Kleist with his
Fruhling (1749) must be regarded as the first German poet to
respond to the example of Thomson's Seasons. Kleist had been
a friend, follower, and enthusiastic admirer of Brockes. The
fact of his inspiration by the Seasons is sufficiently attested by
his letters to Gleim.20 Parallel passages are not difficult to find.21
For Thomson's Spring, lines 665-676, Vergil's Georgics IV, 509-
515 are recognized as a model, but Gjerset points out that Kleist
has here followed Thomson even in his deviations from the Latin
model. Kleist imitates Thomson not only in the plan of his
work but also in his way of looking upon nature and describing
it, his motifs, his scenery, and his introduction of episodes to
break the monotony of description. It has been pointed out by
Sauer that Kleist was unable to read Thomson in the original
and had to make use of Brockes 's translation as the basis for
his imitation.23

Kleist 's imitation, however, remained fragmentary. No other
seasons followed his Fruhling. The editors of the Neue Biblio-
thek der schonen Wissenschaften relate : ' ' Der sel. Kleist zeigte

19 Stewart [360] 20.

20 Quoted by Gjerset [358] 22-23.

21 See Gjerset [358] 23ff.
23 Sauer [361a] I 156f.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 219

uns einstmals ein 30-40 Verse vom Anfange zum Sommer; und
als wir ihn baten, darin fortzufahren, versicherte er uns heilig,
dasz solches nimmer mehr geschehen wiirde. Seit er den Thom-
son recht gelesen habe, sey er vollig davon abgeschreckt worden,
und er rechne sich seinen Fruhling als eine Ubereilung an."24
Kleist's work was nevertheless much imitated by his country-
men. Gjerset names in this connexion J. Chr. Blum with his
Die Hiigel bei Rathenau (1771) and C. S. Slevogt with his
Versuch eines poetischen Gemdldes vom Herbste (1771).

Wieland was in no strict sense an imitator of Thomson, altho
he admits in his correspondence that his MoraUsche Erzdhlungen
(1752) and his Fruhling owe their initial impulse to Thomson.
The same letters show that Wieland had other models before
him at the same time.25

The other poets mentioned in Gjerset 's treatize seem not to
have been independent enuf to create original works on the basis
of Thomson's suggestions. They were imitators of Thomson
either exclusively or in connexion with some other model. The
most successful of these was Giseke,27 of whom Herder said:
"Er scheint in keiner Dichtungsart eigenen Ton oder Original-
Manier zu haben; er hat sich iiberall in den Ton eines andern,
aber sehr gliicklich eingedichtet. "28

Not so successful as Giseke were Fr. Wilhelm Zacharia with
his Tageszeiten (1755), von Palthen with his Lenz (1758),
Dusch with his Schilderungen aus dem Rciche der Natur und
Sittenlehre durch alle Monate des Jcikres, which appeared in four
volumes, namely Fruhlings-, Sommer-, Herbst-, und Winter-
Monate (1757-1760), and Chr. Cay Lorenz Hirschfeld with his
Landleben (1767) and his Herbst (1769).30

These were all confest imitators of Thomson. Zacharia wrote
to Gleim, Dec. 10, 1754: "Thomson seine Jahreszeiten haben

Eibliothelc der schonen Wissenschaften I (1770) 131.
25 See SURVEY, p. 248.

27 Ode an den Fruhling (1747), Der Herbst (1747), Der Winter (1753).

28 Herder, Werke IV 278.
so Gjerset [358] 48-71.

220 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

mich so begeistert, dasz ich versucht habe, ob ich ihm und
Kleisten von fern nachfliegen konnte." But he was compelled
to admit in his poem Tageszeiten oder Jahrcszeiten im kleinen

(1755) :

Nur Thomsonische Hymnen erfiillen die Seele mit Feuer
Und besingen allein den erhabensten Gegenstand wiirdig.32a

Eight or more passages in Zacharia's Tageszeiten are almost
direct translations from Thomson's Seasons.33

Since the publication of Gjer set's treatize the circle of ob-
servation has been extended and additional authors have been
connected with Thomson. Thus Hitter associates Geszner with
Thomson : ' * Thomsons Einflusz tritt nicht blosz in der runden
Sinnlichkeit des Ausdrucks zutage, fiir die Geszner gewisz von
Thomson gelernt hat, sondern sie auszert sich auch in einigen
direkten Einzelbeeinfluszungen. "34 Geszner would naturally be
susceptible to Thomson's influence, since he was an artist as
well as an author. He says, in fact, in his Brief uber die Land-
schaftsmalerei: "Der Landschaftsmaler musz sehr zu beklagen
sein, den z. B. die Gemalde eines Thomson nicht begeistern
konnen."34* Koch says of him: "Geszner iibt nicht Zerglie-
derung und Nutzanwendung des Einzelnen wie Brockes, noch
die schwermiitige Betrachtung Kleists, aber er hat von beiden
und von Thomson gelernt. Der Kiinsfler sieht uberall anmutige,
in sich geschlossene Bildchen, die er in der Ausfiihrung, sei's
mit der Feder, sei's mit dem Stift stilisiert. "35

It will be remembered that toward the end of the eighteenth
century a distinct reaction took place against descriptive poetry.

32» Quoted by Crosland [147] 292.

33Crosland [147] 293 lists these passages; cf. Gjerset [358] 41ff.

34 Bitter [361] 170 parallels Geszner's Daphnis (DNL XLI 1, 11-60)
with the Palemon-Lavinia episode in Thomson's Autumn, and a passage
in the fifth Gesang of Der Tod Abels beginning: "Sowie wenn drei lie-
benswiirdige Gespielen" (DNL XLI 1, 170) with Thomson's Summer, line
1215ff.

34" Op. cit., in DNL XLI 1, 288.

35 Vogt and Koch, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur2 (Leipzig and
Wien 1904), II 162.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 221

The reaction seems to have begun in England, but it soon crost
over to the continent. Pope apologizes for his own earlier efforts
in this direction asking :

Who could take offence
While pure description held the place of sense ?ae

Warton, in his Essay on the genius and writings of Pope,
however, took up the challenge in behalf of descriptive poetry
pointing to Lucretius and Virgil in his Georgics as sanction, but
Mendelssohn in turn (1759) replied to Warton:

So verschwistert die Dichtkunst und die Malerei sind, so hat doch
eine jede Kunst ihre angewiesenen Grenzen, die durch das Werkzeug der
Sinne, fiir welches sie arbeiten, bestimmt werden. Virgils Landbau und
Lukrezens Natur der Dinge scheinen uns von Thomsons Jahrcszeiten
wesentlich unterschieden zu sein. Die Eomer wollen eigentlich unter-
richten, und malen nur zur Veranderung; der Englander hingegen hat
keine andere Absicht als zu malen.s?

Lessing supported in his Laokoon (1766) this statement of Men-
delssohn 's quoted in the first sentence. In the seventeenth section
of that work Lessing quoted Pope 's disparaging words about his
own early descriptive poetry and added:

Von dem Herrn von Kleist kann ich versichern, dasz er sich auf
seinen Fruhling das wenigste einbildete. Hatte er langer gelebt, so
wiirde er ihm eine ganz andere Gestalt gegeben haben. Er dachte darauf,
einen Plan hinein zu legen, und sann auf Mittel, wie er die Menge von
Bildern, die er aus dem unendlichen Eaume der verjungten Schopfung
auf Geratewohl, bald hier bald da, gerissen zu haben schien, in einer
natiirlichen Ordnung vor seinen Augen entstehen und auf einander folgen
lassen

It is a remarkable fact that Thomson is not mentioned here
or elsewhere in this section of Laokoon. But the growing oppo-
sition to descriptive poetry, especially after Lessing had entered
the lists against it, proved too strong, and indications of con-

'Pope, Prologue to Satires, line 147.

^Bibliothek der scJionen Wissenschaften IV 1 (1758) 396; quoted by
Goldstein [556] 198. Gjerset [358] 73 refers also to Bd. II, Th. 2, 103
and Bd. VI 55. The years are not given.

38 Lessing, Schriften- IX 106.

222 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

tinued interest in Thomson's descriptions are rare in the last
third of the century. Just after the century had past, however,
the Seasons were able to celebrate a final triumph. Haydn's
oratorio Die Jahreszeiten was first produced on April 24, 1801,
with a text which Haydn's friend, Gottfried van Swieten, had
written the previous year, basing it on Thomson's Seasons. In
this form Thomson is best appreciated to-day in Germany and
elsewhere.

***********

Gjerset concentrated his attention especially upon the influ-
ence of Thomson's Seasons. Critics have recently found that
the philosophic, didactic, and lyric content of Thomson's poetry
called forth in Germany a response stronger than has heretofore
been estimated, and that several leading German poets were
inspired by Thomson's social ideals.

One of the earliest of these was Hagedorn. If Pope was
Hagedorn's best teacher in regard to form, Thomson was most
congenial to him in respect to sentiments. Coffman has shown
this by many examples. Apparently Hagedorn especially com-
mended to his friends Thomson's poem Liberty, and it is to the
Englishman rs love of freedom Hagedorn refers when he exclaims
in Der Weise: "Wie edel ist die Neigung echter Britten."39
To such independence belongs also a freedom from servility.
As Thomson says in his poem Liberty (1. 490-492) :

Unless corruption first deject the pride
And guardian vigor of the free-born soul
All crude attempts of violence are gone.

With this Coffman compares the lines of Hagedorn in Der Weise:

Die Schmeicheley legt ihre sanften Bande
Ihr glattes Joch, nur eitlen Seelen an.
Unedler Euhm und unverdiente Schande,
O waget euch an keinen Biedermann.4o

39 Hagedorn, Werke (Hamburg 1760), I 11.
« Ibid., I 16.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 223

Like Thomson, Hagedorn lays emphasis upon innocence,
cheerfulness, health, avoidance of self-delusion; and both extol
the joy of true friendship of man for man and the joys of
country life. In regard to many of these ideals it is recognized
that Thomson and Hagedorn were pioneers in their respective
countries.

Coffman is doubtless right in taking the prevalent optimism
of Hagedorn as a criterion and asserting that he was more gen-
uinely influenced by Thomson than were Brockes and Haller;41
and the added statement is probably also correct: that he was
earlier influenced than were Kleist, Wieland, Zacharia, and
Geszner. The surmize that he may have helpt this last men-
tioned group to know Thomson seems also tenable, but whether
or not these suggestions can be demonstrated into facts it cer-
tainly remains true that Hagedorn caught the spirit of Thomson 's
poetry and rendered it into German terms more accurately than
did his contemporaries.

Stewart [362] makes out an excellent case for his contention
concerning the relation of Klopstock's early poetry to Thomson.
Previously Milton and Young had been thot sufficient to account
for any English tone in the Oden and the Messias. Stewart
would add Thomson to the group, admitting, however, that there
is no direct external evidence that Klopstock read him. Altho
Klopstock praises Milton, Young, Elizabeth Rowe, Addison, and
other English authors, he makes no mention of Thomson in his
poems or correspondence; but Schmidt and Gleim, Klopstock's
most intimate friends, corresponded regarding Thomson, and
Ebert read Kleist 's Friihling aloud to a circle of friends of whom
Klopstock was one. Stewart holds, with much plausibility, that
Thomson's Seasons, already much discust elsewhere, must cer-
tainly have been spoken of in such a gathering. Klopstock, at
the time, knew no English, but the translations of Brockes

4i Coffman [118] 88. Hagedorn might have acquainted Brockes with
Thomson's poetry when he returned from England in 1731; but against
this surmize we have the fact that Brockes 's interest in Thomson seems
not to have been aroused before 1740.

224 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

(1740-1745) were at his disposal. It is not Thomson's nature
poetry that comes into consideration in this connexion, but his
ethical system. Aside from descriptions of nature the elements
most conspicuous in Thomson's poetry are: (1) panegyrics to
God; (2) praises of benefactors; (3) odes to friends; (4) patri-
otic eulogies of England; (5) songs of love. Klopstock's odes
are usually groupt under the subjects: (1) religion; (2) friend-
ship; (3) love; (4) patriotism. Stewart cites a number of pa-
rallel passages in which Thomson and Klopstock use similar
pictures and similar comparisons, and points out many words
added to Klopstock's vocabulary thru Thomson's influence.

More surprizing is the article of Walz [363] in which he
parallels portions of Schiller's Spaziergang with Thomson's
Seasons. In the year 1789, he says, Ludwig Schubart, the son
of the Swabian poet, presented Schiller with his translation of
Thomson's Seasons. Schiller acknowledged the gift in a letter
which showed that the work was new to him. Succeeding letters
of the period indicate that Thomson made a deep impression on
him. The Spaziergang has three parts; lines 1-50 describe the
walk into the country, lines 50-172 contain a vision of the rise
of civilization and its decay, and the concluding part indicates
the awakening of the poet and his union with nature. Altho
similarities of imagery and situation are not lacking elsewhere,
it is particularly the second part that Walz compares with the
Seasons. Thomson's line of thot is as follows: He begins with
the mechanical aspect of civilization, passes on to the develop-
ment of social life and virtues, as shown in the commonwealth
with its legal order, patriotism, and devotion, and ends with the
city as the highest form of social order. Schiller expresses the
same thots, tho in a different order. He begins with "die
thurmende Stadt," which echoes Schubart 's ' ' thurmbekranztes
Haupt," Thomson's "tower-circled head,"42 and then proceeds
to the two other phases. Schiller's interest in Thomson is further

42 * <• Thurmende Stadt ' ' was also a favorite expression with Klopstock.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 225

shown by certain references to him in liber naive und sentimen-
talische Dichtung ( 1793-1795). 43

The complete account of Thomson's influence in Germany
remains yet to be written. Gjerset's essay [358] was premature,
preceding as it did the studies of Shaf tesbury 's influence [307]-
[328] and most of the detailed studies regarding Thomson. The
story of Thomson's vogue in Germany would constitute no small
contribution to the study of eighteenth century esthetics even
tho he was but one of several poets who brot about a new attitude
of man toward nature, and even tho he fortunately failed to
establish descriptive poetry as an enduring type.

Schiller, WerJce XII 202 and 209.

226 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.

CHAPTER 7

MILTON'S PAEADISE LOST

The opinions of Addison and the poetry of Pope percolated
into Germany from many sides; Thomson's new poetry had
other and adroiter advocates in Germany than Brockes ; but John
Milton owes almost his whole reputation and influence in Ger-
many directly or indirectly to Bodmer of Zurich. It is true
Bodmer's translation of Paradise lost was not the first extant
in Germany. As early as the year 1678 an acquaintance of
Milton, Theodore Haake, sent to two of his friends a manuscript
copy of his translation into German of the first three books of
Milton's epic.1 One of these friends, Johann Sebald Fabricius,
merely acknowledged the manuscript with a polite note: "In-
credibile est quantum nos affecerit gravitas stili et copia lectissi-
morum verborum;"2 while the other friend, Gottlieb von Berge,
was inspired to an unsuccessful attempt to compete with Haake
as a translator. After that, however, Milton was relegated for
a time to the standard books of references. Daniel Morhof's
treatize mentions as the chief peculiarity of Paradise lost the
lack of rime: "Plena ingenii et acuminis sunt, sed insuavia
tamen videntur ob rhythmi defectum; quern ego abesse a tali
carminum genere non posse existimo."3 In 1690 Hog's Latin
translation of Paradise lost appeared, which rendered Milton's
epic accessible, to the learned class at least, everywhere. A few
of the latter in Germany were no doubt able to read and ap-
preciate the original. Milton was best known in Hamburg. The
contest between the first and second Silesian schools had its

1 See Brandl [224] and Bolte [225].

2 Bentham, Engelldndischer Kirch- und Schulenstaat* (1732), p. 116.

s Morhof , Polyhistor sive de notitia auctorum et rerum commentarii
(Liibeck 1688), Lib. I, Kap. xxiv, p. 302; cf. Morhof, Unterricht von der
teutschen Sprache und Poesie, deren Uhrspruna, Fortgang und Lehrsatsen
(Kiel 1682), p. 568f.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 227

diminutive counterpart in this city.4 Yet Christian Wernicke
and Heinrich Postel, the leaders of the two factions, both speak
favorably of Milton, Postel in the introduction and notes to his
Listige Juno (1700), Wernicke in his Poetischer Versuck
(1704) .5 Another Hamburg poet sufficiently interested in Milton
to translate certain passages into German was Barthold Heinrich
Brockes. His translations first appeared in 1740, but were
written much earlier, possibly in 1732.6

Before the year 1740, however, the name of Milton was well
known in wider circles in Germany. Bodmer publisht his first
version of Paradise lost in 1732, having completed it, however,
as early as 1724. On its appearance Gottsched, who was then
on friendly terms with the Swiss scholars, reviewed it favorably,
pronouncing it in fact superior to the original and criticizing
only the Swiss dialect forms.7 It was a prose translation, later
often revised. Ta As Bodmer himself says, his first translation
was Swiss, his second (1742) German, and his third (1754)
poetic.8 After the appearance of Bodmer 's first rendering,
partial translations in prose and in verse became frequent.8a

It has sometimes been stated9 that Bodmer first learned of
Milton thru the pages of the Spectator, but such was not the
case. Hans Bodmer points out : The Milton essays were lack-

4 See SURVEY, p. 1801, and Eichler [185].

5 See Pechel, Christian W emigres Epigramme, Pal LXXI (1902) 492.

6 Cf. Brandl [104a] 100, who maintains on not quite sufficient grounds
that they were completed as early as 1731.

" Beytrdge zur kritischen Historic etc. 2tes. Stuck (1732).

7aFor discussion of the first five editions see Schmitter [232]. Ee the
edition of 1780 see Pizzo [224] 43.

s Cf. letter of Bodmer to Zellweger, Jan. 27, 1754; quoted by Bodmer
[230] 198. Criiger [150] xvii erroneously quotes Bodmer: "erst die dritte
(1780) poetisch," while Muncker [243]2 127 says: "erst die vierte vom
Jahre 1759 poetisch." The edition of 1759 was, however, a mere repe-
tition of that of 1754. To avoid giving a false impression it should 1
added that all editions are in prose.

»a Stry 1746 Gruner 1749, Giseke> n. d., Grynaeus n. d., Miiller 1755,
Zacharia 1760f., Herder date uncertain, Eamler 1782, Moritz 1786, Kose-
garten 1788, Wieland (1790), Biirde (1793), Pries (1813) Bruckbrau
(1828), Eosenzweig (1832), Kbttenkamp (1840), Bottger (1846), Schuh-
mann (1855), Eitner (1865). For translations of Paradise regained i
footnote 45.

» Cf. Jenny [226] 18 and Vetter [102] 6.

228 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ing in the French edition of the journal which Bodmer possest
and so they remained for the time unknown to him. Bodmer
did not come into the possession of an English edition of the
Spectator until 1724, shortly after the completion of his trans-
lation of Paradise lost.10 It has been furthermore asserted that
Bodmer" first knew Milton's work in French translation, but this
is again erroneous, for as late as 1726 no such version was in
existence.10 Reviews of the work in French, it is true, had
already appeared, one of the more extensive ones in a French
journal publisht in Holland.11

Whatever may have first kindled Bodmer 's interest in Milton,
we now know that on May 30, 1723 he wrote to his friend Zell-
weger asking for a copy of the work and received from him in
August or thereabouts presumably the only copy between the
Rhine and the Reusz.12 On the lower Rhine Paradise lost was
better known and Hans Bodmer suggests that Zellweger may
have discovered it while a student in Holland.13

On receiving the copy Bodmer retired to his country home
at Greifensee and must have devoted himself exclusively to his
prize. He read the work with the help only of a Latin-English
dictionary.14 He translated first the eighth book, then the first
four books, and sent them all to Breitinger for his approval
before the end of the year 1723. The entire work was finisht
early in 1724,14 but its appearance was delayed until 1732.

The delay in the publication of Bodmer 's translation was
chiefly due to difficulties with the censors. Fiiszli in Zurich
wrote to his friend Huber in St. Gallen in 1725 :

Es 1st hier ein Hr. Bodmer . . ., welcher ties verriihmten Miltons
Carmen heroicum de paradiso perdito in Englisch beschrieben in das
Deutsche in ungebundener Rede iibersetzt, es hat sollen hier gedrukt
werden, die geistlichen Censores aber sehen es fiir eine allzu Eomantische

10 Bodmer [230] 183.

11 Journal literaire IX (1717) 157-216.

12 Bodmer [230] 185.
is Ibid., p. 182.

14 Ibid., p. 198.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 229

Schrifft an in einem so heiligen themate; es 1st etwas extra Hohes und
Pathetisches, aber nicht recht, dasz man es nicht gestattet hat, in druk
zu geben.is

Bodmer was equally unsuccessful in his attempt to find a
publisher in Hamburg and Dresden. Meanwhile he prosecuted
some inquiries in regard to the translation of Berg, apparently
without result. It was a Zurich firm, Marcus Bordorf, that
eventually undertook the publication in 1732, the opposition of
the "geistlichen Censores" having now been overcome.

Earlier comments upon Milton in the German journals had
merely reflected a dispute in the French journals of 1727-1729.
The Milton essays by Addison, which had been lacking in the
earlier French Spectateur, were translated into French by Dupre
de Saint-Maurs (Paris 1727). Voltaire in his Essai sur la poesie
epique (1728) attackt Milton from a rationalistic point of view,
as did also Constantin de Magny in his Dissertation critique sur
le paradis perdu (1729). Gottsched was naturally influenced
more by critics of the Voltaire and de Magny type. He was,
however, reserved at first in his expression of opinion, and only
in a personal letter to Bodmer did he write on the seventh of
October 1732: "Uebrigens wiinsche ich ehestens das verspro-
chene Werk zur Vertheidigung des Miltons zu sehen. Ich gestehe,
dasz ich begierig bin, die Regeln zu wissen, nach welchen eine
so regellose Einbildungskraft, als des Miltons seine war, ent-
schuldiget werden kann."17 It was quite natural that Bodiner
should quote Addison in his defence.18 The full title of this
apology, which appeared in Zurich in 1740, was Die kritische
Abliandlung von dem Wunderbaren in der Poesie und dessen
Verbindung mit dem Wahrscheinlichen, in einer Vertheidigung
des Gedichtes Joh. Miltons von dem Verlorencn Paradiese; der
beygefuget ist Joseph Addisons Abhandlung von den Schonheiten
in demselben Gedichte. Thus began a literary debate which lasted
a decade. Gottsched assumed the leadership of the anti-Miltonic

16 J. Zehnder-Stadlin, Pestalozzi (Gotha 1875), p. 235; quoted by Vetter
[102] 6 and Jenny [226] 21.

IT Quoted by Criiger [150] Ivii.
is Spectator no. 267ff.

230 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

party. At the outset he commanded the best talent in Germany.
The trend of the times was against him, however. The enthu-
siastic newer generations of writers triumpht over the ration-
alistic school, and when the Messias appeared in 1748 it was
clear that a campain had been lost by Gottsched.

It was Bodmer 's enthusiasm for Milton's epic that first fired
Klopstock's zeal while he was a student at Schulpforta (1739-
1745). Klopstock took leave of his school with a speech on the
epic poets which indicated his plan to produce a work in the
German language worthy of a place beside the epics of Virgil,
Tasso, Milton, and Fenelon. By the year 1747 three "Gesange"
of his Messias were completed and offered to the Bremer Beit rage.
The editors hesitated at first, then askt Hagedorn's advice. He
exprest himself cautiously, but when the matter was referred to
Bodmer in May 1747, the latter gave his enthusiastic approval,
declaring that the spirit of Milton had descended on the young
poet.19

In his first letter to Bodmer August 10, 1748, Klopstock
describes the impression that Milton first made upon him:

Und als Milton, den ich vielleicht ohne ihre tibersetzung allzuspat
zu sehen bekommen hatte, mir in die Hande fiel, fachte es im innersten
Grunde das Feuer an, das Homer in mir entziindet hatte, und hob meine
Seele, um den Himmel und die Eeligion zu besingen.2o

Bodmer later pictured, in a somewhat similar fashion, the
impression which the first reading of Paradise lost made upon
Klopstock :

Die ersten Eeden, die er davon fiihrete, nachdem er wieder zu sich
selber gekommen war, wiewol er noch immer zuriik sah, lauteten von
neuen, unbekannten Gegenden, in welche der Poet ihn gefiihret, von
seltenen, hohen Bekanntschaften, die er ihm verschaffet, von dem Reich-
thum der Ideen und der Empfindungen, den er ihm mitgetheilt hatte.
Es ist wahr, sagte er, ich hatte vordem einige dunkle Spuren auf einem
unbetretenen Boden gesehen, und etliche Ziige dieser herrlichen Scenen
erbliket: Aber hier fand ich sie in ihrem vollen Lichte vor mir off en
ligen. Vielleicht hatte ich einmal den Weg auf diesem ungebahnten

islbershoff [232x] 592.

20 Morikofer, Klopstock in Zurich, p. 8; quoted by Ibershoff [232x] 592.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 231

Gefilde fortgesezet, und hatte vielleicht bis in die himmlischen Gegenden
durchgebrochen, welche Milton mir gezeiget hat, wenn ein ehrfurchtvoller
Schauer mich nicht zuriikgezogen hatte. Aber nachdem Milton den
Eingang in dieses Heiligthum der Geisteswelt eroffnet hat, nachdem er
mich hineingefiihret hat, so darf ich kunftig mit kiihnen Fuszen darinnen
herumwandeln.21

Contemporary critics joined with Bodmer in dubbing Klop-
stock the German Milton and later writers have done him a like
injustice. Milton's work is essentially epic, Klopstock's is lyric,
and no common standard of judgment is applicable. Neverthe-
less the extensive and detailed comparisons of Muncker21* and
later critics were almost inevitable.22 The two works are after all
alike in tone ; the music of both is as the swell of a great organ,
but here too Klopstock's composition must yield to Milton's.
Klopstock began his first three cantos with a diapason note
that he could not long sustain and could never transcend.
Milton prepared for effective climaxes, then let his themes die
out in soothing, tranquil cadences.23 Klopstock might have
learned much from Milton in respect to technik and composition
but his work was never planned as a whole. The first three
' ' Gesange ' ' roused the throng to the pitch of exalted enthusiasm
in 1748 but the last echoes died away almost unnoticed in 1775
in the midst of the ''storm and stress" period.

When Bodmer offered to Klopstock (1750) the hospitality
of his home it was with a double purpose; he wisht to afford
Klopstock the leisure and freedom to complete his work, but he
also hoped that Klopstock could lend him aid in his own epic,
his Noah, which he had begun under the inspiration of Paradise
lost. To give a full account of Bodmer 's indebtedness to Milton
would involve a long and uninteresting list of parallel passages.
Bodmer made no effort to conceal his borrowings, indeed like

21 Bodmer, Neue critische Brief e, p. 15-16; quoted by Pizzo [229] 35.

^a Muncker [234]i 117-128.

22Hiibler [235] did not come to hand. Ibershoff's parallel passages
are as follows: [236] Paradise lost V 278ff. and Messias XII . 510ff. ; [237]
Paradise lost IX 887ff. and Messias XIII 533ff.; [237] Paradise lost XIII
498ff. and Messias VIII 665ff.

23 Cf. Stoll, Is paradise well lost? PMLA XXXIII (1918) 428-435.

232 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Milton he rather considered it a virtue to show thus the profits
he had derived from reading,24 but Ibershoff [232x] is able to
indicate certain more general points of resemblance in the con-
tent of the two epics. "Like Milton," Ibershoff says, "Bodmer
sings the praise of liberty, righteousness, the simple life, the
beauties of virtue, and the glories of the life hereafter."25 No
doubt Ibershoff is right in seeing a Miltonic influence here, yet
most of these new notes were being wafted from England at the
same time from other English poets, notably from Thomson.26
Haller too had given expression to them with seeming spontan-
eity. The same remark applies to the theme of friendship,
which was also congenial to Bodmer. With Milton friendship
yields, as Ibershoff admits, to divine love.25 In his idyllic pic-
tures Bodmer will best stand comparison with his master ; in
the creation of epic characters he failed notably and his work
is entirely devoid of the musical quality of Milton's.

Bodmer 's opinion of Paradise lost never changed. In the
introduction to the third edition of his translation (1754) he
says : ' l Wir sind iiberzeugt, wer wahren Geschmack und einiges
Genie hat, wird dieses Gedicht fiir das Beste unter den Werken
der Neuern erkennen." But while he was at work on new
editions of his translation in rapid sequence (1732-1780), and
while successive ' ' Gesange ' ' of Klopstock 's Messias were appear-
ing (1748-1773), new men were coming to the fore in German
literature and popular taste was passing thru new phases. We
are indebted to Pizzo [229] for a resume of these changes. In
showing how the representative critics referred to Milton, Pizzo
skillfully unfolds a clear picture of the changing standards of
the times.

In endowing God and the angels with visible physical form
Milton, as Voltaire pointed out, had involved his epic in incon-
gruities. Bodmer rusht to Milton's aid with theoretical defences
that happily deceived himself and his time. Yet what really con-

24 Bodmer, in the second edition of his translation of Paradise lost
(1742), p. 471, devotes a long footnote to a defense of Milton's display
of erudition; quoted by Ibershoff [232x] 597.

25 Ibershoff [232x] 597.

26 Of. SURVEY, p. 222 f.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 233

cerned Bodmer, as Pizzo demonstrates,30 was not the consistency
of Milton, or the abstract justification of the "Wunderbare" in
poetry, but the freedom of the religious imagination. The
seraphic element he admired and it impelled him to translation ;
the biblical, patriarchal, idyllic element he imitated in his later
poetic writings, Die Noachide, Jakob und Joseph, Jakob und
Rahel, etc. In these he participated in the romantic "Welt-
flucht" of his time. The patriarchal time was his Robinson
isle, his golden age. Geszner in his Der Tod Abels (1758) was
Bodmer 's follower in this respect. Bodmer 's contemporaries
appreciated chiefly the seraphic element in Milton and were
for that reason easily led into the error of proclaiming Klopstock
the German Milton.

Soon after came the period of Winckelmann and Lessing,31
which lookt to ancient Greece for final sanction of art forms.
"Das antik-heidnische " was sot in Milton rather than "das
seraphische, ' ' but it was only too obvious that ' * edle Einf alt und
stille Grosze" were absent in Milton's stupendous pictures. Nor
did Milton fare much better at the hands of the "Sturmer und
Dranger."32 Tho Gerstenberg was eager to give up the classic
standard of judgment for a more individualistic one, tho he
glorified Shakespeare for being true to himself alone, and pro-
tested against testing Klopstock by a comparison with Homer,
yet it does not appear that he ever rated Milton as an " Original-
Genie." Gerstenberg 's fellow critics made one step forward,
however, when they recognized that Satan was the true hero of
Paradise lost. Bodmer had contended that Adam was the hero,
"because he commands our respect/'33 The "Sturmer und
Dranger" were able to sympathize with Satan in his struggle
for greatness and in his mighty passions. They appreciated the
awe-inspiring pictures in Paradise lost; but these new men were

[229] 17-24.

31 Ibid., p. 48ff,

32 Ibid., p. 84ff.

33 Ibid., p. 32.

234 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

after all realists, and Milton was unrealistic, so they could make
little use of him as a model in their art. It is said that Klinger
admired him thruout his life,34 and Schubart exclaimed in the
early sixties: "Wie herabgesunken unsere Dichter von der
Wiirde der biblischen Seher, von der Sonnenhohe Homers, Os-
sians, Shakespeares, Miltons, Youngs, Bodmers, Klopstocks ! ' '35
Milton, Young, and Thomson were always lookt upon as author-
ities by Lenz,36 but Schiller classified Milton as sentimental, not
naive.37

If we make the one great exception of Klopstock's Messias,
it does not appear at first glance that Milton influenced German
literature very deeply. Pizzo is not inclined to believe that
Paradise lost influenced Brockes's Irdisches Vergnilgen in Gott
( 1721-1745 ).38 fie does not think with Kraeger39 that Satan
was a "Vorbild" of Schiller's Karl Moor. Nor does he finally
concede that there is any echo of Milton in Goethe's Faust, as
has been asserted by Sprenger40 and by Max Morris.41

What remains is inconsiderable. The scene in the Garden
of Eden in which Satan gazes with envious eyes upon the first
happy pair of human beings was imitated by Bodmer in the
Patriarchiaden. The bower of Adam and Eve appeared in the
Messias. In Klopstock's Tod Adams (1757) it appeared as a
bridal bower, after which it reappeared, according to Pizzo,42
in the poetry of Ebert, Geszner, Ramler, Giseke, Herder, Vosz,
Miller, Holty, Wieland, Gerstenberg, Maler Muller, Stolberg.
The description of the sunrise also stimulated to imitation. Gleim

34Bieger, Klinger in seiner Reife (Darmstadt 1896), 474.

35 Schubart, Gesammelte Schriften und Schicksale (Stuttgart 1839-1840),
I 286.

seEosanow [539] 77.

37 Schiller, WerJce XII 227 (in fiber naive und sentimentalische Dich-
tung}.

3s As against Jenny [227] 15 and Brandl [104a] 46.

39 Kraeger [238a] 9-19.

40 Sprenger [233] 304-306.

41 Morris GJ XXII (1901) 179; and Goethe- Studied (Berlin 1902), I
84ff. and 224ff.

42 Pizzo [229] 40.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 235

wrote on the -sixteenth of January 1762: "Man gebe mir zehn
Poeten, die alle die aufgehende Sonne beschrieben haben, ich will
die herausfinden, die ihre Beschreibung aus dem Milton nah-
men."43 Neither of these motifs, it may be here noted, was
original with Milton, but both were taken from the work of
Joost van den Vondel, along with many other episodes, descrip-
tions, situations, and characters. Milton's indebtedness is well
known to critics, who refer to it without disparagement of Milton,
since the exalted tone of his epic is his own.44

This leads to the final estimate of Milton's influence on
German literature. Milton ceased to be read, and Klopstock's
Messias in time lost its hold upon the readers and at a still earlier
day the patriarchal poetry had fallen into disfavor; yet before
this came to pass Milton had profoundly influenced German
letters. Addison's example had led to the clarification and sim-
plification of German prose. Pope had shown the way toward
brevity and pointedness in poetry. The German language was
becoming a simple musical instrument but Milton's influence
made it an organ of symphonic range, fitted to express the
sublime. Bodmer's three translations, 1724, 1742, 1754, provide
a striking example of the way in which the language struggled
for growth in order to cope with Miltonic thot and fancy.46

In still another respect Milton's influence was decisive in
German literature. The moral weeklies had offered themselves
as a battle-ground of poetical theory, but Milton presented him-
self as the first great topic of a literary debate which establisht
the rights of imagination along with those of reason.

43 Brief wechsel ew. Gleim und Uz (ed. Schuddekopf) Bibl. d. Stuttgt.
lit. Vereine CCXVIII (Tubingen 1899), p. 320.

44 Cf. L. C. van Noppen's introduction to his Vondel 's Lucifer trans-
lated from the Dutch (New York 1898).

45 The translations of Paradise regained may also be mentioned here:
Grvnaeus (1752), Anon. (1781), Bruckbrau (1828), Bottger (1846). The
work of Grynaeus was entitled: /. Miltonswied ererobertes Parade s nebst
desselben Samson und einigen anderen Gedichten wie auch einer Lebt
Beschreibung. Basel 1752.

236 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 8

YOUNG'S NIGHT THOUGHTS

The writings of Edward Young, soon after their appearance,
began to play a conspicuous part in the history of German liter-
ature. His drama The revenge (1721) was commented upon
by Gerstenberg, was compared not unfavorably with its model
Othello, and became in turn the model of Brawe's Freygeist
(1757) ; his satires, unimportant as they were, were translated
into German;1 but as far as German literature is concerned his
Conjectures on original composition (1759) and his Night
thoughts (1746-1751) were by far his most important works.
The Conjectures are discust in a later connexion;2 the present
chapter concerns itself with the reception of the Night thoughts
in Germany.

Like Thomson, Young submits to no strict classification as
a literary influence. Thomson, tho endowed with an imagination
that made him in a certain sense a forerunner of Milton in
Germany, still clung in many respects to the tenets of Pope
and Shaftesbury. Young, who, judged by his Conjectures, seems
to be a forerunner of the genius-loving ' * Sturmer und Dranger, ' '
was, with his Night thoughts, a successor of Milton.

The influence of Young's Night thoughts in Germany was
freely commented upon in the eighteenth century, not the least
pointedly by the men who were themselves most affected. Ha-
mann wrote to Herder, Jan. 17, 1769 : ' ' Ich muszte neulich un-
vermuthet in Young blattern ; da kam es mir vor, als wenn alle
meine Hypothesen eine blosze Nachgeburt seiner Nachtgedanken
gewesen, und alle meine Grillen von seinen Bildern impragnirt

1 See SURVEY, p. 184.

2 See SURVEY, p. 386.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 237

worden waren;"3 and Bodmer, in a letter to his friend Pastor
Schinz in Altstatten, August 30, 1765, requested a copy of
Ebert's translation of Young in order that he might see how
often and how exactly he had imitated Young. Ebert was, as
will presently be seen, an inveterate translator and editor of
Young, and his version of 1771 containing abundant parallel
passages from German authors [367] may be regarded as the
first formal treatize on Young's influence in Germany. Barn-
storff, in 1895, was his next important successor [368]. Barn-
storflPs findings were utilized and to some extent increast by
Thomas in 1901 [364a] and by Kind in 1906 [365]. The latter
included the Conjectures within the scope of his inquiry and
produced the only extensive and inclusive treatment of the sub-
ject of Young's influence in Germany.

Kind's portrait of the poet Young was based chiefly upon
the work of Thomas, whose picture of Young was at least more
sympathetic than the one which his first biographer, Sir Herbert
Croft, wrote for Johnson's Lives of the poets. The more recent
account of H. C. Shelley,6 founded on Young's private cor-
respondence, present a yet more sympathetic- view. A reviewer
of Shelley's work7 points out certain respects in which Kind's
work will need revision in the light of the better knowledge
concerning Young. Kind, for example, says that a part of
Young's melancholy was due to lack of success in currying
the favor of the powerful and that he did not reach his saintly
old age without having tasted of the dissipations of youth.
Now it is true that Young wrote laudatory verses to men of
influence, but it is not true that his nature was embittered by
any lack of success, and the most recent biographer finds no
evidence of a dissipated youth. Shelley furthermore makes it
clear that much of the narrative scheme behind the Night
thoughts was fiction and not intended to be taken as a literal

s Hamann, Schriften III 393.

e Shelley, H. C., Life and letters oj Edward Young (Boston, Little,
Brown and Co., 1914), vii-f 289 pp.

7 Cf. Hulme in MLN XXXII (1917) 96-109.

238 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

description of Young's griefs as Kind, in common with Young's
contemporaries, had assumed.8 It is true that the German enthu-
siasts for Young suffered a disillusionment, when they finally
became better informed in regard to Young's personality, but
this was merely because they had formed an unwarranted pre-
conception.

Young's Night thoughts appeared at a psychological moment.
The enthusiasm for Milton had paved the way for the appreci-
ation of Young's religious poetry, but the personal note distin-
guisht Young from his predecessor. In other words Young's
appeal differed from Milton's in much the same way that the
appeal of the middle-class drama differed from that of its nobler
predecessor. Young's poetry was, however, like Milton's in its
lack of rime, in its imaginativeness, in its relative formlessness,
and in its recognition of inscrutable and mysterious forces. It
cast its strongest spell upon the Swiss writers and upon the
North-German admirers of Klopstock, whose Messias slightly
anticipated Ebert 's translation of the Night thoughts. The time
was past when an English work of note had difficulty in com-
manding attention in Germany. The danger was rather that it
might be taken up as a fad.

For about three years after their completion (1751) the Night
thoughts remained untranslated but not unknown;9 the earliest
portions had been welcomed by the learned journals of Gottingen
and Leipzig, Gleim and Uz corresponded about the new poem,
and Johann Arnold Ebert began promptly a translation. It was
thru Ebert, apparently, that Klopstock became acquainted with
Young's work, for there are echoes of it in the first three cantos
of his Messias (1748). He learned English about the year 1752
with the Night thoughts as his text-book. Bodmer anticipated
Ebert by two years, for he publisht a translation of a few verses
from the Night thoughts in his Neuc critische Brief e (1749).
The influence of Young is evident in Bodmer 's next work, the

s Kind [365] 61.

9 The following account of the Night thoughts in Germany is based on
Kind's work [365] except where otherwise indicated.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey

239

Noah of 1750. Vetter quotes over thirty passages in the Noah
parallel to passages in the Night thoughts.10

The decade 1750-1760 was the period of translation. In
1751 Ebert 's renderings began to come out. His career was
from that time on bound up with Young's fate in Germany.
He had intended to publish a series of translations of the best
English writings including the first seven "Nights" of Young;
but he was diverted from his plan and spent the greater part of
his life in translating, annotating, and teaching, and otherwise
treating Young's works only. He completed his prose trans-
lation of the Night thoughts in 1752. It met with favor at
the hands of both the critics and the public, and past thru three
new editions in rapid succession (1753, 1756, and 1763) ; but
during this period he had many rivals. Geusau's translation of
Night IV (Jena 1752) in alexandrines was probably the worst
of all renderings. Kayser's translation in hexameters of Nights
I-IV (Gottingen 1752) found favor with Haller. Its preface
contained the results of Tscharner's investigations regarding
Young's private life, made in England in 1751.11 A Hamburg
journal publisht (1754) a translation of Night V by Oeder, the
first rendering in the original meter. The year 1755 saw a
translation in rimed trochaic octameters (Frankfurt) of Night I.
To this was added in 1756 Night IV and in 1759 Night II. In
1760 Ebert publisht a translation of Nights I-IV with the Eng-
lish version on the opposite page and with notes treating of
Young's sources and of echoes of his works in later writers.
Thus Ebert was not only the chief herald of Young in Germany
but also the first investigator of his influence. This new edition
was almost as popular as Ebert 's earlier one and was exhausted
in a comparatively short space of time. Ebert was now the
generally recognized authority on Young in Germany, tho
Kayser also had his adherents. A reviewer, possibly Haller,

!o Vetter [103] appendix.
11 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [372].

240 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

in the Gottingische gelekrte Anzeigen found Kayser 's hexametric
version better than Ebert's prose one, tho he praised Ebert's
scholarly annotations.12

During the next decade (1760-1770) Young seems to have
reacht the height of his popularity. To quote Kind 's survey :

During these years Ebert is giving English courses in the Night
thoughts at the Carolineum (i.e. in Braunschweig); and Klopstock, in his
treatize Von der heiligen Poesie (1760) discusses the work at length and
pronounces it the only example of sublime poetry that deserves to be
without a fault. Young's satires, tragedies, and other writings continue
to receive attention and add to- his glory. Gerstenberg reviews the Night
thoughts with ardor; Dusch is influenced by them; Schubart is busy with
them; Knebel is rescued from the abyss of doubt thru them and is held
spellbound; Herder begins his active work with them; Lenz imbibes
them; Hamann continues his studies in them; and the youthful Goethe
uses them as his English reader. But worse than all this, scores of poets
imitate lamely; they are lonesome and sad, they have night thoughts on
all occasions, even on pleasure trips; they Youngize without cause, simply
because that is the current fad.13

It was these extremes that brot on the reaction in the seven-
ties. In a short time the Youngists were ridiculed or reproved
by Lessing, Nicolai, Moser, Heinse, Klotz, and Unzer14 and even
by Wieland, who as early as 1758 had turned against his one-
time favorite. After the year 1770 Ebert found that he had
the field largely to himself. He utilized it chiefly in polishing
up his previous editions. Altho the servile imitations of Young
had fallen into disrepute, the sentimental, melancholy atmosphere
of his poetry still prevailed as is shown, among other works, by
Werther.*5 Schiller also past in this decade thru his Klopstock-
Young period ; but speaking generally Ossian and Percy had
crowded out former favorites in lyric poetry, and with the ad-

12 GGA (1760) II 12; cf. ibid. (1761) 112.
is Kind [365] 68.

14 Kind [365] 62 quotes from Mauvillon and Unzer, Vber den Werth
einiger teutschen Dichter (Frankfurt and Leipzig 1771-1772), Brief 15.

15 Goethe mentions the Night thoughts along with Sterne's Sentimental
journey as one of the works of literature that helpt to pave the way for
Werther. Werlce I 27, 214.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

241

vent of Ossian and Shakespeare the contempt for imitative poetry
had increast.

Ebert's activity continued to the end of his life despite the
general reaction and despite the admonitions of such friends as
'acharia who wrote :

O E. . . ., hiille dich nicht in Melancholey!
Verlasz die Grotte, die du bewohnst,
Und sitze nicht immer allein beym klagenden Young,
In sch'warze Nachtgedanken verwolkt.16*

Zacharia had himself but recently past thru a period of enthu-
siasm for Milton and Young and had written of himself to Gleim,
Dec. 24, 1756: " Gliicklich schatzt er sich, fern von alien Lagern
und Konigsheern zu seyn, und bei einer Schale Punsch den
Milton oder Young zur Gesellschaft zu haben."15b

In the year of his death (1795) Ebert was at work on a final
reprint of the edition of 1767. The last edition of Young in the
eighteenth century to appear in Germany was an English edition
with Ebert's notes; it was intended for use in English classes
and was prepared by Herrmann (Leipzig and Weiszenfels 1800).
In the year 1825 there were two translations of the Night
thoughts in Germany, one partial and one complete. In the
year 1844 Elise von Hohenhausen produced a line-for-line trans-
lation of Young in the 'mistaken belief that this was the first
rendering of Young into blank verse. This edition was reprinted
in 1874 and was the last attempt to turn the Night thoughts into
German verse. About the same time the Night thoughts came
to be a subject of programs and dissertations, a few of which
toucht upon Young's influence in Germany, thus leading up to
the works of Barnstorff and Kind.

No German poet was deeply and permanently influenced by
Young, but it would appear that many of the leading German
poets of the eighteenth century were affected transitorily in some

i5" Zacharia, Scherzhafte epische Poesien nebst einigen Oden und Liedern
(Braunschweig and Hildesheim 1754), p. 427.
i5b Quoted by Crosland [147] 294.

242 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9

way.16 The connexion of the Swiss with Young has already been
noted. Despite the fondness of the Swiss for Young, the Gottsched
school was not hostile. On the occasion of the appearance of
an anonymous rimed translation Gottsched commended the
translator and the original. Incidentally he spoke of the rime
of the original, thus showing that he had never read it. Frau
Gottsched once advised a friend who had recently suffered loss
by death not to read the Night thoughts lest they leave her
too hopeless.17 The "Bremer Beitrager" were practically of
one mind regarding Young. Ebert strangely enuf shows little
sign of Young's influence in his poetry, but Klopstock once wrote
to Ebert that he read the psalms, the prophets, and the Night
thoughts for inspiration while working on his Messias. Cramer
was equally extravagant in his praises; he declared that Young
was nearest to David and the prophets and his work second only
to the Book of revelation. Lessing at the time merely charac-
terized this as "etwas iibertrieben, "17a but he later joined with
Mendelssohn in the campain against the imitators of Young,
the ' ' Nachtgedankenmacher. "18 Zacharia also came within the
sphere of Young's influence. He began his Tageszeiten in 1755
by invoking the muse of Thomson :

Muse, die du den Brittischen Sanger mit giildener Laute
Zu der geheimen Wohnung der Jahreszeiten gefiihret:
Lass mich, giitige Muse, die Jahreszeiten im Kleinen —
Jahreszeiten des Tages nicht ganz unwiirdig besingen!i8a

16 In addition to the poets mentioned above Kind refers to Schonaich,
Triller, Creuz (see also [369] and [370]), Johaiin Adolf Schlegel, Giseke,
Gleim, Uz, Cronegk, Hagedorn, Gockingk, Fr. L. Stolberg, Crugot, Zim-
mermann, Lavater, Dusch, Gerstenberg, :Schubart, Lenz (see also [123]),
Jung-Stilling, Eichter, Holderlin, Novalis, Moser, Michaelis, H. L. Wagner,
Heinse, and J. G. Jacobi; cf. Kind [365] 75ff.

"Letter to Fr. v. E. Leipzig, Aug. 22, 1752; cited by Kind [365] 79.

i?a Lessing, Schriften VIII 125 f.

is Lessing, Schriften V 152 ; in his review of Kayser '& translation
(1753) he calls the Night thoughts "dieses Meisterstiick eines der ehr-
barsten Dichter. " Kind [365] 106 evidently read " erhabensten " for
' ' ehrbarsten. ' ' Two fragmentary poems of Lessing, ijber die menschliche
Gluckseligkeit, Schriften I 237-240 and Die Religion, Schriften I 255-267,
according to Kind [365] 107, sho\> the influence of Young.

18a Zacharia, Die Tageszeiten, ein Gedicht in mer Biichern (Eostock and
Leipzig 1756), p. 2.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 243

But having proceeded thru Morgen, Mittag, and Abend and
arrived at Nacht he acknowledges a debt of gratitude to Young
and Ebert :

O Ebert, du, der du zuerst mich

Zu der hohen Versammlung der brittischen ganger gefiihret,
Und die Schonheit der Youngischen Muse Germanien zeigtest.1^

Some of the critics held Gellert largely responsible for the Young
mania.18' Tho his own works show little trace of this influence,
his literary authority was so great that his commendation of
Young was doubtless widely effective.

More imortant was the effect upon the "Klassiker und
Vorklassiker. " Wieland 's works were colored by Young's mood
during the years 1751-1758. Ebert proves this fact by pas-
sages from Wieland's Brief e von Verstorbenen an hinterlassene
Freunde (1753), Sympathien (1754), and Empfindungen eines
Christen (1757). The more direct influence in this case comes,
however, from Young's protegee, Elizabeth Howe.19 A change
takes place in Wieland soon afterward, and we find him presently
complaining to Zimmermann that Young is corrupting the taste
of writers of to-day; he adds that he himself was once under
the spell but that that time is now past.20

Herder was less readily captivated by Young than was his
teacher Hamann. He discust Young in his reviews, sermons,
and letters, and translated passages from Nights I and //. He
had no patience with the imitators of Young. He called them
"schlechte Schmierer von Nachtgedanken, "21 and prophesied
that they would soon become the most miserable and gloomy of
poets (1772).22 In 1796 he -described Young as an author who
strove for originality without attaining it,23 but his subsequent

is" Ibid., p. 100.

i8c Kind [365] 71 and 85f.

is See SURVEY, p. 248.

20 Wieland, Ausgewdhlte Brief e (Zurich 1815), I 269-270.

21 Herder, WerKe I 253.

22 Ibid., V 290-291; quoted by Kind [36?] 108.

23 Ibid., XVIII 106.

244 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

judgment was more favorable. In Adrastca (1801) he .called
the Night thoughts "das non plus ultra sinnreicher, witziger,
erhabener, frommer Gedanken, glanzend wie das nachtliche
Firmament."24

Goethe's acquaintance with Young dates as far back as the
Leipzig period. In Leipzig he learned English from Milton and
Young. Young's influence seems not to have affected Goethe's
lyric poetry, but in the thirteenth book of Dichtung und Wahr-
heit he mentions the Night thoughts among other sentimental
works in connexion with Werther.25

At about the same time, 1773-1778, Schiller was passing thru
the school of Klopstock and Young; it is not always easy to
distinguish the influence of the one from that of the other.
Possibly Schiller retained some trace of these influences even
in his maturer poetry; Wieland, at any rate, called Schiller's
Kilnstler (1789) philosophical poetry of the species of the Night
thmights. But in his Naive und sentimentalische Dichtung
(1795-1796) Schiller questions the intelligence of persons possest
of an excessive fondness for poets like Klopstock and Young,
who lead not into life but away from it.26

On looking back upon the history of Young in Germany the
first impression is that Young was not an influence but at most
a fad, and that he owed his vogue to the prevailing enthusiasm
for things English, which, helpful as it had been in the emanci-
pation from French influence, was now becoming itself detri-
mental to the natural growth of German literature. "When the
development of lyric poetry in the eighteenth century is viewed
in its totality, however, Young is seen to constitute an indis-
pensable stage. He led away from the universal pathos of Klop-
stock and Milton into the details of personal grief and particular
sorrow, and so prepared the way for folk poetry, the appeal of
which is universal precisely because it is so individual.

24 ibid., XXIII 236.

25 See footnote 15 of this chapter.

26 Schiller, WerTce XII 211.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 245

A protegee of Edward Young who, like him, commanded
much attention in Germany was Elizabeth Singer Rowe. Her
literary reputation was establisht by a series of letters entitled
Friendship in death (1728). Edward Young prepared these for
the press and wrote a preface for them at her request. The
letters were followed in 1739 by Devout exercises. After her
death her personal correspondence and her miscellaneous works
were publish t. The favor with which these works were received
in England and Germany was symptomatic of the time, and it
is well that their influence in Germany should have been made
the object of a special study by Louise Wolf [304].

The earliest translation of Friendship in death was made by
Johann Mattheson of Hamburg (1734) and dedicated to his
circle of friends of whom Hagedorn was one. It does not seem
to have attracted much attention. A French translation of 1740
appearing in Amsterdam caused more comment ; and this trans-
lation was translated into German in 1745. The third and best
German translation was that of Pastor Gustav von Bergmann
of Livland 1770. Meanwhile the Devout exercises had appeared
in three translations 1754, 1756, and 1761. The names of these
works were sufficient guaranty of their popularity. The one
fell in with the friendship cult and other-worldliness of the time
and the other, or indeed both, with the pietistic tendency. The
prevailing conception of the earlier work is that the dead take an
interest in their living friends and serve them as guardian
spirits. It purported to be a series of letters from the dead.
Finally Professor Klausing of Leipzig translated Rowe's private
correspondence in 1771 under the title Freundschaft im Lebcn,
and Ebert her miscellaneous poetry in 1772. The knowledge of
Elizabeth Rowe in Germany was further disseminated by the
moral weeklies. Her influence was most evident on Klopstock
and his wife Meta. Of less importance was the influence of
Wieland. Any possible influence on Herder is of little signifi-
cance.

Klopstock 's circle of friends in Leipzig (1747), Cramer,
Giseke, and Ebert, celebrated Elizabeth Rowe almost as much

.244 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

judgment was more favorable. In Adrastca (1801) he .called
the Night thoughts "das non plus ultra sinnreicher, witziger,
erhabeiier, frommer Gedanken, glanzend wie das nachtliche
Firmament."24

At about the same time, 1773-1778, Schiller was passing thru
the school of Klopstock and Young; it is not always easy to
distinguish the influence of the one from that of the other.
Possibly Schiller retained some trace of these influences even
in his maturer poetry; Wieland, at any rate, called Schiller's
Kunstler (1789) philosophical poetry of the species of the Night
thoughts. But in his Naive und sentimentalische Dichtung
(1795-1796) Schiller questions the intelligence of persons possest
of an excessive fondness for poets like Klopstock and Young,
who lead not into life but away from it.26

On looking back upon the history of Young in Germany the
first impression is that Young was not an influence but at most
a fad, and that he owed his vogue to the prevailing enthusiasm
for things English, which, helpful as it had been in the emanci-
pation from French influence, was now becoming itself detri-
mental to the natural growth of German literature. When the
development of lyric poetry in the eighteenth century is viewed
in its totality, however, Young is seen to constitute an indis-
pensable stage. He led away from the universal pathos of Klop-
stock and Milton into the details of personal grief and particular
sorrow, and so prepared the way for folk poetry, the appeal of
which is universal precisely because it is so individual.

24 Ibid., XXIII 236.

25 See footnote 15 of this chapter.

26 Schiller, Werlce XII 211.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 245

A protegee of Edward Young who, like him, commanded
much attention in Germany was Elizabeth Singer Rowe. Her
literary reputation was establisht by a series of letters entitled
Friendship in death (1728). Edward Young prepared these for
the press and wrote a preface for them at her request. The
letters were followed in 1739 by Devout exercises. After her
death her personal correspondence and her miscellaneous works
were publisht. The favor with which these works were received
in England and Germany was symptomatic of the time, and it
is well that their influence in Germany should have been made
the object of a special study by Louise Wolf [304].

Klopstock 's circle of friends in Leipzig (1747), Cramer,
Giseke, and Ebert, celebrated Elizabeth Rowe almost as much

246 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

as Young. Klopstock himself was as yet unable to read English27
but he read Rowe in translation. He was especially familiar
with Joseph27* and Friendship in death, which latter was a
solace to him during his unhappy love affair with Fanny
Schmidt. In a letter to Fanny he refers to the death of "die
liebenswiirdige Radikin" and calls her "unsere deutsche
Rowe."28 In the poem Die kunftige Geliebte (1747) the picture
of Fanny mingles with that of Rowe.

Wirst du Fanny genannt? 1st Cidly dein feyrlicher Name?
Singer, die Joseph und den, welchen sie liebte, besang.29

In a later version of the same poem Petrarch's Laura is added
to the composite picture:

Heiszest du Laura, welche der liedervolle Petrark sich,

Kb'nigen und Weisen, sie zu bewundern, besang?

Laura! Fanny! ach Singer! Ja, Singer, nennet mein Lied dich.so

In the poem Petrarka und Laura Klopstock begs "die gott-
liche Rowe" to plead for him with Fanny31 and in the poem
Der Abschied he sees a vision, wherein "Singer" stands in a
throng of the best loved poets and most beautiful women :

Ich sterbe, sehe nun bald um mich
Die groszen Seelen, Popen und Addison,
Den Sanger Adams, neben Adam,
Neben ihm Eva mit Palmenkranzen,
Der Schlafe Miltons heilig; die himmlisehe
Die fromme Singer, bei ihr die Badikin.32

27 See SURVEY, p. 223.

27aHamel, in DNL XL VII (1883?) 3.

28 C'f. J. M. Lappenberg, Brief e von und an Klopstock (Braunschweig
1867), p. 1; quoted by Wolf [304] 62. Johanna Elisabeth Radikin was
the betrothed of Klopstock 'a friend Cramer. She died in 1747. Cf . Klop-
stock 'a ode Wingolf 1. 78.

29 Quoted by Wolf [304] 62.

so Lappenberg, Brief e von und an Klopstock, p. 20. L'etter to Hagedorn,
April 19, 1749; quoted by Wolf [304] 63.

si Op. cit., line 20ff.; quoted by Wolf [304] 63.
32 Op. cit., 1. 17ff.; quoted by Wolf [304] 63.

1920] Price: English>German Literary Influences— Survey 247

In the ode Die Brant Elizabeth Rowe and Fanny already begin
to assume the appearance of guardian angels :

Doch mit Blicken voll Ernst winket Urania

Meine Muse mir zu, gleich der unsterblichen

Tiefer denkenden Singer

Oder gottliche Fanny dir!

Singe, sprach sie zu mir, was die Natur dich lehrt.ss

Wolf surmizes with Muncker34 that there were many refer-
ences to Rowe in the correspondence of Klopstock with Meta,
which he destroyed soon after the latter 's death. At all events
we find Meta soon after her marriage showing an enthusiasm
as great as Klopstock 's for Elizabeth Rowe, and expressing it
in an English letter addrest to Richardson.35 After the manner
of Elizabeth Rowe, Meta wrote (1756) Brief e der Verstorbenen
an die Lebendigen, which Klopstock edited and publisht in 1759,
a year after her death.36 Wolf adds : ' ' Nach ihrem Tode wird
Meta ihrem Gatten ganz im Sinne der Rowe zum Schutzgeist,
und noch im Jahre 1762 lassen sich Spuren solcher Mystik in
seiner Dichtung nachweisen. Auch die Schutzgeister in den
Oden und im Messias sind auf den Einflusz der Rowe zurtick-
zuf iihren. ' '37

The works of Elizabeth Rowe came to Wieland's attention
during his pietistic years. Ermatinger surmizes38 that Bodmer
first made them known to him in 1751, but he overlooks, as
Wolf points out,39 Wieland's own testimony that he and Sophie
Gutermann read Elizabeth Rowe's works together as early as
1750. Wieland admits Rowe's influence in his Moralische
Erzahlungen (1752) :

33 Op. cit., 1. 21ff.; quoted by Wolf [304] 64.

34 Wolf [304] 65; cf. Muncker [234] 318.

35 F. G. Klopstocks samtliche Werke etc. (Stuttgart 1839), I 244; quoted
by Wolf [304] 65-66.

se Hinterlassene Schriften von Margarethe Klopstock (Hamburg 1759).

37 Wolf [304] 66.

38 Ermatinger [326] 80.
so Wolf [304] 67.

248 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Die Erzahlungen zu schreiben, faszte ich den Entschlusz, als ich Ihre
aus Thomson iibersetzte Erzahlungen las;40 doch hatte mir schon vorher
Pygmalion und Elisa^ etwas dergleichen eingegeben. Die Brief e der aller-
liebsten Eowe belebten diesen Vorsatz noch mehr. Ihr gehb'ren die schb'nsten
Gedanken und Bilder der Erzahlungen.^

There are also allusions to passages in Rowe's private corres-
pondence in certain of Wieland's odes of the same year, and in
the Brief e von Verstorbenen an kinterlassene Freunde (Zurich
1753), while the Devout exercises ring thru Wieland's Empfin-
dungen eines Christen (1755). The Sympathien (1755) show
signs of the turning away from the pietistic tendency. There is
much that reminds of Rowe in the -earlier part, but at the con-
clusion Wieland assumes a critical attitude toward his earlier
inspircr. Thus Wieland was one of the first to be cured of the
unhealthy tendency inherent in Elizabeth Rowe's poetry as well
as in that of Young.43 Neither of these English poets bent
German literature in a new direction, but the coming of their
work to Germany provided a stimulus that brot out clearly the
prevalent tendencies of the time in Germany.

40 Of. SURVEY, p. 217, footnote 17.

41 Written by Bodmer in 1747.

42 Wieland, Ausgewahlte Brief e (Zurich 1815), I 95.

43 Cf . SURVEY, p. 243.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 249

CHAPTER 9

MACPHERSON 'S 0 SSI AN

James Macpherson of Badenoch, county of Inverness, was
born in the year 1736. He studied at the universities of Aber-
deen and Edinburgh, intending to enter the ministry, but left
college without having attained his degree and became for a
time a private tutor. At about the age of twenty he wrote his
first poetry. His productions consisted of mediocre imitations
of Robert Blair, author of The tomb, and of Thomson 's Seasons.

Macpherson 's mother spoke Gaelic and James commanded it
well enuf to converse in it with the people of the countryside
and understand their tales and ballads. In 1758, when serving
as a tutor in the country, he became acquainted with John Home,
who was interested in highland poetry. Macpherson showed
him a poem called The death of Oscar, which he said was literally
translated from a Gaelic original. In reality it was an original
poem of Macpherson 's, the suggestion of which was derived
from ancient Gaelic literature in oral tradition. Home showed
the poem to Professor Blair of the University of Edinburgh,
who urged Macpherson to publish more translations. Conse-
quently there appeared in the year 1760 a volume entitled
Fragments of ancient poetry collected in the highlands of Scot-
land and translated from the Gaelic or Erse language. Blair
wrote the introduction to this volume and began later to use
the poems as a basis for lectures at the university. A sum of
money was collected wherewith to send Macpherson into the
highlands to discover the ancient Gaelic epic, of whose existence
Blair was convinced. Even David Hume contributed to the
sum, saying that the authenticity of the poems of Macpherson
was beyond all question. Macpherson accepted the money with-
out scruple, made the journey, and returning publisht in 1762
Fingal, an ancient epic poem in six books, and in 1763 a similar

250 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

epic called Temora. With Temora he reprinted the Gaelic orig-
inal of the seventh book to meet the objections of skeptics. The
1 'original" was, however, a falsification by his own hand. Hume
now became suspicious and urged Blair to institute a thoro in-
vestigation, but Blair had already committed himself too far,
and the investigation he made was a mere formality with fore-
gone conclusions.

The publication of the poems helpt Macpherson to political
advancement at the hands of Scotsmen who were at the head of
affairs in London. Macpherson received an appointment to
Florida just as things were becoming uncomfortable for him at
home. On his return he was compelled to defend the authen-
ticity of his originals against such critics as David Hume and
Samuel Johnson. The latter had gone so far as to deny the
existence of an Ossianic literature. He declared that Macpher-
son owed to the past only the name Ossian, the rest, he said, was
pure invention. Macpherson was equally uncompromising.
When confronted with fragments differing from the ones he had
rendered he stoutly maintained that his alone were authentic.
When the originals were demanded of him he offered to publish
them if the funds were provided. To his great dismay some
enthusiasts in 1784 brot together a thousand pounds for this
purpose. He was now driven to the extremity of re-translating
his English poems into Gaelic.1 It was a painful task for he
had forgotten much of his Gaelic, which was never too good.
Macpherson never showed his originals to Gaelic scholars but
he showed them to disinterested men of note, for example to
Helferich Peter Sturz on his journey to England in 1768, who
was readily convinced of the genuineness of the documents.2
Macpherson died in 1796 with his task unfinisht after twelve
years of labor. His friend Mackenzie continued the work and
publisht it in 1807 under the auspices of the Highland society
of London, but in an uncompleted form, for of twenty-two poems

1 Stern, ZVL VIII (1895) 62, but cf. Cross, MPh XVI (1918) 447.

2 Sturz, Schriften (Leipzig 1789) 6; cf. Deutsches Museum (1777) I
214-215. See also Koch [138] 120, note 13.

1920]

Price: Englisli> German Literary Influences— Survey

251

of Macpherson only eleven are represented. Meanwhile a com-
mittee of the Highland society of Edinburgh had publisht a
report (1805) of an investigation which, however, went no
farther than to show that ballads really existed of the type that
Macpherson profest to have used.

The controversy, which had flared up several times in the
eighteenth century,3 reacht no more decisive phase in the first
three-quarters of the nineteenth. Men continued to assume
positions determined by national or political prejudices, to talk
at cross purposes and in disregard of the evidences, but Celtic
scholars of the last fifty years have arrived at decisive conclu-
sions and we now know precisely how much basis there was for
Macpherson 's poetry. Of the ten or fifteen thousand verses in
his "originals" of 1807 all are forged by Macpherson and his
helpers except one. There never were any Gaelic epics either
in Scotland or Ireland. There existed Gaelic ballads and these
gave Macpherson his starting point, but no poem is a faithful
reproduction of a Gaelic original. A few sentences here and
there correspond to passages in the Gaelic literature. About
four-fifths of the material is, however, without Gaelic connexion
and is purely Macpherson 's invention. The style corresponds
in some rare instances to that of the genuine Gaelic ballads
known to-day but more frequently is reminiscent of Homer, the
Hebrew prophets, Milton, and certain more recent poets. It
was this fact that occasioned suspicions from the outset.

3 The above summary of facts regarding the authenticity of Macpher-
son's Ossian may not seem entirely germane to the present investigation
but is included because it is by no means easy to find explicit statements
in English works of reference. The following works treat of the question
in a reliable form and are in substantial agreement one with another:

J. S. Smart. James Macpherson (London 1905) ; 224 pp.

L. C. Stern, Die Ossianischen Heldenlieder ZVL VIII (1895) 51-86 and
143-174.

H. E. D. Anders, Ossian PrJ CXXXI (1908) 1-36. Based largely on

Van Tieghem, Ossian en France (Paris 1917) ; 2 vols. The introduction
pp 7_99 includes a useful resume of the entire controversy.

It is unfortunate that Tombo [243] did not include in his monograph
a resume similar to Van Tieghem 's for it would be desirable to know to
what extent the German protagonists and opponents of Macpherson wer
dependent on certain definite English authorities. Tombo 's bibliography,
PP; 3-63, however, notes German comment upon English controversial
articles and translations thereof.

252 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

In spite of doubts at home Macpherson's Ossian was received
with great favor abroad and was translated into German, Italian,
French, Spanish, Dutch, Danish, Swedish, Polish, Kussian, and
modern Greek, in fact into more languages than any other Eng-
lish work except Robinson Crusoe. It constitutes, therefore, a
fairly accurate measure of the taste of the time and it is worth
while for this reason to analyze the quality of this poetry.

The content is characterized by hasty confused action. Nu-
merous characters and numerous actions are referred to with-
out further detail. As van Tieghem says: "Les personnages
et les lieux, nommes pour la plupart plutot que caracterises,
defilent devant le lecteur avec une rapidite cinematographique et
f atigante. ' '4 Another characteristic of the poems was monotony,
due to an absence of local color and to a frequent repetition of
the same adventures. The dispute between Ossian and St. Pat-
rick, which might have lent local color, was omitted by Mac-
pherson, as well as all references to the manner of life of his
heroes. Love and war, the chief stock in trade of epic writing,
are abundant in the poems, but the warriors fight to no particular
purpose and one pair of lovers resembles another, the same epi-
sodes and adventures being repeated in a fashion that rarely
varies. The lyric element appealed no doubt to the time ; the
admonitions of the spirits of dead heroes to their successors in
arms, the mournful laments over the flight of time, the weakness
of man, and the passage of the better days of the past, all in a
setting of hazy moonlit atmosphere, of falling autumn leaves and
mournful, beating sea-waves. Such was the poetry of "poor
moaning, monotonous Macpherson," as Carlyle called him.
Finally the new form of the poems made a strong appeal. Mac-
pherson himself would have preferred a versification but his
advisers persuaded him against it. The rithmic prose that was
finally decided upon enabled him to avoid all the mechanical
subterfuges of poetry and subordinate everything to the effective
rendering of the thot ; it had a melancholy charm of its own and
was adapted to its theme.

* Van Tieghem, Ossian en France, p. 44. The phrases following the
quotation are also borrowed largely from Van Tieghem.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 253

The response in Germany to the Ossianic poetry was almost
immediate. The Fragments of 1760 were translated in part in
1762, Fingal (1761) was translated in part in 1763 and in its
entirety in 1764. Denis began his complete translation into
hexameters in 1768.4a Other translations were those of E. von
Harold (1775), Peterson (1782), Khode (1800), Friedrich Leo-
pold Graf zu Stolberg (1806), Ahlwardt (1807), Jung (1808),
Schubart (1808), de la Periere (1817-19), Forster (1826), Bott-
ger (1847), and Briickmeier (1883).5 Needless to say there were
also translations of individual poems, too numerous to mention.
Among the translators were Goethe, Herder, Burger, and Lenz.

The extraordinary vogue of Ossian, in Germany in particular,
is not difficult to account for. The chief reason for his popu-
larity lay in the state of literary development at the time. It
was near the dawn of the era of originality and genius. Herder
treated of Ossian, the Volkslieder, and Shakespeare in succession
in his Von deutscher Art und Kunst (1773). " Imitate the an-
cients ' ' and ' ' return to nature ' ' were the two watchwords of the
time. The latter precept was gaining ground on the former. The
Nouvelle Heloise (1759) and the Ossian fragments (1760) ap-
pearing at about the same time indicated the trend, not toward
the genuinely primitive, but toward a certain civilized and re-
fined "nature." Young's ideas in regard to originality were
taking root. They seemed to give sanction to Ossian, who even
more than Shakespeare was an original, for he had no models
whatever before him. But Ossian not only caught the imagina-
tion of the new or genius-admiring age but also of the senti-
mental age that was just at its zenith. The moonlight, loneli-
ness, and pathos of the Ossianic verses found a well developt taste
to receive them. Finally the simple style of Ossian permitted of
a fairly wide acquaintance with him in Germany in the original.
The constructions were not difficult. The sentences were short
and the repetitions were frequent. This endeared him to the
beginner in English.

*a Cf. infra p. 260.

s For further bibliographical data see Tombo [243] 1-63.

254 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The controversy in regard to the genuineness of the poems
was also followed closely in Germany. Such journals as the
G-ottingische gelekrtc Anzeigen, the BMiothek der schonen Wis-
senschaften, and Der neue teutsche Merkur reviewed the leading
English works on the subject and the opinions of Blair, Johnson,
Laing, and others were well known in Germany, the more im-
portant contributions being translated in their entirety. Most
German critics believed fervently in the genuineness of Mac-
pherson's Ossian. Bodmer, it is true, had his doubts, and Ger-
stenberg never believed but was silent at times out of prudence.

The favorable comments set in early. An anonymous writer
in the BMiothek der schonen Wissenschaften in 1762 was fol-
lowed by Easpe in 1763.6 Raspe admired the poems on account
of their originality and naturalness. The first translations into
book form were of the Fragments by Engelbrecht and of Fingal
by Wittenberg, both in 1764 and both in rithmic prose ;7 neither
of them was particularly successful. In the same year appeared
in Paris an essay questioning the authenticity of the Ossianic
poems. This suspicion was rejected positively by a writer in
the Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen (1765) who commended
Ossian as being less loquacious than Homer, and the Gaelic people
as superior in character to the Homeric heroes. " Ossian 's soul
felt infinitely more," he added, "than Homer, his code of morals
was better, he knew the human heart in its more delicate emo-
tions." The reviewer characterized Macpherson's prose as a
mixture made up of the holy scriptures, of Homer, and of the
speeches of the Iroquois, yet nevertheless possessing something
of its own. The anonymous author of this review appears to
have been none other than Albrecht von Haller.8 Such com-
parisons to Homer's disadvantage soon became frequent. Vosz
said explicitly: "Der Schotte Ossian ist ein groszerer Dichter
als der lonier Homer;"9 and Klopstock boldly confest: "Ich

a HannoveriscJies Magazin I (1763-1764) 1457ff. Of. Tombo [243] 4.

7 See Tombo [243] 3-4.

8GGA (1765) I 129-131; cf. Tombo [243] 5 and 78.

o Quoted by Flindt [79] 13.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 255

liebe Ossian so sehr, dasz ich seine Werke iiber einige griechische
der besten Zeit setze."11 Another early ardent defender of
Ossian was Christian Felix Weisze, who wrote in the Neue Bib-
liotkek der schonen Wissenschaften (1766) particularly con-
demning Cesarotti's translation into verse.12 Prose, he held,
was the only proper rendering. This was a mild premonition
of the storm that was to come when Denis in 176813 translated
Macpherson's Ossian into hexameters and yet there was hardly
a single imitation of Ossian in Germany before this translation
appeared.

Ossian exerted his greatest influence in Germany not in a
direct fashion but indirectly thru Klopstock. Ossian fell in
with Klopstock ?s desires and feelings; he was national and
patriotic, and his dominant note was one of melancholy, which
accorded well with Klopstock 's mood after the death of his Meta.
The Ossianic melancholy was a fit sequel to Young's; and the
Ossianic pictures were, like Klopstock 's own in the Messias,
heroic, grand, and hazy.

Klopstock arbitrarily combined facts in such a way as to
permeate the Germanic past with the Ossianic atmosphere. In
Germama III Tacitus told of the "barditus," the singing of
heroic songs before the battle, whereby the Germani inspired
themselves for combat. Klopstock falsely understood the word
to refer to the songs themselves and fancifully connected it with
the Celtic loan word "Barde," assuming that bards had been
the writers of such songs. He regretted that none of the battle
songs of the Germani were preserved, but the songs of Ossian
compensated him in some degree, for according to common be-
lief of the time there was no great distinction between Celt and
Teuton. To quote Klopstock 's words in a letter to Gleim, June
31, 1769: "Ossian war deutscher Abkunft, weil er ein Kale-
donier war. ' ?14 He exprest the same belief in verse :

11 Betzer, Denis Literarischer Nachlasz (Wien 1801-1802), II 116; quoted
by Tombo [243] 91.

12 Op. cit. I. 387; cf. Tombo [243] 6 and 79.
is Cf. infra p. 260.

14 Klopstock und seine Freunde (Halberstadt 1810), II 214.

256 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Sie, deren Enkel jetzt auf Schottlands Bergen wohnen,
Die von den Eomern nicht provinzten Kaledonen,
Sind deutschen Stamms. Daher gehort auch uns mit an
Der Bard und Krieger Ossian,
Und mehr noch als den Engellandern an.is

Klopstock further complicated the past of northern Europe
by causing all its heroes, Celtic and Germanic alike, to adopt
the Norse mythology as transmitted in the Edda. This adjust-
ment was accepted without protest by his contemporaries. Klop-
stock next felt called upon to revise his own poems, substituting
the Norse mythology for the classic. This process he completed
about 1767. His numerous adherents followed him in adopting
this measure. Still later Klopstock seemed to feel that he had
indulged too much in Ossianic decoration and in later revisions
of his work did away with some of it.16

Tombo dates Klopstock 's enthusiasm for Ossian about from
the year 1762 to 1764. An earlier investigator, Julius Koster,
had held that it could not have begun before 1770: "Ossian
hat erst Ende der sechziger Jahre auf Klopstock wirken konnen,
weil er in Deutschland erst um jene Zeit durch die Ubersetzung
von Denis bekannt wurde."17 But Tombo 's bibliography shows
that notices of Ossian were frequent before that date and that
earlier translations also existed, particularly in North Germany.
Moreover Klopstock had by 1762 enuf proficiency to be able
to read the simple thots of Ossian in Macpherson's English.
In most cases it is not easy to isolate Macpherson's influence on
Klopstock, for the Bible, Homer, Milton and certain Latin poets
form to a large extent the basis of the style of both ; but certain
specifically Ossianic traits can be first distinguisht in the odes
written in 1764, 1765, and 1767 and in the first "Bardiet," Die
Hermannsschlacht. The influence is less obvious in the later
odes and Bardiete.19 Tombo thinks that a close examination of

15 Epigram 183 in Hamburgische Neue Zeitung 1771. Eeprinted in 1st
edition of GelehrtenrepubliTc (Hamburg 1874) ; omitted in 2nd edition.

IB Tombo [243] 102.

i" Koster, Vber Klopstoclcs GleicTinisse (Program, Iserholm 1878); quoted
by Tombo [243] 92.

is Tombo [243] 94.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 257

the latter part of the Messias might also bring reminiscences of
Ossian to light but he says :

Klopstock 's unbounded admiration for Ossian really did not last .much
over a decade (i.e. 1765-1775), and the old bard's influence gradually
diminisht, just as Klopstock 's fondness for Norse mythology grew less
and less pronounced. By the time he began to turn his attention to the
French Revolution both Ossian and the Norse divinities appeared like a
memory of the days of old.18

As criteria of the Ossianic influence on Klopstock Tombo
mentions the external use of the Ossianic machinery and decor-
ation.20 The "dark, dim, distant, far, misty, silent" atmosphere
of Ossian begins to pervade Klopstock 's poetry,21 the prophetic
element appears, and spirits of the dead are conjured up.22
Klopstock 's characterization of the songs of the bards, 11. 30-40
and 11. 77-84 of the ode Der Hilgel und der Hain, is based largely
upon his knowledge of the poems of Ossian.23 Another Ossianic
' ' trick ' ' which Klopstock adopted was that of permitting several
"as's" and "so's" to follow one another in his comparisons.
This habit became pronounced among the Ossianic imitators.
It was first noted by Koster that Klopstock 's numerous compari-
sons to the oak are all found in his dramas (1769ff.), none in
his Messias.24' Klopstock also borrowed the name of the royal
residence of Fingal and applied it to his lovers, using Selma
as the feminine form and Selmar as the masculine, neither of
which appeared in Germany before the middle of the eighteenth
century. Selma became a popular name in Germany along with
Malvine and Oskar.

The bards play an important role in the Hermannsschlacht
and in Hermann und die Fiirsten. They admonish the warriors :
"Horet Taten der vorigen Zeit," and they relate the deeds of

20 Of . ode Hermann "Steine der alternden Moose": "the moss of
years" that covers most of Ossian 's stones. Tombo [243] 95.

21 Tombo [243] 95. Tombo compares Wingolf 's "wallenden Opfer-
rauch" with the ' ' schweigende Dammerung" in the new version.

22 Klopstock, Thuiskon (1764), Hugel und Hain (1767), Eothschilds
Graber (1766).

23 Tombo [243] 97.

24 Quoted by Tombo [243] 97.

258 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ancient heroes in Ossianic manner. Ossianic similes are fre-
quently encountered. Wind and breeze, blast and gale play a
large part in these works, and warrior hosts are likened to roar-
ing streams pouring down the hills, or to a ridge of mist.

Klopstock's ideas in regard to Ossian and the bards may
provoke a smile to-day, but he certainly searcht for accurate
information about the old Germanic bards even to the end of
his days. He communicated with Macpherson by letter inquiring
about the meter of the Ossianic originals. The information re-
ceived was unsatisfactory. He wrote to Denis, July 22, 1768:
"Macpherson (mit dem ich correspondiere) versteht entweder
Ossians Quantitat oder das Sylbenmasz iiberhaupt nicht ge-
nug. ' '25 Direct efforts having proved unavailing, Klopstock tried
to discover what he wisht to know thru Angelika Kauffmann,
who was herself an enthusiast about Ossian. While she was in
Scotland (1770) Klopstock wrote to her from Copenhagen:
"Konnten Sie nicht in Edingburgh, oder auch weiter hinauf
gegen Norden, durch Hiilfe Ihrer Freunde, einen Musikus auf-
treiben, der mir die Melodien solcher Stellen in Ossian, die
vorziiglich lyrisch sind, in unsere Noten setzte?"26 Klopstock's
curiosity in regard to the versification of the poems was never
satisfied. He did not even live to have the doubtful satisfaction
of reading Ahlwardt's much heralded translation (1811) of the
so-called originals.27 Tho his enthusiasm for Ossian flagged after
1775, his historical interest remained keen and as late as 1797
we find him writing to Bottger: "Wissen Sie schon etwas von
der Ausgabe von Ossian 's Gesangen, die jetzt in seiner Sprache
gemacht wird ? 1st die Ubersezung getreu ? Sind Anmerkungen
iiber das Zeltische dabey?"28 It is apparent from his private
correspondence in his final years that he lost faith in the genuine-
ness of the Ossianic poems.29

25 Lappenberg, Brief e von u. an Klopstock (Braunschweig 1867), p. 211;
quoted by Tombo [243] 90. Of. also Lappenberg ibid., p. 218.

26 Ibid., p. 226-227; quoted by Tombo [243] 90.

27 Ahlwardt, Die Gedichte Ossians. Aus dem Gaelischen im Sylbenmasse
des Originals (Leipzig 1811), 3 volumes.

28 Quoted by Tombo [243] 101 from AL III (1784) 398.

29 See two letters quoted by Tombo [243] 102.

1920] Price: Englisn> German Literary Influences — Survey 259

Herder espoused the cause of Ossian as early as 1769. In
that year he reviewed the first volume of Denis's hexametric
translation of Ossian.30 In 1773 he reviewed the third volume
which contained Blair's Critical dissertation.^ He also reviewed
Die Lieder Sineds des Barden in 1773,32 but his most noteworthy
contribution to the subject was his Auszug aus einem Brief -
wechsel liber Ossian iind die Lieder alter Volker publisht in Von
deutscher Art und Kunst in the same year.33 The letters are
addrest to an unnamed person, presumably Gerstenberg, who ob-
stinately denies the genuineness of the Ossianic poetry but thinks
Denis's version is a good rendering of Macpherson 's poetry.
Herder takes issue with him on both points. He declares in
regard to the first: "So etwas kann Macpherson unmoglich
gedichtet haben ! So was laszt sich in unserem Jahrhundert nicht
dichten."34 In his Volkslieder (1779) he included translations
of Ossian, some of them by himself, and he based his theories of
popular poetry upon them to a large extent.35

Gerstenberg, on the other hand, was from the outset skeptical
regarding the Ossianic poems. In a letter written soon after
reading them for the first time he says :

Dasz entweder Hr. Macpherson seinen Text auszerordentlich ver-
falscht, oder auch das untergeschobene Werk einer neuern Hand allzu-
leichtglaubig fiir ein genuines angenommen hatte, glaubten wir gleich
aus den mancherley Spuren des Modernen sowol als aus den verschiedenen
kleinen hints, die der Dichter sich aus dem Homer etc. gemerkt zu haben
schien, wahrzunehmen.36

so In Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek X (1769) 63-69. See Herder,
WerTce IV 320-325.

si Attgemeine deutsche BibliotJiek XVII (1772) 437-477; cf. Tombo
[243] 8.

32 In Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigen (1773) 447-481; cf. Goethe, WerTce
I 37, 242-246. The review is, however, not by Goethe but by Herder.
See Tombo [243] 11.

33DLD XL (1892) 3-50, 76-80; Herder, Werlce V 159-207.
34DLD XL (1892) 6.

33 Herder, Werlce XI 297-300; XVI 323-333; XXV 423-430 and 549-
551; cf. XXIV 301-311 and Waag [271].

se Gerstenberg, Brief e uber Merkwurdigkeiten der Literatur (1766), DLD
XXIX (1890) 57.

260 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Gerstenberg was one of the few German critics who held to
this view. The contrary opinion of Herder and others may
have influenced him slightly, for in the geographical and his-
torical footnotes to his Minona (1795) he speaks of Ossian as
an authority ' l dessen historische Data wenigstens itzt keinen Ein-
wand mehr leiden, wenn gleich die Achtheit seiner gegenwar-
tigen epischen und dramatischen Gestalt noch etwas zweideutig
seyn mb'chte;"37 but these notes are omitted in Gerstenberg 's
final edition of his works (1815-1816), a fact which would seem
to indicate returning doubts. Gerstenberg no doubt followed
closely the results of investigations in Britain, which were mak-
ing men of critical judgment more and more skeptical.

Gerstenberg adopted the northern mythology in his poetry.
The specialist alone is able to distinguish with certainty this
decoration from the Ossianic, but Pfau [246] and Tombo [243]
find some specifically Ossianic elements in Gerstenberg 's Skalde
(1766). In Ariacl,ne auf Naxos (1765) there are but occasional
reminiscences of Ossian, and while Ugolino (1767) owes its chief
literary inspiration to Shakespeare, Ossianic traits are noticeable
here also, as Tombo, following Jacobs, points out. They are
much more numerous than in the earlier works. Jacobs publisht
as an appendix to his treatize on Ugolino [502] a fragment
written by Gerstenberg, Der Waldjiingling (1770). Rousseau's
idea is fundamental here. The home of the primitive man de-
scribed is Scandinavia, but the scenery is reminiscent of the
Scottish Highlands and the characters still more so of Ossian 's.
Similarly there are Scandinavian elements in the background,
history, and allusions of Minona (1785), whose scene is laid in
Britain. In this work Gerstenberg 's imitation of Ossian reaches
its height. There are several faithful reproductions of Ossianic
scenes and the names are also Ossianic.

Michael Denis (1729-1800) became more exclusively associ-
ated with Ossian than either Klopstock or Gerstenberg. Denis
was a Jesuit, born in Bavaria and living in Vienna. His admir-

Quoted by Tombo [243] 119.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 261

ation for Klopstock's Messias led him to study English in order
to read Paradise lost. He first read Ossian in an Italian trans-
lation by Cesarotti in 1763 and compared him in his mind with
Virgil and Homer. Then he heard of Klopstock's approval of
Ossian. "Wie froh war ich!" he exclaimed. "Ich fing zu iiber-
setzen an." He was still sufficiently under the spell of Klop-
stock's Messias to translate Ossian into hexameters. The judg-
ment of contemporaries coincides with that of later times: the
translation was regarded as excellent, but the hexametric form
was condemned. Herder in the Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek
gave the most authoritative expression to this view.38 Denis's
translation (1768) is nevertheless to be esteemed as the best
complete rendering of Ossian 's works. The discussion regarding
the ill-chosen meter only succeeded in calling the attention of
more readers to the work. Denis's translation became the foun-
dation of the whole bardic movement. Denis himself joined the
imitators with his Die Lieder Sineds des Barden (1772),39 the
anagram Sined being his new bardic name. Similarly Klop-
stock's bardic pseudonym was "Werdomar," Gerstenberg's
"Thorlang," Kretschmann's "Rhingulph," Dusch's "Ryno,"
etc. These poets and others laid aside the lyre and took up the
harp of the bards ; the laurel wreath was discarded for the crown
of oak leaves, and the much ridiculed ' ' Bardengebriill, " "Bar-
dengeschrei, " or " Bardengeheul' ' broke forth.

Tombo's treatize ends with a discussion of the minor bards,
of whom Karl Friedrich Kretschmann40 (1738-1809) was one
of the most notable. Kretschmann's bardic phase begins in 1768
with Der Gesang Rhingulphs des Barden als Varus geschlagen
war, which was followed by Rhingulphs Klage (1771). Ossianic
influence is also noticeable in some of the shorter poems of the
same period. Kretschmann in his Gedicht eines Skalden ex-
presses thanks to Gerstenberg for the original impulse, but the
influence of Klopstock is equally obvious. His bardic period

ss Herder is quoted by Tombo [243] 122-123; cf. supra p. 259.

39 For a comparison of parallel passages see Tombo [243] 126-138.

40 See also BIBLIOGRAPHY [249] and [250].

262 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ends a few years later, after the movement had made itself ridic-
ulous and unpopular. In his later works nothing remains but
the bard, the grove, and the oak, which had become permanent
stage settings of German lyric poetry.

With the study of Kretschmann and the bards Tombo's work
ends. The further course of the Ossianic influence in Germany
is merely indicated in Tombo's general survey:

Goethe, inspired by Herder, took a passing but deep interest in the
literary curiosity, which left its impress upon a portion of his work.41
Schiller's earliest dramas show traces of Ossian 's influence.42 The
fl Storm and Stress" writers found nourishment in the writings of a
genius who observed no rules. Merck edited an English edition of the
poems. Lenz translated Fingal. The poets of the Gb'ttinger Bund —
Burger, Holty, Vosz, Friedrich Stolberg, Cramer — have all left testimony
of their admiration for the Gaelic Homer. Then there were Claudius and
Matthison and Kosegarten, all influenced by Ossian. Even Geszner shows
his indebtedness in some of his later idylls. . . . Jacob Grimm was ex-
tremely anxious to appear as their champion. The melancholy of Novalis
sought consolation in the Ossianic ' ' joy of grief. ' ' Tieck produced several
imitations in his youth. Holderlin also read the poems with ardor.
Freiligrath wrote a ballad Ossian. Schubert and Brahms, Zumsteeg and
Dittersdorf, Seckendorff and Lowe, and other German composers have set
portions of the poems to music.43

41 Tombo suggests in a footnote, p. 67, that the picture of Ossian and
Malvina finds a reflexion in that of the harper and Mignon in Wilhelm
Meister.

42 See Fielitz [251] who refers also to the influence on Schiller's
Ranker II, 2. Schiller's relation to Ossian seems not yet to have been
comprehensively defined. The rhetorical element in Ossian doubtless ap-
pealed to Schiller very strongly. Schiller says, WerTce XII 184, that he
first became well acquainted with Homer's epics in his maturer years.
Fielitz assumes that Schiller knew little of Homer at first hand at the
time of writing Hektors AbscMed, that the theme was derived from a
general knowledge of the story, but that the phraseology is Ossianic.
Fielitz then compares Hectors Abxchied with a translation of Ossian 's
Karrik Thura, written by Hoven, which appeared in the first number of
Der Zustand der Wissenschaften und Kiinste in Schivaben, April 15, 1781.
He points out striking resemblances in meter, diction, and motifs, and
he adds (p. 542): "Dasz Schiller friih Ossian las und verehrte, wiirden
wir als sicher annehmen miissen, auch wenn er nicht selbst es spater an
Lotte aussprache. In seinem Kreise war Ossian an der Tagesordnung.
Lernen wir doch Hoven als tibersetzer einer Ossian-Stelle bestimmt
kennen. Gab doch Peterson (1782) die Gedichte Ossians neu verteutscht
bei Heerbrandt in Tubingen heraus. ' '

« Tombo [243] 67.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 263

Tombo unfortunately was never able to trace these connexions
in detail, but it does not seem likely that the impressions he has
left regarding Ossianic influence would have been in any im-
portant respect altered by the additional corroborative evidence.
Ossian was accepted with fervor in Germany because he was the
poet the generation was looking for. He was the unschooled
singer of genius, who sang from an overflowing heart. The
literary influence exerted itself chiefly upon the lesser poets and
it soon degenerated into tawdry imitation and borrowing of his
decoration. The healthy side of his influence consisted in the
added impulse it lent to the new interest in the history of the
race, an amateurish interest at first, but one which later developt
into a sounder scientific knowledge.

Of the greater poets Goethe alone requires further discussion
in this connexion. It might be inferred from the summary of
Tombo quoted above that Herder first inspired Goethe with an
admiration for Ossian, but that is not the case; Goethe's knowl-
edge of Ossian as well as of Shakespeare dated from the Leipzig
period.45 In Straszburg, however, his interest was intensified.
He translated some passages from Ossian and later he joined
with Merck (1773) in publishing a reprint of the English text
of Ossian 's songs, for the title page of which he drew a design.46
The work itself was never finisht. About the same time that
Goethe sent to Herder specimens of Alsatian folksong he sent
him also translations of Ossian, in the preparation of which
Goethe had painfully consulted the Gaelic original. Heuer has
shown that these are the poems Fillians Erscheinung und Fingals
Schildklang and Erinnerung des Gesanges der Vorzeit, which
Herder included in his Volkslieder Avith the observation that the
translations were not his own. He had amplified the poems
and given them metrical form before publishing them, however.
Heuer reproduces the earlier version of the lines as written by
Goethe.47

« See letter to Friederike Oeser, Feb. 13, 1769. Goethe, WerJce IV 1.
198.

46Ulrich [246a].

47 Heuer [247] 269-270.

264 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Goethe 's enthusiasm for Ossian soon spent itself. It is known
that he translated the Songs of Selma in Straszburg and gave a
copy to Friederike Brion and that he embodied a similar trans-
lation in Werther; but as he recovered from the morbid frame
of mind that had given rise to Werther he seemed to have lost
at the same time his interest in Ossian, to judge from a conver-
sation of 1829 reported by Henry Crabb Robinson :

Something led him to speak of Ossian with contempt. I remarked:
"The taste for Ossian is to be ascribed to you in a great measure. It
was Werther that set the fashion." He smiled and said: "That's partly
true; but it was never perceived by the critics that Werther praised
Homer while he retained his senses and Ossian when he was going mad.
But reviewers do not notice such things. ' ' I reminded Goethe that
Napoleon loved Ossian. "It was the contrast with his own nature,"
Goethe replied; "he loved soft and melancholy music. Werther was
among his books at St. Helena. ' >48

Heuer calls attention to a similarly ironical comment of
Goethe of a much earlier date. Goethe was planning with the
help of Reichardt to write an opera with an Ossianic background :
' ' schon habe ich in Gedancken Fingaln, Ossianen, Schwanen und
einigen nordischen Heldinnen und Zauberinnen die Opern-Stelzen
untergebunden und lasse sie vor mir auf und abspazirn. Um
so etwas zu machen musz man alles poetische Gewissen, alle poe-
tische Scham nach dem edeln Beyspiel der Italianer ablegen."49
More seriously Goethe made reference to Ossian in a review of
Volkslieder der Serb en. Here he distinguisht the genuine folk-
poetry of the Serbs from the artificial poetry of Macpherson's
Ossian : * ' Es ist nicht wie mit dem nordwestlichen Ossianischen
Wolkengebilde, das als gestaltlos epidemisch und kontagios in
ein schwaches Jahrhundert sich herein senkte und sich mehr als
billigen Anteil erwarb."50

These words of Goethe characterize, as well as any sentence
could, the nature of the Ossianic fever. Ossian 's history in Ger-

48 In Diary, reminiscences and correspondence of Henry Crabb Eobinson
ed. Thomas Sadler (N. Y. 1877), II 106, under date of Aug. 2, 1829.

49 Letter to J. P. Eeichardt, Nov. 8, 1790. Goethe, Werke IV 18, 41;
cf. letter to Eeichardt, Dec. 10, 1789, WerTce, IV 9, 165.

so Quoted by Heuer [247] 273, without reference.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 265

many is a chapter of paradoxes. The Ossianic style, arbitrarily
compounded out of "the styles of Homer, the Bible and the
Iroquois," was seized upon as a classic example of spontaneity
and naturalness. To doubt the genuineness of the poetry was to
display one's lack of poetic feeling. Sentimental as the content
of the poetry was, it gained for its supposed author a place
beside that of Homer. The furor died down in time, but not
without contradictory after-effects. It had helpt arouse an in-
terest in primitive man. The first effect of this was an indis-
criminate jumbling of the Norse, Celtic, and Teutonic past, but
this in time gave way to more accurate information. Thus after
all German literature was not permanently impaired, perhaps
it was even benefited, by the enigmatic influence of the shade
from the north.

266 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 10
PEECY AND THE GEEMAN FOLK-SONG

Since the time his Reliques appeared Percy's name has been
connected with the revival of interest in popular poetry in Ger-
many as well as in England. His services were indeed great,
but claims so extreme have been made in his behalf that certain
reservations are called for as preliminaries to further discussion.
It is necessary first to recall the fact that there had always been
an active interest in the folk-song in England, and that the most
esteemed men of letters of the various periods had exprest their
admiration for these songs. It will be in order then in the
second place to show that, while- it is true that in Germany for
a time the folk-song had fallen into a certain disrepute, there
were, toward the middle of the eighteenth century, certain ten-
dencies at work which would certainly have brot the i ' Volkslied ' '
into prominence, even without the instrumentality of the
Reliques. That the Percy collection provided a powerful im-
pulse from without is not to be denied; but after the above
reservations have been made, the task of this brief summary is
rather a quantitative one, namely to estimate the weight of the
force from without as compared with those from within.

Bishop Percy was a man of unusual talent, who during the
course of his life displayed his gifts in various ways. He trans-
lated from a Portuguese manuscript a Chinese novel, he trans-
lated several poems from the Norse, The song of songs from the
Hebrew, and the Edda. In 1770 he translated Mallet's Intro-
duction a I'histoire de Dannemarc and in his preface to the
translation made, as no scholar had done before him, a distinction
between the Germanic and the Celtic race. He has past his
name down to posterity, however, as the collector of the Eeliques
of ancient poetry. According to Percy's own account1 he rescued

1 Percy, Eeliques of ancient English poetry, ed. H. B. Wheatley (London
1910), I Ixxxii.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 267

from the hands of a serving maid, who was about to use it to
kindle a fire, a folio manuscript containing a collection of folk-
songs ; to these songs he added others from the Pepys collection
at Cambridge, friends of note contributed still others, and he was
thus enabled to publish a large body of verse in 1765, five years
after the way had been paved for its reception by the appearance
of Macpherson's Ossian.

Bishop Percy prefaced his collection with apologies which
seem hardly called for in view of the sanction which such songs
had usually enjoyed in the British Isles. In England Sir Philip
Sidney was one of the first defenders of folk poetry. In his
Apologie for poetry (1580) he said, as later Herder did, that the
poetic feeling was universal and was to be found even among
Turks and Indians. He said he never heard the old song Percy
and Douglas (Chevy Chase), no matter how badly rendered by
' ' some blinde crouder ' ' without finding his heart * ' mooved more
then with a trumpet,"18 but he erred, as did Addison later, in
using the classics as a standard of judgment and holding that
the ballad would be still more powerful in a Pindaric measure.
The Elizabethan age did not scorn popular poetry. Wandering
singers told before Queen Elizabeth the tales of Robin Hood and
Adam Bell, and Shakespeare met the taste of his time in preserv-
ing and creating so many folk-songs. The revolution and the
restoration brot the folk-song into disrepute for a short time,
but Addison opened up a new period of interest with his
Spectator. He mentions Chevy Chase1* as a fine example of such
poetry and says that Lord Dorset and Dryden both shared his
view in regard to popular poetry.10 He also made the assertion
that the ballad Percy and Douglas is not inferior to the poetry
of Homer, Virgil, and Milton in majesty and simplicity.1*1 Dr.

ia Spectator, no. 70, the Chevy Chase which Addison quotes was not,
however, the one which so deeply moved Sidney, but a greatly modified
one of a much more recent date. Of. Percy Beliques etc., ed. Wheatley,
I 23 and I 252 ; re date of Spencer >s Apologie see SURVEY, p. 127.

iblbid., no. 70.

ic Ibid., no. 85.

idlbid., no. 74.

268 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Wagstaffe16 ridiculed this statement by the counter assertion that
there was much of the Virgilian spirit in Tom Thumb. In spite
of such taunts some men agreed with Addison. Prior and other
friends of Addison began to imitate the old ballads. In 1723 a
collection of ballads appeared in London citing Addison 's words
as an apology for its existence, and in 1724 Ramsay produced
his collection of old Scottish songs. In view of the appearance
of this successful work it is remarkable that Bishop Percy should
have assumed such an air of reluctance in regard to the publi-
cation of his Reliqucs so many years later. In the preface he
says he would not have made the venture but for the encourage-
ment of certain friends whose opinion he esteemed ; among these
friends he mentioned Addison, William Shenstone, Samuel John-
son, and others.2

In Germany also an interest in folk poetry began to manifest
itself before the middle of the eighteenth century. In the earliest
days the perpetuation of folk-songs was dependent entirely upon
oral tradition. But from the fifteenth century on there were
written collections and these became more numerous with the
general introduction of printing;3 they were also taken up by
literary and scholarly circles, whose interest in the history of
Germanic peoples had been first aroused by the discovery of
Tacitus 's Germania (1460). About a hundred years after this a
similar interest developt in the Scandinavian countries, which
led to the discovery of the elder Edda in 1643. Among the most
popular of the writers on Scandinavian folklore was the before-
mentioned Mallet, Professor at Kopenhagen, who in the year
1755 publisht his Introduction a I'histoire de Dannemarc and,
as an appendix to this, in the following year Monuments de la
mythologie et de la poesie des Celtes et particulierement des
anciens Scandinaves. Translated into German in 1766 and into
English by Percy in 1770 this work extended to wider circles
the interest in northern antiquities. Mallet, like Klopstock, con-

ie Ee Wagstaffe see H. S. Hughes in JEGPh XVIII (1919) 465.
2 Percy Eeliques etc. (1910) 8, 12, and 14.
a Cf Kircher [258x] 3.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 269

fused races and made no distinction between the Cymbrian,
Caledonian, Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, and ancient German
races.

Gerstenberg had approacht the subject of the folk-song from
a scholar's point of departure. His Old Norse studies had toucht
upon this theme before 1765 when he began his Brief e uber
die Merkwiirdigkeiten, der Literature He first mentions Ossian
in the eighth Liter at urbrief in 1766.4a In this letter he gives
specimens of Danish songs, which Herder later included in his
collection.

Herder's own interest in the folk-songs was doubtless first
kindled by Hamann, who had heard the songs of the peasants
of Kurland and Livonia and applied his observations to the study
of the Homeric measure.5 Herder had learned from Hamann:
Poesie ist die Muttersprache des menschlichen Geschlechtes ; ' J
and even without the example of Percy5a Herder would doubt-
less ultimately have supported this thesis with a collection of
folk-songs. Indeed his collection seems to have been begun before
1765,6 but the appearance of the Reliques stirred him to activity.
The Reliques were sent to him by Raspe on August 4, 1771, and
in the same month he wrote the first draft of his essay Uber
Ossian und die Lieder alter Volker,7 which, however, was not
publisht until 1773. Thru this essay the concept "Volkslied"
became to a certain extent standardized. Hitherto it had been
used in the most divergent senses as Kircher [258x] has shown ;
but Herder's own idea of the "Volkslied" was by no means

* See Pfau [246] 162ff. and Forster Bemuhungen urn das Volkslied vor
Herder (Program, Marburg 1913-1914), p. 21-23 for Gerstenberg >B schol-
arly predecessors.

4" Quoted in SURVEY, p. 259.

s Forster, Bemuhungen etc., p. 19.

5«Flindt [79] 15, however, says: "Jeder weisz, dasz Herders Liebe
zur Volksdichtung durch die Schriften der Englander erweckt und durch
ihre Proben zu hellen Flammen angef acht worden ist. ' ' The latter asser-
tion is tenable.

fi In 1764 there appeared in the Konigsberg 'sche gelehrte und politische
Zeitung, Ein esthnisches Lied als Beitrag zu unbelcannten anakreontixrh, „
Gesdngen noch roher Leute. Herder's authorship of this is disputed. See
Lohre [258] 9; cf. ZDPh III (1871) 466, Anm. 3, and Herder, Werke XXV
545.

7 Kircher [258x] 21.

270 University of California Publications in Modern, Philology [Vol. 9

derived from Percy alone. In his essay the term is applied to
the songs of barbaric peoples, to the songs of uncultivated peo-
ple of his own day, to every poem that can be readily sung, and
only occasionally to songs of antiquarian, historical, and nation-
alistic interest, which Percy had almost solely in view.

Burger forms the crux of the discussion regarding the Percy
influence in Germany. Previous to the year 1773 Burger seems
to have agreed with most of his contemporaries that the ballad
was the product of the " Bankelsanger, " its theme usually some
" Mordgeschichte " and its chief charm its groteskness. When
Burger had written ballads he had attempted to imitate these
ruder qualities ; but Lenore marks a turn to another style. The
change generally has been attributed to the influence of Percy.
To quote but one of the critics, Wagener [257] :

Die erste Frucht dieser . . . Beschaftigung mit Percy (war) die Lenore.
. . . Im ganzen Charakter und in der Anlage, aber auch in einzelnen
Ausserungen ist Percys Einflusz unverkennbar. Wir brauchen nur die
1770 entstandene noch vollkommen im Ton der burlesken Eomanze ge-
haltene Ballade Prinzessin Europa dagegen zu halten, urn den ungeheueren
Fortschritt zu erkennen, den Burger unter Percys und Herders Einflusz
gemacht hat, wenn auch hier dieser oder jener Ausdruck an die alte
Manier lebhaft erinnert.78

Flindt expresses a view in accord with Wagener 's when he
says:

Auszerordentlich wirkungsvoll ist auch der Einflusz gewesen, den das
Volkslied auf Burgers Balladendichtung ausgeiibt hat. Schon 1769-708
ist nach Angabe seines Biographen Althof Percys Sammlung sein Hand-
buch gewesen, und eine Eeihe seiner Balladen sind in der Tat tibertra-
gungen englischer Dichtungen. Doch scheint es, als ob das englische
Vorbild allein fur unsern Dichter nicht geniigte, denn erst nachdem er
das Urteil Herders (in fiber Ossian usw.) iiber die bisherige deutsche
Balladenpoesie und dessen Vorschlage zur Hebung derselben kennen ge-
lernt, wurden ihm die Augen geoffnet. Die Wirkung war gewaltig.
Wahrend Burger in seinen bisherigen Balladen durch Ziigellosigkeit, ja
Eoheit des Ausdrucks den rechten Volkston zu treffen vermeint, weist
die erste Frucht seiner gereiften Erkenntnis, die Lenore, sogleich die
hochsten Vorziige auf, deren seine Muse iiberhaupt fahig ist.9

?a Wagener [257] 28.

s The incorrectness of this date will be shown presently.

» Flindt [79] 15.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 271

Thus Wagener and Flindt bring together for us here the two
prevailing misconceptions regarding Burger: first, that Percy's
collection was his "Handbuch" from 1769 on; and second, that
Lenore is the fruit of an inspiration derived from Percy.

Prior to 1905 all the leading critics proceeded upon this
hypothesis.00 Beyer [266] examines critically the evidence upon
which such assertions are based and clearly shows wherein his
predecessors were in error. Since the time of Althof (1798),
he says, the impression has been given that Burger owes his entire
inclination toward folk poetry to the Percy collection. Althof10
derived this impression from Boie, who wrote to him Nov. 2,
1794: "Mein Handbuch waren damals Percys Relicks, und sie
wurden auch das seinige, ohne noch auf seinen Geist zu wirken,
wie sie nachher gethan haben." As the context shows the
"damals" of the above quotation refers to the year 1771 not the
year 1769-70; but even at that Boie's memory was at fault for
until 1773 he himself did not possess a copy of Percy, as his
letter to Merck, Jan. 26 of that year, indicates: "Ich besitze
jetzt auch das Tea table miscellany und erwarte mit nachster
Gelegenheit die Reliques aus England."11

For further evidence of Burger's relation to Percy we have
the often quoted confession of Burger himself: "Sie (i.e.
die Reliques) sind meine Morgen- und Abendandacht. " This
passage has been past from writer to writer usually with no date
attacht,12 the implication always being, however, that it describes
Burger's relation to Percy in the first period in Gottingen. In
reality the passage appears in a letter written to Boie in the
year 1777. The circumstances under which this letter was written
are significant.13 At the end of the year 1776 Burger was passing
thru a period of discouragement. His relations with "Molly"

9aSee BIBLIOGRAPHY [262]-[265].

10 Althof was Burger 's earliest biographer. Einige Nachrichten von den
vornehmsten Lebensumstanden G. A. Burgers nebst einem Beitrage zur Cha-
rakteristiJc desselben (Gottingen 1773).

11 Quoted by Beyer [266] 3-4.

12 Compare, however, Flindt [79] 15, quoted above.
is According to Beyer [266] 12.

272 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

disturbed his peace of mind, he was beginning to doubt his
dramatic talent, he had given up his Homer plans, and the plan
of writing a national epic. Even for the ballad he found no
strong impulse. In this frame of mind he visited Boie for a
few weeks in Hannover at the end of February 1777, returning
at the beginning of April. During this visit Boie called his
attention quite particularly to the Reliques and Burger thankt
him for it on his return. It was now that Percy became his
' ' Morgen- und Abendandacht. ' ' A little later Boie mailed to him
his copy of the Reliques. On the 10th of June, 1777, Burger
wrote to Boie: "Deinen Brief mit den Old ballads habe ich
erhalten und bin dariiber hergef alien wie die Fliege auf die
Milch. . . . Seit ich die Reliques lese, ist ein gewaltiges Chaos
balladischer Ideen in mir entstanden. " Previous to the year
1777 Burger nowhere displays a greater familiarity with the
collection than that which might have been obtained from Her-
der 's essay and the extracts in the Gottingische gelehrte An-
zeigen. After his return from Hannover in 1777, on the other
hand, he is active in giving German versions of English ballads,
the first one being Bruder Graurock, May 1777.

The many ballads that Burger had written before this period,
Lenore included, Beyer would attribute chiefly to German im-
pulses, English models being only secondary thereto. He says:

Die Neugeburt der deutschen Ballade ist in erster Linie eine von
Biirgers eigener Individualitat geforderte, dichterische Verernstigung der
ironisierenden Romanze, eine Verernstigung sowohl in der allgemeinen
poetischen Auffassung wie in der Auffassung des Volkstiimlichen. Die
Moglichkeit zu einer solchen Wendung war bei ihm durch seine von
Kind auf vorhandene Vertrautheit mit dem popularen Kirchenlied vor-
bereitet; bei der ersten engeren Bekanntschaft mit dem deutschen Volks-
lied muszte sie zum Austrag kommen.

Beyer concedes, however, "dasz das Bewusztsein der Existenz
der englischen Balladen in etwas mitgewirkt hat/'14

It is important to examine a little more closely the theory
of Burger's inspiration from Percy as applied to Lenore. Erich

Beyer [266] 33-34.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 273

Schmidt begins his discussion of the origin of Lenore with the
before-mentioned customary confusion of chronology: "In der
ersten Gottinger Zeit studirte Burger mit Boie den Percy und
nannte ihn sein 'Handbuch,' ohne sogleich praktischen Nutzen
fur eigene Produktion aus diesen Balladen zu ziehen, die ihm
Morgen- und Abendandacht waren."15 Lenore was not the fruit
of any momentary inspiration. It was begun in April 1773, por-
tions were sent from time to time to Boie for criticism, and the
first draft was completed on the 12th of August. In the midst
of its creation two works had appeared, both of which, according
to Schmidt, affected its development: Herder's essay tfber Ossian
und die Lieder alter Volker and Goethe's Gotz von Berlichingen.™
After the completion of the first draft Burger polisht and altered
stanzas and verses with the help of Boie and Cramer; then he
declaimed the ballad in its final form before a gathering of the
country aristocracy in September 1773. It was first publisht
in Boie's Gottinger Musenalmanach at about the same time. The
ballad was immediately popular in Germany and in a short time
was made known in England. "Der Boden war vorbereitet, "
says Brandl, "durch die weitverzweigte Tradition verwandter
Balladen wie Sweet William's ghost, durch moderne Balladen mit
spukhaften Motiven, auch durch die ossianische Stimmung."17
The earliest translators of Lenore into English were "William
Taylor of Norwich, J. T. Stanley, Walter Scott, J. H. Pye, then
poet laureate, and W. R. Spencer.18 The basis of Lenore was,
according to Erich Schmidt, "ein mit plattdeutschen Versen
untermischtes Marchen."19 Schmidt adds the suggestion that
the hero in Burger's ballad derives his name from the William

is Schmidt [268] 204.

is Ibid., p. 215.

17 Ibid., p. 244; as an appendix to Schmidt's essay Brandl (pp. 244-
248) gives the bibliographical data regarding Lenore in England.

is The translations of all of these appeared in 1796.

is Schmidt [268] 218. The important fact is Schmidt's assertion (with
Beyer it is also a certainty) that the theme of Lenore is derived from local
tradition, not from Percy. Wlisocki [267] takes a similar position in
regard to the theme of Burger's Kaiser und Abt.

274 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

in Sweet William's ghost.20 Beyer rejects this belief, saying
that Burger had named him Wilhelm even before Herder's essay
appeared which contained the translation of Sweet William's
ghost. That Burger then adopted certain notes from Herder's
translation will scarcely be denied.

Beyer's investigations tend to show that the "Gottinger
Bund ' ' constituted a far less active group of Percy admirers than
has been usually assumed. Boie was the first to possess Percy in
the original. This was not before the year 1773, according to
the passage in one of his letters already quoted.21 He could not
have been deeply stirred at the outset, since he did not kindle
Burger's enthusiasm until four years later. It is true that a
selection of the Percy songs, eleven in number, had appeared in
Gottingen.22 Bonet-Maury [265] assumed that Burger's first
knowledge of Percy was derived from this collection. Holz-
hausen [264], Wagener [257], and Lohre [258] find no reason
to agree with this. Finally, there was a copy of the Reliques
in the Gottingen library. The investigators have been able to
secure from the library authorities the interesting information
that Holty borrowed the work from the library Nov. 23, 1770,
returning it on the 8th of December, and that Johann Martin
Miller lookt at the work at the library.23 There is no evidence
that it made an impression on either of them. Holty indeed
never laid much stress upon the Percy ballads.24 The suggestion
for his Adelstan und Roschen might have been received from
several sources other than Percy.25 Miller shows Percy's influ-
ence only to the extent of selecting The passionate shepherd to
his love, one of the least natural and least popular of the Percy

20 Schmidt [268] calls attention to the echoes of "she stretched out
her lily white hands" and of "is there any room at your feet, Willie . . .
wherein that I may creep." The phrase "den Hagedorn durchsaust der
Wind, ' ' on the other hand, he traces back to the heath scene in King Lear.

21 See SURVEY, p. 271.

22 Ancient and modern songs and ballads printed for Victorinus
(Gottingen 1765).

23 See Beyer [266] 4-5.

24 Ehoades also affirms this [122] 22 and 25.

25 See Beyer [266] 4 and Ehoades [122] 26.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 275

poems, for translation (1773). Vosz's first translation from the
Percy collection did not appear until twenty-five years later.
"So sind wir in keiner Weise berechtigt," says Beyer, "mit
Lohre den Gottinger Dichterbund als 'vornehmste Pflegestatte
eines warm betriebenen Studiums' (sc. of the Reliques] hinzu-
stellen."28

It is clear that in the light of Beyer's findings a large amount
of the previous literature regarding Percy in Germany must
be revised. Schlegel, Wagener, Lohre, Bonet-Maury, and Boyd
all proceed on the false assumption that the Percy collection
was known in Gottingen almost from the first. Wagener 's dis-
sertation [257] is nevertheless a valuable and useful work.
Wagener has collected and listed in an annalistic form the Ger-
man translations of the Percy ballads that appeared in remote
and now nearly inaccessible magazines and has paid due regard
to the critical opinions exprest at the time. For many purposes
the chronological arrangement is the most useful one. If Wage-
ner's views regarding Percy's influence have been proven false
by Beyer, the evidence of general interest in Percy's ballads is
nevertheless of significance.

The same remark applies to Lohre 's work [258] . It is divided
into two parts : ( 1 ) " Die Auf nahme der Reliques in Deutsch-
land," and (2) "Die Wiedergeburt des deutschen Volksliedes. "
The false hypothesis is detrimental only to the first part. The
work admirably supplements Wagener 's, for while the latter is
the best authority regarding individual renderings of Percy's
ballads, Lohre gives the best information regarding the collec-
tions and also regarding the period between Herder's Volkslieder
and the Wunderhorn. The facts he gives will be summarized
presently. Bonet-Maury 's monograph is devoted to the task of
drawing the necessary conclusions from the false hypothesis con-
cerning Burger and proving that the German literary ballad
owes its origin to the direct influence of the English popular
ballad. It has only an incidental value today. Boyd's article
[259] is interesting in that it shows the extreme views prevalent

20 Beyer [266] 5; cf. Lohre [258] 2.

276 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

at the time of writing. Boyd professes merely to summarize the
results of earlier investigators, adding only a few facts of his
own, but he does not always correctly reproduce the opinions
of his predecessors; for example, he quotes Schmidt [269] as
saying Lenore loudly re-echoes, if it does not reproduce, Sweet
William's ghost. Schmidt's opinion has already been quoted
above to a different effect.27 At the close of his article Boyd
has a carefully arranged outline listing nearly a hundred Percy
ballads and songs and showing which German authors have made
use of them in one way or another. This portion of the work is
most useful for ready reference.

Having accepted Beyer's demonstration that certain state-
ments regarding the influence of Percy were exaggerated, it is
now proper to emphasize the fact that the Percy collection was
none the less an important factor in the German literary develop-
ment. Granted that the love of the folk-song had a spontaneous
origin, the Percy collection lent a strong sanction for the indulg-
ence of the new taste and was, moreover, a model more or less
consciously before the minds of the German collectors. In the
earliest review of the Reliques in Germany, written by Easpe in
the Neue Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften (1765), the de-
sire is exprest for a German Percy. Boie planned a collection
of English songs but did not desire to compete with Herder;
whereupon Herder, in a private letter of June 3rd, 1776, gave
him a free hand in respect to Percy. Under the name of Daniel
Wunderlich, Burger called for a German Percy in 1776; in his
Herzensausgusz uber Volkspoesie he hopes for a German col-
lection in no respect inferior to the English.28 In his Ossian
essay (1773) Herder had said: "Glauben Sie nur, dasz, wenn
wir in unseren Provinzialliedern, jeder in seiner Provinz nach-
suchten, wir vielleicht noch Stiicke zusammenbrachten, vielleicht
die Halfte der Dodslei 'schen Sammlung von Reliques, aber die

27 See SURVEY, p. 273.

as Beyer is aware of these expressions of Burger but believes that
they do not necessarily show a first-hand knowledge of Percy. Knowledge
derived from Herder 's essay could be an inadequate basis for the remarks.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 277

derselben beinahe an Werth gleich kame."28" In the same year
Vosz was urging his friends to collect old songs such as he be-
lieved he had heard in Mecklenburg, and in 1775 he offered
himself to the Margrave of Baden as a " Landdichter. " The
impulse to most of these efforts went out apparently from Herder,
and the influence of Percy was at least indirectly active.

The history of the Wiedergeburt des deutscken Volksliedes
as related by Lohre shows that the advance of the folk-song in
Germany was not uncontested even after the appearance of
Herder's essay and that the sanction of Percy's example often
proved a support in the next following years.

One of the first to express opposition to the growing par-
tiality for folk-song was Nicolai29 with his Feyner kleyner Alma-
nack vol schonerr echterr liblicherr Volckslieder, lustigerr Reyen
unndt kleglicherr Mordgeschichte (1777-1778). Unintentionally
Nicolai performed a service to the collectors by calling attention
to new sources. Nicolai 's collection was intended as a thrust
especially at Burger with his Herzensausgusz and against Herder
with his Ossian essay. It deterred the collectors in no wise.
In the same year an enthusiastic amateur collector, Ursinus,
produced a volume of no great merit, entitled Balladen und
Lieder altenglischer und altschottischer Dichtart (1777). Only
two of the poems Lord Thomas and Fair EUinor and King Leir
were especially translated for this collection ; the others were
reprints. As an introduction to the collection Eschenburg had
translated Percy's essay on the ancient minstrels in England,
which had appeared simultaneously with the Reliques. The
romantic ideas here exprest had already been supplanted by
more accurate ones in England. This moderately good work of
Ursinus was received with great favor by the public and by
critics like Boie and Burger.

2*a Herder, Werlce V 190.

29 Lessing, on the other hand, had shown an interest in the folk-song
in the 32. Literaturbrief. Nicolai tried in vain to secure Lessing 's help
in his campain against the folk-song. Kamler joined with Nicolai, how-
ever; see Lessings Brief wechsel mit Karl Wm. Eamler (Berlin and Stettin
1794), pp. 372-373, 381, 387-391.

278 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Herder's collection Alte Volkslieder englisch und deutsch
zusammen was completed in 1773, was sent to the printer, and
as a result of some difficulties was withdrawn. The second book
of this collection was entitled "Lieder aus Shakespear." It is
noteworthy that this Shakespeare collection,, in its original form
of 1773, was based exclusively on Dodd's Beauties of Shakes-
peare.2** Early in 1779 Herder sent his collection again to the
printer. The work appeared in four volumes. The plan was
now broader in itss cope. Many nations were included. The
selections were different and, where the old were retained, re-
visions had been made in their rendering. The older form imi-
tated the original poems more closely; the translations of this
later form were more highly polisht. In the later collection he
also abandoned an ethnographic for an esthetic arrangement.
The introductions to the first, third, and fourth volumes were
later fused into an essay Van Ahnlichkeiten der mittleren en-
glischen und deutschen Dichtung (1777), which constituted an
inquiry into the origin and development of folk-song. During
the years 1772-1774 Herder had sent some translations from the
Reliques to the Gb'ttinger Musenalmanach.30 These were, how-
ever, not folk-songs. Into his Volkslieder of 1778 Herder took
over some poems from Percy which were not folk-songs, but he
did not fail to include the best of the popular ballads, such as
Edward, Patrick 8 pence, and Chevy Chase. Herder continued
his interest in the folk-song, added to his collection, and laid
plans for a new edition of the collection "vermehrt, nach Lan-
dern, Zeiten, Sprachen, Nationen geordnet und aus ihnen erklart,
eine lebendige Stimme der Volker, ja der Menschheit selbst."31
Thus he was returning to the ethnographic principle which he
had abandoned in 1778. Herder died soon after sketching this
plan (1803), but many others had begun to carry on the work
he had started in 1773. The most important of these will now
be mentioned.

2»a Leitzmann [515ax] 61.

so For a list see Lohre [258] 20.

si Herder, Werke XXIV 263; quoted by Lohre [258] 23.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 279

Shortly after the publication of Herder's Volkslieder ap-
peared two of the most remarkable of the early collections,
Bodmer 's Altenglische Balladen (1780) and his Altenglische
und altschwabische Balladen (1781). Bodmer was led to this
production by his interest in English literature and in the middle
ages. Since Herder's collection included songs of many peoples
it could include few from any one country. Bodmer gave Ger-
man translations of Percy more abundantly than any other col-
lector of the century. The first volume contained twenty-five
numbers from Percy, and the next thirteen. Bodmer preferred
ballads of knightly content, but he selected genuine folk-songs,
avoiding the affected and artificial. The tinge of Swiss dialect
does not impair the effectiveness of Bodmer 's renderings, but
they are deficient in musical quality. The meter is monotonous
and the rimes clumsy. It would be remarkable if the staunch
advocate of rimeless verse could here begin in his eighty-second
year to rime effectively. When he did succeed, Bodmer seemed
childishly pleased. Such was the case with the rime:

tiber die Haide hinweg im Grunde
Sich schmiegend, wohin kein Auge kunnte,
Schnitten die Beiden sich fort £ leur aise
Etliche Bissen von frischem Kase.

"Dieser Reim," says Lohre, "gefiel Bodmer so gut, dasz er ihn
an anderer Stelle wiederholte und mit behaglichem Schmunzeln
auch in der Vorrede zum zweiten Band citierte."32

The next important collection did not appear until about
fifteen years later. In Friedrich Heinrich Bothe's Volkslieder
nebst untermischten anderen Stiicken (1795) about half of the
numbers were from Percy. In making his selections Bothe
showed that he did not fear competition with Ursinus and
Bodmer, but he avoided the pieces that Herder had translated,
thereby excluding some of the best Percy ballads from his col-
lection. Bothe's was the last German anthology of the century
that drew to any extent from the Reliques. Kosegarten (ISOOff.)

« Lohre [258] 43.

280 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

in the Gottinger Musenalmanach, Haug in the second volume of
Epigramme und vermischte Gedichte (Berlin 1805), and Secken-
dorf in his Musenalmanack (1807 and 1808) brot new transla-
tions from Percy of varying value ; but from 1795 on interest in
the German folk-song predominated and the desire for a German
Percy became steadily stronger.

This interest in the German folk-song dated from the seven-
ties or before and ran parallel with the interest in the English
songs. Goethe had collected twelve German songs in Alsace, two
of which Herder included in his Volkslieder. Goethe retained
his interest in the folk-song always, believing that natural poetry
could serve as a model for the poetry of culture. Jung-Stilling,
Lenz, and Maler Miiller were captivated by the new tone. Boie
continued to publish folk-songs in his Deutsches Museum. Other
periodicals were almost equally hospitable to popular poetry.
One of the most active of the collectors and commentators was
one Grater, who in his Bragur (1791ff.) made many valuable
contributions to the study of the folk-song and laid down a
program for a collection of songs that should be really repre-
sentative of the peoples of the various Germanic races and of
the various classes among those peoples. In the nineties some
of the enthusiasts began to complain of the falling off of the
interest in the collecting of songs.33 That the interest did not
entirely die out, Lohre says,34 is due to Grater's Bragur which
was one of the chief predecessors of the Wunderkorn. Grater
sent forth a call for the music of the folk-songs in an article
founded upon a Scottish essay which he had discovered and
translated. The essay had been written by William Tytler and
read before the ' ' Society of the antiquaries of Scotland. ' '

Other men who helpt to prepare the way for Arnim and
Brentano were E. J. Koch of Berlin with a valuable bibliography,
Chr. Fr. Blankenburg with an essay in Sulzer's Allgemeine

33 Lohre [258] 109 refers to Meiszner, who in Apollo (1794) I 287 said:
"Man scheint des Aufsuchens von Volksliedern miide geworden zu sein.
Bragur allein kiimmert sich darum. ' '

34 Lohre [258] 109.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 281

Theorie der schonen Kunste (1792-1794), and Meiszner with his
periodical Apollo;35 but the further discussion of the origins of
the Wunderkorn is not germane to the present subject.

The investigators here reviewed do not give an answer to
the question of how much the Percy collection and other English
collections affected German lyric poetry. It is possible to list
the work of different collectors and translators as Wagener and
Lohre have done. It is possible to show what particular German
poets have written ballads upon themes from the Percy collection,
as Boyd has done ; but this shows only imitation, not influence
in the higher sense. The genuine influence is evident in the new
tone. Bielschowsky says : ' ' Der Tau des Volksliedes entwickelte
Goethes Lyrik iiber Nacht zu voller Bliitenpracht. Duftigere
Lieder als das Mailied und das Heidenroslein und stimmungs-
vollere als Willkommen und Abschied hat Goethe nicht mehr
gedichtet. "36 But this new quality had been common to the
German and the English folk-song. Lohre emphasizes the fact
that in Goethe's earliest poetry written under the new inspira-
tion native influences predominated:

Wenn auch Goethe im Herbst 1771 zu Herder sich iiber den Unter-
schied des Tones in den Eeliques und im Ossian aussprach,37 auch spaterhin
noch gelegentlich eigene Gedichte an Stiicke der Eeliques anlehnte, z. B.
Eastlose Liebe an das schon im Ossianaufsatze angezogene Love will find
out the wai/,38 Und noch 1816 seine Ballade Die Kinder horen es gerne an
The beggar's daughter of Bednall Green,™* wenn auch Lenz Hamiltons Balla-
dennachahmung Braes of Yarrow iibersetzte,3» so wehte doch die Luft am
Kheine selbst zu liederreich, um einem Einspinnen in die fremde Balla-
denwelt giinstig zu sein.40

ss See Lohre [258] 112.

se Bielschowsky, Goethe, sein Leben und seine Werlce* (Miinchen 1902),
I 120.

37 Goethe, Werke IV 2, 3.

ss Percy, Eeliques etc. no. 730.

ss* ibid., no. 364; cf. Biedermann, Goethe-Forschungen N. F. (Leipzig
1886) 310.

so Lenz, Schriften I 146 and 552.

w Lohre [258] 24.

282 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Wagener, however, is more specific in regard to Goethe :

Auch Goethe konnte sich der Einwirkung der Eeliques nicht entziehen.
Man weisz unter anderem aus seinem Briefwechsel mit Zelter, wie hoch
er sie schatzte. Zu eigentlichen Nachahmungen hat er sich zwar nicht
verstanden. Dennoch ist sein ErlJconig, sein Konig von Thule, sein
Fischer etc. in Ton und Haltung den altschottischen Balladen in jener
Sammlung zu ahnlich, als dasz der Anstosz von anderswoher gekommen
sein konnte.41

To distinguish the specific influence of the English folk-song
from the general influence of the Germanic folk-song is a task
requiring the subtlest criticism, and perhaps little would be
gained thereby; but the Percy collection was none the less an
important factor in the development of the newer and more
natural poetry. The Percy collection had influence on account
of its superiority, if not of its priority. The demand for a
German collection was exprest in terms of a demand for a
German Percy. When opposition arose to the enthusiasm for
ancient poetry and poetry of the simpler type, the Percy col-
lection served as sanction for the enthusiasts ; and when later a
more dangerous apathy set in, the English interest in the songs
of Percy helpt to keep alive the German interest until at length
the German Percy arrived and the right of the folk-song to
exist was settled apparently for all time.

Wagener [257] 9.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 283

CHAPTER 11

EICHAEDSON AND FIELDING

It has been demonstrated that Swift's novel GulUver's travels
scarcely became public property in Germany before the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century and even then called forth little
or no imitation;1 and that Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, however
much admired and imitated, scarcely represents the introduction
of a new influence into German literature, but rather the pro-
longation of an older type. The quickening influence of the
English novel upon German literature may therefore be said to
have begun with Richardson's Pamela.

One should regard not Swift's and Defoe's novels but rather
the moral weeklies as the predecessors of Richardson's novels.2
The weeklies had dealt with the moral problems of the average
man, sometimes even in brief narrative form. Soon the scale
of treatment was magnified and the problems were transferred
to the stage, first in England, then in Germany ;3 but Richardson
could analyze, in the capacious volumes of his novels, the motives
of his heroines with a detail heretofore impossible. Moral week-
lies, middle-class tragedies, and finally middle-class novels were
all outgrowths of the prevailing democratic tendencies. It is
entirely probable that Germany, had she been in a state of liter-
ary isolation, would have developt them all in course of time;
but in all three instances the existence of English models has-
tened the development.

In his own country, however, Richardson never had a genuine
following. Sterne shared his sentimentalism but was repugnant

iPhilippovic [353]. C'f. SURVEY, p. 178.

2 Schmidt [295] 8, professes not to know whether Eichardson had read
Marivaux's Vie de Marianne. The question has been much discust by
critics before and after him. For the affirmative see G. C. Macaulay in
MLE VIII (1913) 464-467, Carola Schroers in ES XLIX (1916) 220-254,
and H. S. Hughes in MPh XV (1917) 107-128; but cf. E. S. Crane in
MPh XVI (1919) 159-163. Eichardson was at all events lookt upon as
an innovator in France and was lauded by many, especially by Eousseau
and Diderot. Eichardson 's influence thus past into Germany not only
directly from England but indirectly thru France.

3 See SURVEY, chapter 13.

284 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

to him on the moral side. Goldsmith's Vicar of Wake field has
a like moral theme, the middle-class girl and her seducer, but
the irony and humor of Goldsmith separate him from his pre-
decessor by a broad temperamental gulf. Fielding and Smollett
were his direct opponents ; their novels were not family novels ;
they sent their heroes out into the world of adventure wherein
they were never troubled by too finicky consciences. The close
relation between their novel and the rogue novel of Spain has
always been recognized. While Richardson glorified the prudent,
prudish, middle class at the expense of the dissipated nobility,
Fielding was tolerant of excesses if the heart was generous, and
thus he became a fit model for the German "Sturmer und
Dranger," who on the other hand shared with Richardson the
reformatory tendency. In Lenz's Soldaten and Hofmeister and
in Wagner's Die Kindermorderin middle-class representatives,
usually girls, become the unprotected victims of the aristocratic
and military classes.

Richardson wrote his first novel Pamela in 1740, when he
was fifty-one years of age. The work shows his style in a yet
undevelopt stage. He was at the height of his powers in 1748,
when he wrote his Clarissa, while his Grandison (1753) already
shows his waning strength. There were features in his novels
which especially challenged the parodists. The tearfulness of
his narratives, however, which is to-day so frequently commented
upon, seems not to have imprest that more effusive age as a fault
or even as an outstanding characteristic.

The enduring distinction of Richardson is his ability, by
intense analysis, to reveal the subtlest thots and motives of his
heroines. This virtue Goethe commented upon in a quite inci-
dental way in Dichtung und Wahrheit, yet a better appreciation
of Richardson will scarcely be found even in the writings of
those who consciously seek to do him honor. Goethe relates that
at the time his sister died he planned to write a novel in which
her personality should be sympathetically portrayed.

Da ich dieses geliebte, unbegreifliche Wesen nur zu bald verier, fiihlte
ich genugsamen Anlasz, mir ihren Werth zu vergegenwartigen, und so

Price: English>German Literary Influences— Survey 285

entstand bei mir der Begriff eines dichterischen Ganzen, in welchem «-s
moglich gewesen ware, ihre Individualitat darzustellen: allein es liesz
sich dazu keine andere Form denken als die der Richardson 'schen Roiiiiui".
Nur durch das genaueste Detail, durch unendliche Einzelnheiten, dir
lebendig alle den Charakter des Ganzen tragen und, indem sie aus einer
wundersamen Tiefe hervorspringen, eine Ahnung von dieser Tiefe geben;
nur auf solche Weise hatte es einigermaszen gelingen konneu, eine Vor-
stellung dieser merkwiirdigen Personlichkeit mitzutheilen: denn die Quelle
kann nur gedacht werden, in sofern sie flieszt. Aber von diesem schonen
und frommen Vorsatz zog mich, wie von so vielen anderen, der Tumult
ler Welt zuriick.5

Groethe seems to have admired Richardson the most uncriti-
cally in the Leipzig period. He wrote to his sister twice from
there specifically "permitting" her to read Richardson's novels,5*
and in his poem An die Unschuld (ca. 1770 )5b he can think of
no more virtuous names than Byron and Pamela, but in the
thirteenth book of Dichtung und Wahrheit he mentions the popu-
larity, in the early seventies, of Richardson's novels along with
Lessing's Miss Sara Sampson, Lillo's Kaufmann von London
and Diderot's Hausvater and similar works as a sign of the
Verweichlichung" of the public taste.50

Two years after the publication of Pamela, Fielding entered
the lists against it with his Joseph Andrews. In the introduction
and in the first chapter of the third book he takes issue with
Richardson, while the novel as a whole is an indirect criticism,
a parody, of Richardson's work; as the virtuous Pamela resists
the intrigues of her vicious master, so Joseph Andrews resists
the guile of his employer Lady Bawdy. In the introduction
Fielding says that affectation is the sole source of the comic for
him. Introduction and novel together exhibit the main cause
of Fielding's antipathy to Richardson, namely the perfect char-
acters of the latter 's novels. Shaftesbury had already protested
in theory against such characters; Fielding supported him with
effective examples. In his later works, especially in Tom Jones,
he showed how developing characters were to be substituted for
perfect ones.

5 Goethe, WerJce I 27, 23. •''" Ibid., I 1, ,52

Ibid., IV 1, 20 and 27. 5C Ibid., I 28, 1!

286 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

In England Fielding easily triumpht over his opponents, and
a group of humorous novelists followed him, but in Germany it
was otherwise ; with the sanction of Shaf tesburj^ and other Eng-
lish authorities Fielding won over most of the leading critics to
his principles, but in practice he never succeeded in making
school. This disparity between theory and practice is one of the
outstanding features of the Richardson-Fielding contest in Ger-
many. Before treating of this in detail, however, it may be of
service to indicate the order of appearance in England of the
chief novels in question together with the dates of their first
translations into German :6

Eichardson's Pamela 1740 1740

Fielding's Joseph Andrews 1742 17467

Eichardson's Clarissa 1748 1748ff.7n

Smollett's Roderick Random 1748 1754

Fielding's Tom Jones 1749 1750

Smollett 's Peregrine fickle 1751 1756

Fielding's Amelia 1752 17538

Eichardson's Grandison 1753 1754

Sterne's Tristram Shandy 1759ff. 1763ff.9

Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield 1766 176710

Sterne 's Sentimental journey 1768 176811

e The dates are according to Heine [89] except where otherwise indicated.

7 Wood [187] 20 gives 1745 as the date. Clarke [194] 2 gives 1746
co-inciding with Heine. The translation was from a French version. In
the year 1765 appeared Fieldings komischer Roman in vicr Thcilen (Berlin) ;
472 pp. This was a version of Joseph Andrews with new names for the
characters as well as for the work as a whole. These names and the
character of the footnotes indicate that this German version goes back
directly or indirectly to a French source. Cf. Kurrelmeyer [188a]. This
might ^be the third translation of Joseph Andrews referred to by the
Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek LXIX 2, 404, which Clarke [194] 2 could
not identify.

?a The translator of this work was John David Michaelis. It appeared
in Gottingen under the sponsorship of Haller, who preferred it to Pamela.
He said: "Doch konnen wir nicht laugnen, dasz wir der jiingeren
Schwester einen Vorzug vor der alteren geben. Sie ist noch viel witziger,
sie verfallt nicht in ernsthafte und trockene Eegeln, sie hat insbesondere
sich keine solche Fehler wieder die Schaamhaftigkeit vorzuwerfen, als
wohl die Pamela bey ihrer sonst guten Absicht sich zur Last hat legen
lassen miissen. " Gottingische gelehrte Zeitung (1748) 274; quoted by Beam
[86] 28.

s Wood [187] 22 gives 1752 as the date.

o According to Thayer [336] 14; Heine [89] 22 gives 1759-1767.

loSollas [200] 9.

11 According to Thayer [336] 35.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 287

While other critics were quick to array themselves on the
side of Kichardson or his opponents, Lessing and Herder re-
mained non-partizan. Lessing 's theoretic defence of the middle-
class drama is known;12 his levying of contributions on Rich-
ardson for motifs in Miss Sara Sampson is equally well known.13
Of Richardson he wrote in 1757 :

Wer wird sich auch einkommen lassen, etwas fur mittelmaszig zu
halten, wobey der unsterbliche Verfasser der Pamela, der Clarissa, des
Grandisons die Hand anlegt? Denn wer kann es besser wissen, was zur
Bildung der Herzen, zur Einflb'szung der Menschenliebe, zur Beforderung
jeder Tugend, das zutraglichste 1st, als er? Oder wer kann es besser wissen,
als er, wie viel die Wahrheit tiber menschliche Gemuther vermag, wenn
sie sich, die bezaubernden Eeize einer gefalligen Erdichtung zu borgen,
herablasztfi*

But of Fielding he had written in still higher terms three years
before. "Dieser Schriftsteller scheint an Erfindungen, an
Schilderungen und Einf alien unerschopflich zu seyn. Immer in
einer Sphare und dennoch immer neue zu bleiben, ist nur das
Vorrecht eines sehr groszen Genies."15 A passage in the Ham-
bur gische Dramaturgic referring to Partridge as a critic of
Garrick and Quin quotes at length from the fifth chapter of the
sixteenth book of Tom Jones.15" There is but one passage appar-
ently, and that a somewhat incidental one, in which Lessing
directly compares Richardson and Fielding. On a loose sheet
found after his death under the title ' * Delicatesse, " he defends
the use of the word "Hure" in Minna von Barnhelm: ''So ist
es mit Fildirigen (sic) und Richardson gegangen," he writes,

12 Lessing, ScJiriften VI 6-53.

is Cf. Kettner [300].

i* Lessing, ScJiriften VII 75.

is Eeview of Miss Elisabeth Thoughtless, a work falsely attributed to
Fielding. See Lessing, Schriften V 431. Clarke [194] 13 comments:
"Freilich will das hier gespendete Lob nicht viel sagen, wenn man be-
denkt, dasz Lessing die echten und unechten Werke Fieldings nicht von
einander zu unterscheiden vermochte." The misuse of Fielding's name
in this fashion serves to emphasize his popularity. See list of imputed works
in Wood [187] 18f. The author of Miss Elizabeth Thoughtless was Mrs.
Eliza Haywood.

15° Lessing, Schriften IX 212.

288 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

"die groben plumpen Ausdriicke in des erstern Andrews und
Tom Jones sind so sehr gemiszbilliget worden, da die obsconen
Gedanken, welche in der Clarissa nicht selten vorkommen, nie-
tnanden geargert haben. So urtheilen Englander selbst."16 This
observation serves at least to demonstrate Lessing's familiarity
with the English criticism of Richardson and Fielding.

That so successful a borrower as Lessing should have been
able to adopt some motifs from Fielding seems quite natural.
Clarke [191] is able to draw a close comparison between the
tavern scenes of Minna von Barnhelm and the scenes in book
ten, chapters two to seven, of Tom Jones.™* Minna and Fran-
ziska have their counterparts in Sophie and Honour ; their atti-
tude toward the innkeeper is much the same, and they have the
same difficulty with the servants of their lovers. Just and Part-
ridge form another pair; both conceive an unflattering opinion
of the women who ask for their masters, and fidelity is the out-
standing characteristic of both. Clarke even finds, in chapter
twelve of the seventh book, a counterpart of Riccault de la Mar-
liniere. He compares the tavern scenes in Miss Sara Sampson
also with these same scenes in Tom Jones, without taking into
account other possible English models here; but the fact that
the chambermaid in both works is called Betty may not be
entirely without significance. Lady Bellaston is represented as
the counterpart of Marwood ; her disparaging comments in regard
to her rival are verbally much like Marwood 's. Clarke makes
no mention of Lillo's Milwood in this connexion. It would seem,
on the whole, that this was another of the several cases wherein
Lessing had combined numerous old plots to make a new one.
Yet the connexions, so far as asserted, are of a rather external
nature and do not necessarily in themselves imply any consid-
erable influence of Fielding on Lessing.

Herder seems likewise to have been able to reconcile his ad-
miration for Fielding with that for Richardson. "Richardsons

i« Ibid., XV 62: Lessing quotes the Monthly teview XX 132 in support
of his statement.

i6« Clarke [191] 97f.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 289

drei Romane haben in Deutschland ihre goldne Zeit erlebt;"17
' ' Youngs Nachtgedanken, Tom Jones, Der Landpriester haben in
Deutschland Sekten gestif tet ; "18 "Der poetische Himmel Bri-
tanniens hat mich erschreckt ; wo sind unsere Shakespeare, unsere
Swifts, Addisons, Fieldings, Sterne?"19 The names are used
somewhat at random, and no conclusions are to be drawn from
the omission of Richardson from the latter list, especially in view
of the fact that Herder never became the advocate of the English
novelists to the same degree as he did of Shakespeare and Ossian ;
but his praise of Fielding could, at any rate, serve as sanction
to the "Sturmer und Dranger."

The majority of the other critics of the time seem to have
been unqualified adherents of Fielding. Among these Lichten-
berg is perhaps best known with his assertion: "Sterne steht
auf einer sehr hohen Staff el, nicht auf dem edelsten Wege. Field-
ing steht nicht ganz so hoch auf einem weit edleren Wege, den
derjenige betreten wird, der einmal der groszte Schriftsteller der
Welt wird; und sein Findling (Tom Jones) ist gewisz eines der
besten Werke, die je geschrieben worden sind.'" Lichtenberg 's
projected but never completed satirical and realistic novel has
already been referred to.20" Because of this novel, and because
of his steadfast advocacy of Fielding, Lichtenberg has sometimes
been called the German Fielding. He himself, not once but
several times,21 past the compliment on to a contemporary,
Johann Gottwerth Miiller (Miiller von Itzehoe, 1743-1828), the
author of Siegfried von lAndenberg (1779), who opposed both
the "Genies" and the sentimentalists of the Richardson-Sterne
type. Miiller made clear his indebtedness to Fielding. He had
determined, he said, "treulich auszumalen, was die Mutter Natur
vorgezeichnet hatte,"22 and so had developt the method:

is Herder, WerJce XVIII 208.

19 Ibid., XVIII 110.

20 Lichtenberg, Ausgewdhlte Schriften (Stuttgart 1893), 73; quoted by
Clarke [194] 14.

20" See SURVEY, p. 163f .

21 Lichtenberg, Brief e (Leipzig 1901-1904), I 364, II 167, III 123-125.

22 Miiller, Siegfried von Lindenberg (Hamburg 1779), p. 263.

290 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

"Studiere den Tom Jones und schreib nicht eher, bis du den
beurteilen und nahe an ihn dich emporschwingen kannst. Es
1st eine Schande fiir einen Romandichter, nur mittelmaszig oder
wenig mehr zu sein, seitdem dieses Meisterstiick existieret."23
Lichtenberg even read the tedious continuation of Muller's
novel24 and wrote as late as 1799 : "tiber die Unerschopflichkeit
Ihres Genies, teuerster Freund, musz ich in Wahrheit erstaunen.
Sie tragen in dem kleinen Itzehoe ein ganzes London in Ihrem
Kopf."25

Another theoretical defender of Fielding was less successful
in avoiding the reef of sentimentality. This was Friedrich von
Blankenburg (1744-1796), who wrote in 1774 his Versuch uber
den Roman. This essay was in reality an expansion of the few
critical pages of Fielding in his novels, well supported by quota-
tions from Shaftesbury and other writers on esthetics, as well
as by excellent arguments. For Blankenburg Agathon is the
supreme novel, while Tom Jones comes next to it. Richardson's
novels and the novel of Grellert serve as examples of all that is
incorrect in novel writing. Blankenburg says :

Noch ehe ich daran dachte, diesen Versuch zu schreiben, las ich die
Wielandschen und Fieldingschen Eomane, den Agathon und den Tom Jones,
zu meinem Unterricht und meinem Vergniigen, sah bey jedem Schritt,
der darinn geschieht, zuriick auf die menschliche Natur und fand bey
ihnen das, was Pope von Homer sagt: "Nature and they were the same."
Und von den andern in dieser Gattung erschienenen Werken habe ich gewisz
die wichtigsten, und iiberhaupt so viele davon gelesen, als notig gewesen,
um die Vortrefflichkeit jener einzusehen. Es ist nicht etwan mein Vor-
satz, indem ich diese beyde mit einander nenne, sie einander gleich
zu stellen und fiir einerley zu erklaren; unstreitig hat Wieland einen
Schritt zur Vollkommenheit voraus; aber Fielding verdient nachst ihm
gestellt zu wreden.26

Blankenburg seizes on the points of genuine strength in his
chosen models. He emphasizes the importance of real characters

23 Of. Brand [192] 45f.

,24 Lichtenberg, Brief e II 168; quoted by Kleineibst [131] 48.

25 Lichtenberg, Brief e III 125.

28 Blankenburg [194a] in " Vorbericht, " a 4.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 291

as against perfect characters, and insists above all that the author,
however difficult the task, must show how the character came to
be as it is :

Freilich mag die Aufsuchung, die Aufklarung dieses Wie, die Ent-
wicklung einer Begebenheit auf diese Art ein schwerer Geschaft sein,
als die blosze Erzahlung derselben. Es erfordert einen aufmerksamen
Beobachter der menschlichen Natur, einen Kenner des menschlichen
Herzens. Aber diese Art von Behandlung einer Begebenheit ist es auch,
die die Lessinge, Wielande, Fieldinge, Sterne und einige andere mehr so
sehr iiber die gewohnlichen erhebet.26n

Of further interest in Blankenburg's Versuch is the great
caution with which he criticizes Richardson: "Ich fiirchte die
Verwunderung vieler meiner Leser iiber meine Kiihnheit, den
Richardson zu tadeln ; ' ' but the criticism of Richardson in Eng-
land gives him courage : "In England hat er unter dem wich-
tigsten Theil seines Volkes nie den Beyfall gehabt, den man ihm
in Deutschland gegeben. Sie haben ihm den Fielding von jeher
vorgezogen. . . . Dies habe ich von mehr als einem Englander
gehort. . . . Ich habe es in Deutschland namlich von ihnen
gehort. ' '27 This statement can be counterbalanced by the opinion
of Gerstenberg: "Man kann kein schlimmeres Merkmaal von
Mangel an Genie und an Herz geben, als wenn man Richardsons
bewundernswiirdige Meisterstiicke tadelt oder gar kaltsinnig
lobt."28

If, however, we turn from the critics to the novelists, we find
that Richardson had a goodly following of imitators, while Field-
ing's school developt but little strength. Gellert was the first
notable imitator of Richardson in Germany.28* Robertson 's article
[290] and Erich Schmidt's monograph [295] both contain sum-
maries of Gellert 's remarkable novel, Das Leben der schwedischen
Grdfin von G. Gellert 's novel appeared in 1747, at least one

26« Ibid., p. 272f.

27 Ibid., p. 351.

2* Quoted by von Weilen [501] Ixxxi.

28a As the earliest of the less notable imitations Clarke [194] 22 notes
the anonymously publisht Geschichte des Herrn von Hohenburg und des
Frduleins Sophie von Blumenberg nach dem Geschmack des Herrn Fielding
(Langensalza 1758).

292 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

year too soon to permit him to profit by the example of Clarissa
in addition to the earlier Pamela.29 The Grafin is not a ' * Brief-
roman" of the pure type, altho there are many letters therein.30
Gellert regarded Richardson as a preacher in the guise of a
novelist. He sang of him later:

Dies 1st der schb'pferische Geist,
Der uns durch lehrende Gedichte
Den Reiz der Tugend fiihlen heiszt,
Der durch den Grandison selbst einem Bosewichte
Den ersten Wunsch, auch fromm zu sein, entreiszt.
Die Werke, die er schuf, wird keine Zeit verwiisten,
Sie sind Natur, Geschmack, Religion.
Unsterblich ist Homer, unsterblicher bei Christen
Der Britte Eichardson.si

Gellert was the leading authority on good taste and morality
in Germany. From his chair at Leipzig he had endeavored to
standardize both these virtues and had personally conducted ex-
tensive correspondence courses on the same general topics. He
thus seemed destined to become the German Richardson. But
he fell far short of this distinction. In the first place the force
of tradition was too great. His Grafin von G. was essentially a
seventeenth-century adventure novel, with a large amount of
moralizing grafted upon it. The action of the novel almost belies
its moral intent. The marital careers of Gellert 's characters are
as checkered as in the trashiest nineteenth-century novel. As
indicative of this Erich Schmidt records the following anecdote
which he attributes to Varnhagen: "Jemand erlaubt sich den
Spasz, in einer Berliner Gesellschaft unseren Roman mit Ver-
schweigung des Autors und des Titels, einiges auslassend oder

29 A peculiar error has crept into Seidensticker's excellent essay [77]
66, which asserts that Gellert had originally intended to translate Grandison
(publisht in 1753!) but changed his mind and wrote an original novel
instead.

so E. Schmidt's statement [295] 71: "Wahrend hier (i.e. in Pamela)
alle Briefe von einer Person geschrieben und an eine Addresse gerichtet
sind, ' ' is inaccurate.

si Sinngedicht uber Eichardsons Bildnisz ; quoted by Schmidt [295] 19.
Gellert says elsewhere: "Ich habe ehedem iiber den siebenten Theil der
Clarissa und den fiinften des Grandison mit einer Art von siiszer Wehmut
eine der merkwiirdigsten Stunden fur mein Leben verweinet; dafiir danke
ich Dir noch jetzt, Richardson;" quoted by Flindt [79] 10.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 293

andernd, vorzulesen, und die Horer hielten das Werk fiir eines
der unsittlichsten Producte des jungen Deutschlands. "32

Robertson accounts for the imperfect blend in Gellert 's
novel by referring to the deficiency of moral weeklies in Ger-
many. Germany had no Tatler or Spectator to pave the way for
the Richardsonian novel. Translations and mutilations did their
best to supply the deficiency, yet not with the same success. In
fact the English journalistic literature was only beginning to be
assimilated on the continent when Pamela appeared.33 Robertson
evidently estimates the force of the "Wochenschrift-Richtung"
lower than the German critics whose opinions have already been
quoted.34

Robertson says: "Richardson was the sole founder of the
modern German novel, and Gellert was his prophet/'35 It is not
remarkable, then, that the earliest followers of Richardson, like
Gellert, looked upon him as a moralist and imitated him with a
total disregard of his excellences as a novelist. The earJiest
notable successor of Richardson and Gellert was the pastor
Hermes with his Miss Fanny Wilkes (1766).30 Regarding the
progress of Richardson in Germany between 1747 and 1766 we
are nowhere well informed. Hermes 's indebtedness to his two
predecessors was undisguised. Professor Arnold of Konigsberg
first put Richardson's Grandison into Hermes 's hand and ad-
vized him to cloak his moralizings with a pleasing gown, and
thus to become a German Richardson.

In his endeavor to gain the ear of the public Hermes was
unscrupulous. His plan was to write something that would gain
popularity; then he could write a second novel according to
his own wishes. Even the name of his first novel, Geschichte
der Miss Fanny Wilkes*7 was chosen accordingly, a Wilkes

32 Schmidt [295] 32.

33 Robertson [290] 185.
s* See SURVEY, p. 189f .
ss Robertson [290] 185.

so Pfeil's Geschichte des Graf en von P. (1755) is referred to by Schmidt
[295] 42 and by Bobertson [290] 187.

37 Re this work see Schmidt [295] 35ff., Wood [187] 42ff., and BIBLI-
OGRAPHY [296] ff.

294 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

being an English political agitator well known at the time.
Beneath the title was written "so gut als aus dem Englischen
iibersetzt, " the words "so gut als" being printed so small as
readily to escape attention. Knowing that Richardson and Gel-
lert did not please every taste, Hermes was willing to intermingle
a little of Fielding's humor;38 but the attempt was rather un-
successful. He left Fanny Wilkes uncompleted and proceeded
to the realization of his desire, the writing of the second novel.
Sopkiens Reise von Memcl nach Sachsen (1769—1773) is longer,
more important, and more to the author's own taste. Blanken-
burg commended it in that it took place at least on German soil,39
and it seems to-day to give a good picture of middle-class life in
its time. The object of Sophiens Reise was still a moral one:
"Manche Mutter und zwar die verehrungswiirdigsten, manche
Prediger haben mir zugerufen: 'Will denn kein Christ etwas
schreiben, was so ausseh wie ein Roman und so meine Kinder
fessele?' Das jammerte mich und ich schrieb."40 Hermes wrote
with an ostentatious deference to his two masters in ethics and
literature. When he approaches a climax he is wont to exclaim :
"What a situation! What could not Richardson or Gellert do
with this!" But Hermes is compelled to leave the possibilities
undevelopt.

Clarke does Hermes more than justice when he says: "Er
steht noch auf halbem Wege zwischen Richardson und Field-
ing;"41 but Buchholz's more detailed study [297] at least shows
that he developt toward Fielding. Handsom in Fanny Wilkes
was an almost exact copy of Grand ison. There is a Grandison
in Sophiens Reise, and a pastor Karl Gros, whose name is remin-
iscent of Charles Grandison, and for whom Hermes developt a
great attachment ;42 but Hermes, as an orthodox protestant
erkenntnislose, glaubenslose Romerin."

38 Fanny Wilkess (Leipzig 1781) II 2; quoted by Wood [187] 44.

39 Blankenburg [194a] 238.

40 Quoted by Schmidt [295] 39 without reference.

41 Clarke [124] 22.

42 Buchholz [297] 28f.

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

295

theologian, feels compelled to protest against Clementina von
Poretta's fidelity to her faith and calls her "em Unding, eine
The later works of Hermes are still less Richardsonian than
the Reise. The grudging imitation of Fielding's manner in his
Fanny Wilkes may have been a good schooling for Hermes; for,
as Schmidt, Wood, and Buchholz point out, his eyes are grad-
ually opened to Richardson's shortcomings. He makes a feeble
attempt at the reproduction of Fielding's humor. He adopts
ds style of chapter headings and his confidential talks to the
>ader, and what is more important, he denies the existence of
perfect characters. He announced his intention of writing a
novel in which a character should develop toward approximate
perfection. Blankenburg speaks hopefully of this projected novel
in his Versuch i'lber den Roman;43 but the plan failed like Blan-
kenburg's own similar one.44

Hermes is admittedly only a third-class novelist, yet he de-
serves the attention that has been bestowed upon him, first,
because he is representative of a large class of imitators of Rich-
ardson, and second, because of his popularity. His 4000-page
novel Sophiens Reise past into a second edition in 1778, two years
after its appearance, and thus competed well with its contem-
porary, Goethe's Werther, which Hermes decried as immoral.45
To the student of to-day it would seem that Hermes might most
readily have reconciled his moral and artistic ideals by following
in the footsteps of Goldsmith; but Buchholz 's dissertation, the
most thoro study available, mentions in addition to Richardson
and Fielding only Young and Sterne as guiding stars to Hermes.
Hermes must stand here as representative of a large class of
imitators. Heine [89] has listed all the German novel titles ap-
pearing between the years 1774 and 1778, 283 in number. Of
these about fifty bear the title "Geschichte der" or "Geschichte
des," and may be classified without hesitation as Richardson
imitations. Others are Richardson imitations somewhat dis-

43 Blankenburg [194a] in ' ' Vorbericht " a 5,
•*•* See SURVEY, p. 296.
4oBuchholz [297] 2.

296 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

guised. Heine estimates that about one-third of the 283 novels
were written primarily under Richardson 's influence ;4C and
dramatizations of Richardson's themes were no doubt numerous
as well. Two instances of the latter may be mentioned : Wieland
dramatized an episode in Sir Charles Grandison46* and Karl
Gotthelf Lessing's Die Mdtresse (1780) is based largely on situa-
tions derived from Pamela and Clarissa,***

The spirit of opposition to Richardson did not make itself
felt until twenty years after his entry into Germany, and even
then no German Fielding arose.47 Musaus was an opponent of
Richardson both in theory and in practice. In his criticisms
in the Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek he constantly held up
Tom Jones to the public as the standard according to which con-
temporary German novels were to be judged. His chief an-
tipathy was the novel which preacht, and this antipathy he
shared with Fielding. Musaus was the author of Grandison der
Zweite (1759), revised in 1781-1782 and re-named Der deutsche
Grandison. As Fielding had parodied Pamela in 1740 with his
Joseph Andrews, so Musaus parodied Grandison. Fielding, how-
ever, found himself soon creating an independent work. With
Musaus this was not the case. Fielding's satire is indirect, while
Musaus sometimes falls out of his role and makes a direct attack
upon Richardson, or more precisely on his over-zealous admirers
in Germany. He found but little support among his fellow-
novelists in Germany. Lichtenberg's admiration for the novels
of Miiller von Itzehoe was far from justified. Blankenburg, it
is true, in his Versuch of 1774 [194a] indicated his intention of

46 Heine [89] 33.

46« See SURVEY, p. 302.

46" R. G. Lessing, Die Mdtresse, ed. Wolff in DLD XXVIII (1887).
Lessing received the first suggestion for certain other characters from
Isaac Bickerstaff's comic opera The maid of the mill (1765); see Wolff's
comment, p. xi.

47 For the influence in Germany Wood [187] should be consulted. His
work is badly printed, badly punctuated, full of errors, some of them even
in regard to dates (e.g. 1890 for 1780 as the date of Schmidt's translation
of Tom Jones), but the collection of material is rich. Large and valuable
portions have been relegated to the footnotes. A promist supplementary
pamphlet regarding Fielding and Goethe has apparently never seen the
light.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 297

writing a novel of the Fielding type, which he so much admired,
but his Beytrdge zur Geschichte teutschen Reiches und teutscher
Sitte, ein Roman, which appeared the following year, proved to
be a poor imitation of Tristram Shandy.

Nicolai's novel SebaLdiis Nothanker exhibits at many points
the conflicting novelistic tendencies of the time. It was planned
at the outset as a literary criticism of Klotz and his coterie, but
when religious conflicts began to overshadow the literary ones
he changed it into a religious satire. He wrote to Lessing about
this time : ' ' Ich brute seit einiger Zeit auch iiber einen Roman,
der zwar kein Buncle werden wird, aber in Absicht auf die
heterodoxen Satze auch nichts besser."48 Nicolai's novel began
to appear in 1773, seven years after Wieland's Agathon, with
which it was at the time favorably compared. Schwinger says:
"Die gesunde Empfindung war vielfach der Unnatur Richard-
sons, seiner in Gefiihl und Tugend schwelgenden Helden und
Heldinnen iiberdriiszig geworden und hatte sich den unge-
schminkten Lebensschilderungen Fieldings zugewendet. Dessen
Einflusz ist aber im Nothanker eben so gut zu spiiren als im
Agathon."***

Contemporary readers and reviewers of Nicolai's novel com-
pared it either favorably or unfavorably with the works of the
English humorists. Prince Friedrich of "Waldeck wrote to
Nicolai, May 10, 1773: "Les Fielding et les Sterne Vous ont
prete leurs crayons. ' '49 Blankenburg regretted that Sebaldus was
so unplausibly drawn and wisht that the author had profited
more by the example of Fielding, Sterne, and Goldsmith ;50 while
an anonymous critic in 1776 placed Sebaldus lower than

48 Letter of March 8, 1771, publisht in Lessing, Schriften XX 24. The
reference is to a novel by Thomas Amory, John Buncle (1756). This novel
was well known to Nicolai, Lessing, Mendelssohn, Wieland, Uz, and
Kastner. See Schwinger [133a] 162, 165, 213, 265. Lessing planned to
write a translation of John Buncle in the summer of 1771. See Lessing
Schriften XV 491. He soon gave up the plan and Nicolai later engaged
Pistorius to prepare a translation, which appeared in 1778.

48* Schwinger [133a] 257.

49 Quoted by Schwinger [133a] 190.

^Neue BibliotheTc der schonen Wissenschaften und der freyen Kiinste
XVII, 2 (1775), 257ff.; quoted by Schwinger [133a] 201.

298 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Humphry Clinker.51 This view is also exprest in a quip in the
Halberstadter Dichterbuch:

Thorn Jones, Don Quixot und Peregrine Pickel
Sahn sich nach ihres Gleichen um.
Nothanker kam; "wie dumm, wie dumm! "
Sprach Jones zu dem langen Nikkei,
' ' Das traurige Geschopf in weichem Loschpapier,
Ware ein Geschopf wie wir?"52

Eesewitz had a simple explanation for the lack of a German
Fielding :

Ein en deutschen Fielding wiinschten Sie einmahl zu sehen? der die
Sitten der Deutschen eben so genau zeichnete, als jener die Sitten der
Engellander gezeichnet hat? Ja, wenn unsre Schriftsteller nur erst die
Sitten der Deutschen kenneten; wenn sie nur wiiszten, worinn sie iiber-
haubt den Charakter ihrer Nation suchen sollten. Es ist noch einem
Genie vorbehalten die charakteristischen Ziige wodurch sich unsre Nation
von anderen unterscheidet, nach dem Leben zu schildern, und die mannig-
faltigen Schattirungen, darinn sie sich in den verschiedenen Provinzen
dieses groszen Eeichs abandern, treffend darzustellen. Dann und dann
erst werden wir Fieldings haben. Sie diirfen sich also gar nicht wundern,
dasz unsere allezeit fertige Nachahmerzunft von Schriftstellern sich noch
nicht gewagt hat, weder Fielding's Eomane selbst, noch einmal seiner
haufigen englischen Nachahmer ihre nachzustumpern. Es fehlt ihneii an
Stoff dazu. Ohne Kenntnisz der "Welt, und ohne Kenntnisz ihrer Nation,
oft kaum mit ihrer kleinen Geburtsstadt recht bekannt, befinden sie sich
gleich in einer diirren Wtiste, sobald sie auch nur die Anlage zur Geschichte
eines Romans machen sollen. Der Herr Schriftsteller hat auszer seines
Vaters Hause eine Universitat gesehen, ein paar Schulfreunde gekannt,
ein paar Professoren in ihrer akademischen WUrde von Ferae erblickt;
und nun will er Sitten mahlen, und Charaktere schildern. Wo soil er sie
hernehmen? Die Franzosen und Engellander bestehlen? Recht gut; wenn
man nur eine Geschichte dazu hatte, wo man sie anbringen konnte. Ver-
zweifelt, dasz keine aufzutreiben ist!53

Imitation of the English authors other than Fielding, Rese-
witz goes on to say, was easier :

Ich ergotze mich oft mit dem Gedanken, dasz viele unsrer Empfindung-
und Nachtgedanken-schreiber bei dem ersten Anfalle ihrer Schreibesucht

51 Eevision der teutschen Literatur (1776) II 229ff. and III 204ff.; quoted
by Schwinger [133a] 203.

52 Extracts from the manuscript contributions to the Halberstadter
Dichterbuch were publisht by H. Prohle in AL IV (1875) 323-371. The
passage above appears on p. 344 and in Schwinger [133a] 211.

53 Resewitz in the 294. Literaturbrief (1764) ; cf. Allgemeine deutscJie
Bibliothek I 2, 228; quoted by Wood [187] 15.

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

299

zuerst eine Liisternheit zum Komanschreiben gehabt haben. Ein Roman
geht gut ab; der Verleger nimmt ihn gern; solch ein Thomas Jones ist
doch ein drolliges Ding, das sich bei miiszigen Stunden bald hinschreiben
laszt. Die Feder wird angesetzt; das kleine Schulleben, auf dessen
Schwanke man noch mit so vielem Wohlwollen zuriickblickt, wird be-
schrieben; der Held geht auf die Universitat, verliebt sich, der Himmel
weisz in wen, und nun — ja nun, gerath die Arbeit ins Stocken! Der arme
Schriftsteller martert sich. Was sollen nun fiir Begebenheiten folgen?
In welche Situationen soil er seinen Helden setzen, die die Geschichte
verwickeln und den Leser interessieren. Er martert sich vergebens, end-
lich wirft er aus Verzweiflung die Feder hin, ergreift, mit zerknirschtem
Geiste liber die miszlungene Arbeit, Youngs Nachtgedanken, wird weh-
miithig, vermuthlich iiber den fehlgebohrnen Roman? Nicht doch; es
sind moralische Empfindungen, hohe Begeisterungen ! Sie durchwiihlen
Kopf und Herz; der Mann musz sich Luft schaffen. Die Feder wird
ergriffen und die miszgebohrnen Wesen, die den Kopf verwirrten und das
Herz abdriicken wollten, flieszen stromweise in die Feder. Der liebe
Mann! Nun ist ihm der Kopf ganz leichte; das Herz mit einmal leer.
Was hat er denn zur Welt gebracht? Empfindungen! Was sonst. "Ich
habe es recht iiberlegt, m§in lieber Herr Verleger. Einen Roman zu
schreiben ist eine eigene Sache. Die Welt ist bose im Urtheilen; Sie
wissen wohl. Hier habe ich aber etwas, das meinem Charakter anstan-
diger und der Welt niitzlicher ist." "Was denn? Empfindungen? Gut,
gut, Herr Autor, geben Sie nur her; solche Sachen gehen auch." Und so
kommen denn Empfindungen zur Welt, und niemand laszt es sich traumen,
dasz es Nachgeburten von einem fehlgebohrnen Roman sind."

This testimony is the best explanation for the fact that so
many authors approved of Fielding in theory and so few fol-
lowed him in practice. It was not alone lack of genius that
brot about this paradox. The conditions of German life were
not conducive to a Fielding.

If Fielding's example was ineffectual as far as the German
novel was concerned it may have been fruitful in other branches
of German literature. Such is the opinion of Clarke [194], who
seeks to establish a close connexion between the literary theories
of Fielding and those of the " Sturm und Drang" critics. He
supports his parallels, to a certain extent, by a comparison of
motifs, which is not always convincing. Thus the theme of
mesalliance is common to Fielding, Schiller (Kdbale und Liebe
1784), Lenz (Hofmeister 1774 and Soldaten 1776), and Wagner

54Resewitz, ibid.; quoted by Wood [187] 17.

300 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

(Kindermorderin 1776) ; but admittedly Richardson was also
influential in several of these instances. Much the same might
be said of the duel as a dramatic episode. More peculiar to
Fielding appears to be the encounter of the cultured man with
the humane gypsy (Tom Jones, Bk. XII, chap. 12) which was
imitated by Goethe in Gotz von Berlichingen. The theme of the
hostile brothers, with which Fielding dealt in Tom Jones, was
also popular with the "Sturmer und Dranger." Its treatment
by Leisewitz in Julius von Tarent (1776) and by Klinger in
Die Zunllinge (1776) might be regarded as a mere coincidence,
but in the case of Schiller's Die Rduber (1781) an indirect in-
fluence is demonstrable and has been pointed out by Clarke :

Die Hauptquelle von den Eaubern, Schubarts Erzahlung im Schwd-
bischen Magazin vom Jahre 1775, steht in directer Beziehung zum Tom
Jones. Schon der Titel Zur Geschichte des menschlichen Herzens scheint
dem Nebentitel der ersten tibersetzung des Tom Jones von 1750 entnom-
men zu sein. Am Schlusz der Erzahlung weist Schubart selbst auf den
Fielding 'schen Eoman bin: "Die Geschichte, die aus glaubwiirdigen Zeug-
nissen zusammengeschlossen, beweist, dasz es auch deutsche Jones und
deutsche Blifil gebe.56

Clarke 's comparison of Fielding 's poetic theories with those of
the "Sturmer und Dranger" is interesting but inconclusive; for
while he shows many parallels he establishes no causal relation.
Thus Lenz in his Anmerkungen iiber das Theater*7 and Herder
in his Shakespeare speak of ' * Mannigf altigkeit der Charak-
tere" in much the same terms as Fielding in the opening chapter
of Tom Jones. Yet it will scarcely be contended that it was
Fielding who first called the attention of the German critics to
this essential characteristic of the Shakespearean drama. Other
critical parallels suggested by Clarke are as follows: Fielding
was scornful of the dramatic unities ; so were the ' ' Sturmer und
Dranger." Fielding wanted to retain Punch and Judy, as
Goethe and Moser would have retained Hanswurst. Field-

ss Clarke [194] 91. Schubart 's Erzahlung is reprinted in DNL CXX
iv-vii. Clarke shows that the parallel between Schiller's and Fielding's
hostile brothers may be carried out in much detail both in respect to
character and action.

57 Lenz, Schriften I 244.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences— Survey 301

ing was at one with the "Sturm und Drang" dramatists in his
contempt for book-learning as a source for novels, holding ob-
servation of real life to be the foundation of all true character
representation. His characters are contrasted by Lenz with
Kichardson 's : "Was ist Grandison, der abstrahirte, getraumte,
gegen einen Rebhuhn, der dastehU"59 Fielding was further-
more an individualist in his art. "I am the founder of a new
province in writing," he says, "so I am at liberty to make what
laws I please therein."60 Herder likewise asserts the inapplica-
bility of ancient rules to modern works in his Shakespeare
(1773). The ideal state of Fielding and of the "Sturm und
Drang" is neither a republic nor a constitutional monarchy,
but an enlightened despotism in which the ruler is guided not
so much by reason as by the dictates of a great and sympathetic
heart. This leads to Clarke's last caption, "Betonung der Emp-
findung im Gegensatz zum Verstand." Under this head he is
able to match an abundance of English quotations with German
ones and thus make Fielding's works appear a nearly contem-
porary counterpart to the German "Sturm und Drang," but
positive influence is not demonstrated thereby.

Most of the eighteenth century German critics quoted up to
this point have revealed one-sided and imperfect estimates of the
English novelists in question. There came at length, however,
two German men of letters who were not only able justly to
appraise the virtues and failings of Richardson and Fielding,
but also to assimilate the best qualities of both and turn them
to account in original works of their own. These writers were
Wieland and Goethe.

The Richardson-Fielding contest is re-enacted in miniature
in Wieland 's person. Wieland learned French by reading
Pamela in a French translation in Klosterbergen, 1747-1749. In
1754 he read Grandison. In 1757 he wrote to a friend that he
was re-reading Clarissa and was endeavoring not to let Lovelace
influence his Araspes und Panthea too greatly.61 In 1759 he

Ibid., I 235.

Tom Jones, book II, chapter 2.

Letter quoted by Schmidt [295] 46.

302 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

planned Briefe von Karl Grandison an seine Pupille Emilia
Jervois,Q2 and in 1760 he completed his tragedy Clementina von
Porretta. There was a fragment of real experience in this drama.
The friend of his youth, Sophie Gutermann, later Sophie La
Roche, was engaged to a Catholic, Bianconi; but because an
agreement could not be reacht regarding the religion of the
future children the engagement was broken off by her father,
thus bringing about a situation comparable to that between
Grandison and Clementina. Wieland 's drama, based on this
unpromising theme, proved a failure.

Erich Schmidt comments on Wieland 's inconsistency in deal-
ing with perfect characters, since he was already an admirer
of Shaftesbury, who condemned such characters absolutely.62*
Wood holds, however,63 that Wieland did not turn from Rich-
ardson to Fielding until the year 1761.64 His Agathon (1766-
1767), begun 1761, is consequently "auf einem Richardson-
Fundament ein Fielding 'scher Bau."65 Don Sylvio, tho publisht
before Agathon, was begun after it and is consequently thoroly
anti-Richardsonian in tone. Wieland announced his Don Sylvio
(1764) as an imitation of Don Quixote,66 just as Fielding had
announced his Joseph Andrews as an imitation of Pamela. How-
ever, as Wood points out,67 Wieland knew Don Quixote long
before he knew Fielding. Musaus said of Don Sylvio: "Es
herrscht hier freilich keine Originalmanier, die Stellung ist von
Cervantes und die Farbenmischung ist von Fielding. ' '68 Wood 's
criticism is similar : ' ' Ein deutsches Buch, dessen Form spanisch

62 Schmidt [295] 47.

62« Ibid., p. 48.

es Wood [187] 132.

64Elson [327] 17 says: " Wieland 's study of Shaftesbury is especially
prominent between 1755 and 1756, which is precisely the time when the
change (sc. in his view of life) begins." The earliest reference of
Wieland to Shaftesbury is in 1755 according to Elson, p. 6.

es Wood [187] 32.

es Teutscher Merkur VI-VII (1774) 344; quoted by Wood [187] 33.

67 Wood [187] 33.

«*Allgemeine deutsche BibliotlieTc I 97 and XIX 258; quoted by Wood
[187] 33.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 303

und dessen Stoff englisch 1st, kann schwerlich ein Kunstwerk
sein." His further assertion: "Der Stil wurde auch nicht
gerade verbessert durch die haufigen Nachahmungen Sternes,"
is, however, unjustified, as Wieland apparently did not know
Sterne's works at that time.69

"Wood shows in detail what characteristics of Fielding are
obvious in Don Sylvio and Agathon. Wieland, like Fielding,
frequently breaks the course of his narration in order to address
the reader directly. Both assert that they are telling history,
not inventing stories, and must not improve upon the truth ;
that they are painting human character as it is, with its mixture
of virtues and vices and its inconsistencies; that they do not
want to create those monstrosities, perfect characters; and in
truth their characters perform apparently laudable acts from
bas,e motives and apparently reprehensible ones from good
motives. That Fielding opened "Wieland 's eyes to this incon-
sistency in human conduct, is suggested by the latter ?s review of
Hermes ?s Sophiens Reise von Memel nock Sachsen: "Fielding
lehrt uns, dasz nicht alles Gold ist, was gleiszt, dasz man um
einzelner Handlungen willen niemand ganz verdammen miisse. ' "°

Passing over an abundance of evidence presented by Wood
and Clarke, it may be sufficient to bear in mind here that Agathon
is to a large extent Wieland himself. Wieland, like Agathon,
grew up in an atmosphere of austere virtue, suffered a change
of heart, learned the attractions of a sensual existence, and was
destined later, like Agathon, to strike the balance between these
extremes. Tho he laid the scene in Greece, the conflict of ideas
was the same as that between the Puritans and their opponents
in England, and the adherents of Richardson and Fielding in
Germany. Wieland himself admitted his indebtedness to Field-
ing in the introduction to his Agathon. He concedes, "dasz
unser Held sich in einem sehr wesentlichen Stiicke von dem
Xenophontischen ebensoweit entfernt als er dem Fieldingischen

eo See SURVEY, p. 319.

70 Teutscher Merlcur II Stiick 2, p. 8; quoted by Clarke [194] 33-34.

304 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

naher kommt. ' '71 References to Fielding are also to be found in
the text of Agathon.

Low [303], without reference to earlier critics, expresses a
view contrary to theirs. She holds that it was Richardson who
really showed character development. Fielding tried to do so
in Tom Jones, but was only partially successful. With these
pre-suppositions it is natural that her treatment of the theme
"Richardson and Wieland" should be different from that of
the other critics. Low gives sufficient evidence to show that
Wieland thruout his life regarded the pointing of a moral as
the main object of a novel. He indicated this in the supple-
mentary title of Don Sylvia von Rosalva, "Der Sieg der Natur
uber die Schwarmerei" and by the motto before Agathon, "quid
virtus et quid sapientia possit, utile proposuit nobis exemplum ' ' ;
and tho he privately protested against Sophie La Roche 's perfect
characters, as indicated below, nevertheless in the preface which
he reluctantly consented to write for her, he spoke in high terms
of the moralizing novels of the Richardson type. Furthermore,
she says, it was not until 1770 that Wieland, in a letter to be
quoted presently, called Richardson's characters too perfect.
The weight of evidence is against Low on the question of Wie-
land's attitude toward perfect characters; but regarding his
belief in the moralizing purpose of novels she seems to be in
the right, and her denial that Richardson believed in perfect
characters is not entirely isolated, a similar view having been
early exprest by Gerstenberg.718

At all events Wieland had yet to pay a penalty for his early
enthusiasm for Richardson. In the year 1769 the platonic friend
of his youthful days, Sophie La Roche, let him know that she
was about to write a novel, a Richardsonian novel, and askt
Wieland to introduce it to the public. Wieland undertook the
task, but with no good grace. He wrote in a letter to her
March 20, 1770: "Je ne vous ai jamais cache que je ne pense

7i Wieland, Werlce (Leipzig and Wien 1902), III 17.
7ia Brief 'e tiber MerTcwurdigTceiten der Literatur 12; in DLD XXIX
(1890) 88.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 305

pas tout a fait comme vous sur bien des choses relatives a la
partie morale de notre etre; p. e. que je n'aime pas les Clarisses,
les Charles Grandison, les Henriettes Byron pour la seule raison,
qu'ils sont trop parfaits pour moi."72 Wood very properly
compares this with Wieland 's statement in Agathon:

Vielleicht 1st kein unfehlbareres Mittel, mit dem wenigsten Aufwand
von Genie, Wissenschaft und Erfahrenheit ein gepriesener Schrifsteller
zu werden, als wenn man sich damit abgiebt, Menschen (denn Menschen
sollen es doeh sein) ohne Leidenschaften, ohne Schwachheit, ohne alien
Mangel und Gebrechen, durch etliche Bande voll wunderreicher Abenteuer,
in der einformigsten Gleichheit mit sich selbst herumzufiihren.'s

Clearly enuf both of these assertions are to be associated with
Shaf tesbury 's opinion: "In a poem (whether epic or dramatic)
a compleat and perfect character is the greatest monster."73*

A summary of the content of Sophie La Roche 's Fraulein von
Sternheim (1771) and a comparison thereof with Richardson's
novels, especially with Clarissa, is to be found in Schmidt;74 a
detailed analysis of Rosaliens Brief e an ihre Freundin Marianne
von St. (1779-1781), together with a passing mention of La
Roche's other works, is in Ridderhoff's work [299]. It is gen-
erally agreed that Sophie La Roche was primarily a pupil of
Richardson. So far as Goethe 's influence was operative it tended
only to direct her toward Rousseau rather than toward Rich-
ardson. Wieland was not able to influence her at all. As late
as 1789 he wrote to her: "Nur wiinsche ich, dasz Sie wenigstens
. . . aus Ihrer idealistischen Vorstellungart von Menschen und
menschlichen Dingen herauskommen und beyde mochten sehen
konnen, wie sie sind, nicht wie Sie sich nun einmal zur anderen
Natur gemacht haben, sie sehn zu wollen."75 And Sophie La
Roche finally was able to see her fundamental error, when it was
too late. "Ach, was hatte ich nicht alles aufzeichnen konnen!—

72 Quoted from Schmidt [295] 49 and Wood [187] 33-34.

73 Wieland, WerJce (1902), III 159; in Agathon V 6 i.
73» Quoted by Schmidt [295] 48, without reference.

74 Schmidt [295] 50-57; cf. Kidderhoff [299] 14-28.

7o Hassenkamp, Brief e an Sophie La Eoche (Stuttgart 1824), p. 279;
quoted by Eidderhoff [299] 108.

306 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Aber ich sammelte nur die Ziige und Auftritte, welche mir nach
meinem Charakter die liebsten waren, und gewisz habe ich
dariiber vieles versaumt, das andern niitzlich und angenehm
gewesen ware."7Ra

Robertson and Ridderhoff are far apart in their estimates of
the value of the Richardson-Rousseau mixture. Robertson
regards Frdulein von Sternheim as the most satisfactory result
of Richardson's immediate influence on Grerman literature. He
quotes the praise of Goethe that it was ' ' not a book but a human
soul," and of Herder that it stood above and far above Clarissa;76
but he says it ' ' was a striking example of the fatal facility with
which the French sentimentalism could be grafted upon the
Richardsonian novel." He asserts that by forswearing pietism
in Don Sylvio von Rosalva (1764) and Agathon (1767) Wieland
hindered this tendency ;

Wieland placed an effective barrier between the Richardsonian
tendencies of the fifties and sixties and the Eousseauism which first
asserted itself in the next decade. There was so strong an affinity be-
tween these two foreign movements — for, after all, Rousseauism was
but a further development of what Eichardson had initiated in England —
that, had they been able to join forces in Germany the effect on the
national literature would have been little short of disastrous. 77

Ridderhoff on the other hand says of Sophie La Roche : ' ' Eine
viel groszere Wirkung noch hatte sie ausiiben konnen, wenn sie
es vermocht hatte, sich von Richardson loszureissen, von Rous-
seau mehr anzunehmen als den Natur- und Humanitatskultus. ' ?78
In Schmidt's monograph there is one passage that is suscept-
ible of misconstruction. He says: ' ' Unterscheidend (sc. from
Richardson) ist, dasz die Handlung nicht in den mittleren, son-
dern in vornehmen, ja in den hochsten Kreisen spielt. Nicht
ohne Kiihnheit halt hier eine Frau den verderbten Hoflingen
und dem Fiirsten selbst das Ideal reiner Tugend entgegen."79

75a La Roche, Brief e uber Mannheim (Mannheim 1791), p. 356; quoted
by Ridderhoff [299] 108.

76 Robertson [290] 188; cf. Schmidt [295] 63.

77 Robertson [290] 189.

78 Ridderhoff [299] 108.

79 Schmidt [295] 57.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 307

But here Sophie La Roche displayed precisely the same kind of
boldness that Richardson had shown. Both authors have the
same opinion in regard to the existing state of society ; both stand
on the side of the middle and lower classes as against the corrupt
upper classes ; the only difference is that La Roche is able to give
a more intimate picture of the nobility.

It will always be a cause for regret that the author of Rich-
ardson, Rousseau und Goethe did not also write a ' * Fielding,
Wieland und Goethe." The two triangles would not have been
dissimilar. Apparently it was Jacob Minor [190] who first
called attention to the latter inter-relations, tho Goethe himself
acknowledged his indebtedness to the humorous novel of the
English in a letter to Zelter, December 25, 1829 :

Es ware nicht nachzukommen, was Goldsmith und Sterne gerade im
Hauptpunkt der Entwicklung auf mich gewirkt haben. Diese hohe wohl-
wollende Tronic, diese Billigkeit bei aller tiebersicht, die Gleichheit bei
allem Wechsel, und wie alle verwandte Tugenden heiszen mogen, erzogen
mich aufs loblichste, und am Ende sind es doch diese Gesinnungen, die
uns von alien Irrschritten des Lebens wieder zuruckfiihren.79*

Not too much stress is to be placed on the accidental omission
of Fielding 's name from a group to which he belongs. The
important fact is that Goethe designates the acquisition of this
benevolent irony as a turning point in his development, as a
return from a mistaken path, and expresses his indebtedness to
the English humorous novel for the healthful change.80

In his autobiographical Werther Goethe is bound up in
sympathy for his hero. Wilhelm Meister is his first autobio-
graphical hero to be treated with a fine irony. There is no need
to summarize here the intimate relations between Richardson
and Werther. They have become accepted facts of literary his-
tory. It is the transition from the Richardsonian tendency to its

79* Goethe, WerJce IV 46, 193f.

so Elsewhere Goethe did associate Fielding with the others. Goethe
inspired Jung-Stilling with enthusiasm for Ossian, Shakespeare, Fielding,
and Sterne in 1771; cf. Stilling 's Wanderschaft (Frankfurt and Leipzig
1780), p. 149. On Dec. 3, 1824 Goethe said to Eckermann: Unsere
Eomane, unsere Trauerspiele, woher haben wir sie denn, als von Gold-
smith, Fielding und Shakespeare?" Eckermann, Gesprache, p. 101.

308 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

opposite in Goethe that has hitherto been neglected. Goethe's
contemporaries, great and mediocre, were struggling with such
a development. Should Goethe remain unaffected? He, it is
true, did not reproduce all the essentials of Richardson. It
would never have occurred to him to attempt to represent perfect
characters, but he reproduced the best in Richardson's novels,
namely the pictures of the inner struggles of the heart. Unlike
Richardson, Goethe lived himself into his novel and then out
again. After he had written Werther he was freed from its
burden and could look upon himself and his hero with a certain
wholesome sense of humor. Thus he was prepared for the Field-
ing view of the world.

Jacob Minor says on this point:

Der Werther gilt als der Abschlusz einer ganzen Richtung des euro-
paischen Romans, welche mit den verstiegenen Tugendhelden Richardsons
und den Rousseau 'schen Martyrern einer iiberstarken Empfindung beginnt:
Der Wilhelm Meister ist aus der entgegengesetzten, einer feindlichen
Stromung hervorgegangen. Sie folgte den Richardson 'schen Romanen
auf dem Fusze nach und schlug den iiberspannten Idealen gegeniiber
sofort den parodirenden Ton an, welchen wir kunstvoller und veredelt
in Wilhelm Meister wiederfinden. . . . Auf dem Wege von Fielding zu
Goethe liegen die Wielandschen Romane in der Mitte. Hatte Richardson
Helden ohne Schwachheiten und Mangel, Tugendpuppen von staunens-
werther Kaltbliitigkeit geschildert, so laszt Wieland reizbare, empfind-
liche, bildungsfahige Jiinglinge auf einer Reihe von Proben und Versu-
chungen mit ihren iiberspannten Idealen Schiffbruch leiden, durch die
Erfahrungen kalter werden und den Bedingungen des wirklichen Lebens
sich fiigen.81

This same inter-relation of Fielding, Wieland, and Goethe is
summed up by Kurt Jahn : * * Scheint also die Abstammung ( Wil-
helm Meisters) vaterlicherseits vom Bildungsroman gesichert
(Agathmi has just been specified), so mochte ich den Stamm-
baum miitterlicherseits vorlegen, der ins Ausland fiihrt. ' '82
Minor had already indicated a large number of characteristics
which the novels of the three authors had in common, but Jahn's
article has the added advantage of having been written after

si Minor [190] 173.
«2 Jahn [112] 225.

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the publication of the Theatralische Sen-dung. For as the author
remarks: "Es ist sehr bezeichnend, dasz die spatere Durch-
forstung des Werkes gerade in diesen Szenen englischer Her-
kunft Holz gemacht hat."83 Jahn enumerates a convincing
number of similarities in plot and character, but adds: "Doch
beruht die Anschauung von der Abhangigheit der TheatraMschen
Sendung von dem englischen Roman weit weniger in dem Nach-
weis der Verwendung einzelner Motive, als in der gesamten
Anlage . . . und auf der Stellung des Schriftstellers zu dem
Helden der Erzahlung, auf jener iiberlegen ironischen Haltung,
die die Eomantiker entziickte und Spielhagen betrubte.'" The
title of the German Fielding belongs to Wieland rather than to
Musaus or Lichtenberg, . but to no one does it belong with so
good a right as to Goethe.

Ibid., p. 232.

310 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 12

' GOLDSMITH AND STEKNE

Fielding and Richardson were followed in England by Gold-
smith and Sterne. The two latter painted their pictures and
produced their effects with a finer, defter stroke than did their
predecessors; both of them combined, to some degree, the senti-
mentalism of Richardson with the humor of Fielding. That
the humor of Goldsmith was, after all, fundamentally different
from that of Sterne, was better recognized in Germany after
nearly a century of imitation of both. At the outset Goldsmith
and Sterne were not rivals for favor in Germany; each made a
place for himself without crowding the other. Goldsmith was
more popular with the reading public, as the large sale of his
Vicar of Wakefield and of the subsequent German "Pfarr-
romane" show; while the flood of "empfindsame Reisen" in
Germany attests rather to Sterne's popularity with the author

Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield appeared in London on the
27th of March, 1766. It found favor with the public but was
entirely past over by the critics. Its experience in Germany
was similar. Gellius's translation was publisht the following
year1 and promptly past into a second edition. Nine years later
a translation appeared under Bode's name, which crowded out
its predecessor,2 and before 1871 there were at least twelve
further translations.2" As early as 1769 there appeared in
Germany a reprint in English of the Vicar intended for those

1 Der Landprediger von Wakefield, ein Mdrchen, das er selbst soil geschrie-
ben haben. Aus dem Englischen (Leipzig 1767).

2 Der Dorfpfarrer von Wakefield, eine Geschichte, die er selbst geschrieben
haben soil (Leipzig 1776).

2a According to Dobson in his edition of The vicar of WaTcefield (London
1885), pp. xxxvi-xxxviii. For the same period Dobson lists 16 French, 2
Danish, 2 Dutch, 2 Hungarian, 2 Polish, 2 Spanish, 1 Bohemian, 1 Finnish,
1 Greek, 1 Italian, 1 Kumanian, and one Russian translation.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 311

who were learning the English language. It might have been
a copy of this edition that Goethe sent to Frau von Stein in
1776 with the admonition: "Lassen Sie sich's recht wohl mit
seyn und lernen recht viel englisch."2" Sollas summarizes as
follows the German reviews of the Vicar which she found :

Einige Hauptverdienste Goldsmiths sind in diesen Eezensionen hervor-
gehoben; der Humor, die Charakterzeichnung, der Dialog und die Kunst,
das Alltagliche interessant zu machen; zwei Punkte aber . . . sind ent-
weder nur fliichtig oder gar nicht erwahnt: die Anmut und Leichtigkeit
des Stils . . . und die Neuheit des Stoffes, die so viel zu seiner Popularitat
in Deutschland beitrug.3

Sollas 's review of the criticism of Goldsmith in German jour-
nals is disappointingly meagre, and indeed its very inclusion
seems to have been an afterthot. No doubt reviews were rare,
but additional matter in the way of incidental references might
have been found. For example Schwinger is able to refer to a
review of Nicolai's Sebaldus Nothanker by Blankenburg.4
Schwinger says:

Alles in allem vermiszt der Eecensent im Charakter des Helden die
notwendige Wahrscheinlichkeit und tibereinstimmung. Er weist auf
Fielding, Sterne und Goldsmith als Muster hin und meint, bei der an
Originalen so reichen Nation der Englander ware vielleicht noch eher ein
entferntes Urbild zu einem solchen Charakter zu finden gewesen, als in
Deutschland.4a

Any lack of appreciation on the part of critics, however,
was more than offset by the ready sympathy the Vicar found
among the German people. The most original and valuable
portion of Sollas 's study is her investigation of a large number

2b Goethe WerJce IV 3, 113.

s Sollas [200] 44; the reviews are: (a) GGA no. 82, July 11, 1767.
(fc) Allgemeine deutsche BibliotheTc 1768; page not given, (c) 1769; journal
and page not given, (d) Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften und freyen
Kiinste 1768; page not given, (e) Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek Bd.
XXV; page net given. (/) Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigen 1775; page not
given. Omissions and inaccuracies in respect to references are unfortu-
nately characteristic of Sollas 's monograph.

* Neue Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften und freyen Kiinste XVII,
2 (1775) 275ff.

4° See Schwinger [133a] 201.

312 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

of "Pfarromane" that followed in the wake of Goldsmith ?s
novel. Her list includes the following:5

La Boehe, Geschichte des Frduleins von Sternheim, Karlsruhe 1770.

Nicolai, Sebaldus NothanJcer, Berlin and Stettin 1776.«

Lenz, Der Landprediger, 1777.«*

Decker, Geschichte eines Landpredigers in Westfalen, Berlin 1780.

Lafontaine, St. Julien, Berlin 1798.

Lafontaine, Das Leben eines armen Landpredigers, Berlin 1801J

Lafontaine, Der arme Pfarrerssohn, ein Seitenstuclc zum Leben eines

armen Landpredigers, Erfurt 1804.
Anon, Das Pfarrhaus zu Bemsdorf oder der hohe Lohn der Geduld, eine

wahre Geschichte von M., Hamburg 1807.

Lafontaine, Die Pfarre an der See, Halle 1816.

Zschokke, Blatter aus dem Tagebuch eines armen Pfarr-Vilcars von

Wiltshire, Aarau 1819.8

Kunze, Der Landpfarrer von Schonberg, Quedlinburg and Leipzig 1819.
Laun, Des Pastors Liebesgeschichte, Berlin 1820.8*
Jordens, Der Adjunct us des Pfarrers zu Friedau, ein Gemdlde nach dem

Leben, Leipzig 1825.

It will be noted that the less slavish imitations by the better
known writers fall within the first decade of imitation. Lafon-

5 Sollas also analyses a dramatization of the Vicar, J. B. Jester ?s Der
Landprediger zu Walcefield (no place given, 1792). The dramatization
completely excludes the essential spirit and atmosphere of Goldsmith's
novel, tho reproducing the characters and general situation. Fr. Eckardt
wrote, in 1778, a one act play Der Landprediger, ein Nachspiel.

eCf. Schwinger [133a].

6" Sollas gives the date as 1778 but Blei states that the work was first
publisht in Deutsches Museum in 1777 I 289f. Lenz, Schriften V 391.

' This was translated into English and publisht by D. Longworth,
N. Y. 1810; cf. Goodnight [4] no. 181.

s First publisht in Erheiterungen IX (1819); translated into English
by S(arah) A(ustin) in the Southern literary messenger IX (1843) 618ff.,
according to Goodnight [4] no. 1615. This work is based not on the
Vicar of Wakefield, as has been asserted by Ziegert [199], but on a sketch
appearing anonymously in the British Magazine in 1766. That Goldsmith
himself was the author of this sketch has been shown, however, by Ames
[216]. See Sollas [200] 27; cf. K. Fiirst in JbL IX (1898) IV 3, 255.

8* Laun was the pen name of Fr. Aug. Schulze (1770-1849).

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313

taine monopolizes the period 1798 to 1807. Sollas does not at-
tempt to account for the revival of interest about 1819, nor
indeed does she indicate any chronological grouping whatsoever.9

The troubled career of the pastor is the central point in all
these novels. As Sollas says: "In diesen Pfarromanen gibt
es selten einen Pfarrer, dessen Haus nicht abbrennt."10 In
Nicolai's Scbaldus Nothanker the family is not burned out, but
is driven out by the bigotry of the orthodox. The pastor endures
his calamity with the same submission as does Goldsmith's. The
general atmosphere of the story and the attitude of the pastor
to family and community is the same in both novels at the out-
set, but Nicolai's work becomes more and more a "Tendenz-
roman." Lenz's Landprediger is characterized as an imitation
of Nicolai's novel rather than of Goldsmith's. Sollas makes it
clear that the Vicar as well as Clarissa is one of the models for
the Fraulein von Sternheim of Sophie La Roche. She is able to
point out one rather questionable verbal parallel as well as several
parallel situations. Of his four works Lafontaine's St. Julien
imitates Goldsmith most closely in method of depicting character ;
his Das Lei) en eines armen Predigers follows its model slavishly
in respect to motifs, situations, and even phraseology; but Die
Pfarre an der See does not really belong to the group at all, its
name merely serving as a decoy to the reader.

Sollas accounts for the especial popularity of Goldsmith in
Germany by three considerations. First, Goldsmith appeared
upon the scene at a time when critics and public were divided
into two rival camps, made up of the adherents of the virtuous
Richardson on the one hand and the realistic Fielding on the
other. Goldsmith, she says, avoided both extremes; the senti-
mental and the realistic elements are so well balanced in his
novel that neither literary party could claim him as exclusively
its own. Secondly, the Vicar of Wakefi.eld idealized the country
pastor, who was a favorite figure in German life. Thirdly,

» Sollas mentions also without giving date Anon., Die Pfarrfamilie von
Kunxadendorf, eine sehr verwickelte doch natiirliche Geschiclit, .
10 Sollas [200] 24.

314 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

"die idyllische Stimmung, die ruhige, rein subjektive, doch von
aller Schwarmerei freie Liebe zur Natur, und die einfache all-
geniein verstandliche Lebensweisheit des Werkes konnten eine
Nation wie die deutsche, welche von jeher zu ruhiger Betrach-
tung neigte, nur sympathisch beriihren. "lon

Appreciation of Goldsmith was not confined to the masses of
the reading public, however ; it was Herder who brot the classic
German literature into contact with Goldsmith. He first refers
to Goldsmith in a letter to Caroline, Nov. 1770; he calls the
Vicar "ems der schonsten Biicher, die in irgend einer Sprache
existieren. mi In his next letter he says: "Als Roman hat es
viel Fehlerhaftes, als ein Buch menschlicher Gesichter, Launen,
Charaktere und was am Schonsten ist, menschlicher Herzen und
Herzensspriiche, will ich fur jede Seite so viel geben, als das
Buch kostet."12 He translated two songs from the Vicar of
Wakefield, Olivia's song13 and the elegy,14 as well as The traveller
and The deserted village.1* He mentions Sterne and Goldsmith
among the many authors who have played an important role in
German literary history:

Von den Englandern selbst (sind) ihre treflichsten Schriftssteller
kaum mit so reger treuer Warme aufgenommen worden, als von uns
Shakespeare, Milton, Addison, Swift, Thomson, Sterne, Hume, Robertson,
Gibbon, aufgenommen sind. Richardson's drei Romane haben in Deutsch-
land ihre goldne Zeit erlebet; Young's Nachtgedanlcen, Tom Jones, Der
Landpriester, haben in Deutschland Sekten gestiftet.16

Goethe's first acquaintance with Goldsmith thru Herder and
his later retrospective idealization of the Brion family in terms
of the Vicar's17 are matters of common information. Goethe's

10* Ibid., p. 16.

nHerder, Herders Lebensbild (Erlangen 1846), III 1, 276.

12 Ibid., p. 280.

13 Ibid., p. 364; cf. Ein Liedchen zur Laute in Wandsbecker Bote 1771,
no. 168.

14 Ibid., p. 364., cf . Der gute Mann und der tolle Hund, eine riihrende
Elegie aus dem Landpriester von WaTcefield. Wandsbecker Bote 1771, no.
173 and Almanach der deutscJien Musen 1773, p. 113.

15 According to Sollas [200] 31 who does not indicate the place in
Herder 's works.

is Herder, WerTce XVIII 208.
17 Goethe, Werke I 27, 353.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 315

enthusiasm for Goldsmith proved lasting. He exprest himself
to Eckermami at least three times in regard to the importance
of Goldsmith's influence. On December 3, 1824, he said: "Suchen
Sie in der Literatur einer so tiichtigen Nation wie die Eng-
lander einen Halt. Zudem ist unsere eigene Literatur groszten-
teils aus der ihrigen hergekommen. Unsere Romane, unsere
Trauerspiele, woher haben wir sie, als von Goldsmith, Fielding,
und Shakespeare?"18 On March 11, 1828, he said:

Wir haben in der Literatur Poeten, die fur sehr produktiv gehalten
werden, well von ihnen ein Band Gedichte nach dem andern erschienen
ist. Nach meinem Begriffe aber sind diese Leute durchaus unproduktiv
zu nennen, denn was sie machten ist ohne Leben und Dauer. Goldsmith
dagegen hat so wenig Gedichte gemacht, dasz ihre Zahl nicht der Eede
werth, allein dennoch musz ich ihn als Poeten produktiv erklaren, und
zwar eben deswegen, weil das Wenige, was er machte, ein inwohnendes
hat, das sich zu erhalten weisz.19

on December 26th of the same year: "Ich bin Shake-
3are, Sterne und Goldsmith Unendliches schuldig geworden. ' "
Goethe felt his relation to Goldsmith as a personal one. He
wrote to Zelter in the last years of his life : "In diesen Tagen
kam mir von Ungefahr der Landprediger von Wakefield zu
Handen. Ich muszte das Werklein von Anfang bis zu Ende
wieder durchlesen, nicht wenig geriihrt von der lebhaften Erin-
nerung, wie viel ich dem Verfasser in den siebziger Jahreii
schuldig geworden." Then follows the already cited confession
regarding Goldsmith's influence and Sterne's: "Es ware nicht
nachzukommen, was Goldsmith und Sterne gerade im Haupt-
punkt der Entwicklung auf mich gewirkt haben. ":

One can readily imagine with what emotion Goethe re-read
the Vicar in his last years, for it was inseparably connected with
the fondest memories of his youth, with Friederike Brion, with
Charlotte Buff, with Lili Schonemann, with Frau von Stein.
It is natural that we should hear at definite places in Goethe's
life-confession echoes of the Vicar: Goldsmith's Traveller (1764)

is Eckermann, Gesprache. p. 101.

10 Ibid p. 536. Sollas [200] 38 finds parallels in the Vicar of WaTce-
-fieU to this remark. The parallels are not particularly striking.

20 Ibid., p. 238.

21 Goethe, WerJce IV 46, 173; quoted in SURVEY, p. 307.

316 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

provided the theme of Goethe's Wanderer (1771) ; The deserted
village contributed something, as Goethe admits, to the tone of
Werther;22 the Vicar was one of Lotte's favorite books; while
the Pfarrer von St — in Wertker bears many traits of resem-
blance to Goldsmith 's vicar. Goethe says : * ' Die Oper Erwin und
und Elmire war aus Goldsmiths liebenswiirdiger, im Landprediger
von Wake field eingefiigter Romanze entstanden, die uns in den
besten Zeiten vergniigt hatte, wo wir nicht ahneten, dasz uns
etwas ahnliches bevorstehe. "23 "Uns" refers here, as the con-
nexion shows, to Lili Schonemann and Goethe ;24 Goldsmith 's
Edwin and Angelina and Goethe's Erwin und Elmire both treat
of the fortunes of two lovers kept apart by the vanity of the
world, as Goethe and Lili were soon to find themselves separated.
The idyllic atmosphere of the Vicar of Wakefield is found
again in Hermann und Dorothea. Goethe's "Prediger" is not
unlike the Vicar, and Goethe seems to have taken up some of
the thots of Goldsmith. The homely moralizing in Hermann
und Dorothea often runs parallel with that in the Vicar.24*

In the commendatory passages of Goethe quoted above, the
name of Sterne is linkt with that of Goldsmith; but Goethe's
opinion of Sterne was not always one of unqualified approval.
It wavered, as did the opinion of his countrymen. It may be
best to trace the general esteem in which Sterne was held in
Germany, before discussing Goethe's opinion, which serves well
as a conclusion; for Goethe was one of Sterne's most faithful
and appreciative students in Germany, and his opinion past thru
the successive phases of first enthusiasm, cooling ardor, and ripe
conviction.

Laurence Sterne, like Richardson, proved to be a larger factor
in German literary history than in English. The beginnings
of his career as a man of letters, it is true, did not seem to por-
tend this outcome. His Tristram Shandy began to appear just

22 Ibid., I 28, 158.

23 Ibid., I 29, 160.

24 Cf. Soffe [204].

24a Sollas [200] 39 suggests some narallel passages. The best collection
of Goldsmith parallels and reminiscences is that of Levy [201].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 317

before the beginning of the year 1760. By March Sterne found
himself lionized in London. Yet in spite of this he waitnl UM-IM-
years for a translator in Germany. Ziickert's translation (Berlin
and Stralsund 1763ff.) was a slip-shod piece of work. Sterne
was not mentioned as the author until the appearance of the
seventh and eighth parts in 1765. A rendering of the spurious
ninth part, which had meanwhile appeared in England, com-
pleted the whole in 1767. The work as translated must have
met with some favor, for a second edition was begun in 1769 ;
yet there were no signs of enthusiasm on the part of the literary
journals. German readers were handicapped by their unfamil-
iarity with the background of English life, while the intermin-
able digressions made the work difficult enuf for anyone to read.
There were a few who read and admired it, however, and com-
mended it to their friends ; among these were Hamann,25 Herder,
Wieland, and Lessing. Haym says that Sterne and Swift are
mentioned oftener than any other foren authors in Herder's
writings of the Riga period26 (1767-1769) ; Wieland commends
Sterne in extravagant terms in a letter to Zimmermann, Nov.
13, 1767,27 while Mendelssohn testifies to Lessing 's early enthu-
siasm for Sterne.28 The date of Wieland 's letter marks approxi-
mately his first acquaintance with Tristram Shandy, for the
preceding letters contain no reference to Sterne, the next fol-
lowing ones many. Wieland intended (1771) to translate Tris-
tram Shandy and expected "jeder Mann von Verstand werde
alle seine anderen Biicher nebst Mantel und Kragen verkaufen,
um diese Ubersetzung zu kaufen, und werde sie so aufmerksam
lesen, dasz er bald ein neues Exemplar brauche;"59 but appar-
ently he was glad to yield to Bode on learning of his intention.30
In spite of all this sanction, the .Sterne cult would never have
taken root in Germany had he not publisht in 1768, less than

25 Hamann, Schriften III 372; quoted by Thayer [336] 29.

26 Haym, Herder (Berlin 1880-1885), I 413.

27 See over footnote 43 of this chapter.

28 Mendelssohn, Schriften (Leipzig 1844), V 171; quoted by Thayer
[336] .24.

wTeutscher Merlcur (1774) 345; quoted by Wood [187] 34.
soBehmer [350] 18.

318 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

three weeks before his death, his Sentimental journey, which
appealed so much more strongly to the Germans ; for, as Thayer
says, "Shandy is whimsicality toucht with sentiment, the Senti-
mental journey is a record of sentimental experience guided by
the caprice of a whimsical will."31

The Sentimental jmirney found a translator almost immedi-
ately in Bode (1768). His friends Lessing and Ebert encour-
aged him in his work, and Lessing coined the new word "emp-
findsam" as a translation for sentimental.3111 Bode's Empfind-
same Reise appeared in 1768 and past into the second edition
the next year; at the same time Pastor Mittelstedt of Braun-
schweig publisht a translation, which also went thru two editions
almost immediately.

In this way popular attention was again attracted to the
neglected Tristram Shandy. Bode finisht a translation of this
earlier work in 1774. At the same time the publishers of
Ziickert's translation competed with a new edition. The list of
subscribers to Bode's translation contained upwards of 650
names ; among them are Boie, Claudius, Gerstenberg, Gleim, Frl.
von Gochhausen, Goethe, Hamann, Herder, Hippel, Jacobi, Klop-
stock, Schummel, "Wieland (5 copies), and Zimmerman.32 Bode's
merit as a translator rests upon the rendering of these works
of Sterne.33 He has been justly accused of translating Tom
Jones after the manner of Sterne rather than Fielding.34

si Thayer [336] 33.

si" Lessing, Schriften XVII 256; in a letter to Bode written in the
summer of 1765.

32 Thayer [336] 59.

33 Bode was apparently the most prolific translator from the English
of his time. His translations, according to Wihan [87], are: Moore's
Gamester (1753) in 1754; Hoadly, The suspicious husband (1747) in 1754;
Colman, The jealous wife (1761) in 1762; Whitehead, The school for lovers
(1762) in 1771; Cumberland, The West Indian (1771) in 1772; Congreve,
The way of the world (1700) in 1787; Sterne, Sentimental journey (1768)
in 1769; Sterne (?) Yorick's Sentimental journey, continued by Eugenius
(1769), no date; Sterne, Life and opinions of Tristram Shandy Gent. (1759-
1767) in 1774; Sterne, Letters (1775ff.) in 1775; Smollett, Humphry Clinker
(1771) in 1772; Goldsmith, Vicar of Wakefield (1766) in 1776; Fielding,
Tom Jones (1749) in 1786-1788.

34 Hippel was one of the few critics who found fault with Bode 's
rendering of Sterne, justly holding that it did violence to the German
language; cf. Czerny [346] 226.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences— Survey 319

Herder, Wieland, and Lessing retained their admiration for
Sterne in later years, in spite of the mass of trashy imitations
that had sprung up everywhere, and in spite of the consequent
critical reaction against the original. Lessing declared on hear-
ing of Sterne's death that he would gladly have resigned to him
five years of his own life, even tho he had but ten left, on con-
dition that he keep on writing no matter what, life and opinions,
or sermons, or journeys.35 Seven years later he exprest a similar
sentiment. 35a It has not been shown, however, that Lessing was
fundamentally influenced in his writings by Sterne. Chronology
precludes any "Dosis Yorikscher Empfindsamkeit " in Lessing 's
Tellheim;36 but Thayer presents external evidence showing a
connexion between Sterne's Tristram Shandy and the incidents
relating to Just and the Wirt ("Er ist doch ein Grobian") in
Minna von Barnhelm I, 2.37

Regarding Wieland 's relation to Sterne the most complete
information is to be found in Behmer's monograph [350] ,38
altho Bauer's essay [351] contains some interesting quotations
not found in Behmer's work. According to Behmer, Wieland
first read Sterne in 1767,39 which negatives Wood's supposition
that Don Sylvio was influenced by Sterne.40 Behmer shows first
how similar by nature were the taste and inclinations of the
two authors. Having past from pietism to the world of the
flesh, Wieland never ridiculed religion and its professions, tho
bigotry was distasteful to him; Sterne, rather more religious
than Wieland, equally detested narrow-minded bigotry. Wie-

35 Lessing is quoted to that effect by Bode in the introduction to his
translation of the Sentimental journey; cf. Thayer [336] 40. See also
Lessing, Schriften XVII 255.

35» GJ XIV (1893) 51-52.

36 As suggested by Schmidt [126]i I 174 and 465. The suggestion is
withdrawn from the later editions.

37 Thayer [336] 27; cf. SURVEY, p. 346.

38 Behmer unfortunately accepts the Koran as a genuine work of
Sterne. His statement that Sterne had a feeling for nature is also mis-
leading, as Thayer [336] 96 has pointed out.

39 See also Bauer [351] vi and vii and Wieland 's letter to Zimmermaim
quoted over footnote 43 of this chapter.

40 Wood [187] 34.

320 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

land lauded the "Evangelium Yoricks" as "lauter Natura-
lismus, Deismus und Pelagianismus, ja puren verfeinerten Epi-
kurismus, Philosophic der Grazien und, mit einem Wort, pures
Heidentum. ' '41 Both authors were controlled by warm and sym-
pathetic hearts; both were imprest by the weakness of human
nature, but neither was rendered pessimistic thereby ; both were
piquant in their narrative and were aware of their fault of
carrying suggestiveness often beyond the point of propriety, only
making matters worse by their graceful apologies. When Wie-
land heard of Sterne 's death he wrote to Riedel :

Was fiir ein Verlust 1st sein Tod! Ich kann ihn nicht verschmerzen.
Unter alien vom Wefbe Gebornen 1st kein Autor, dessen Gefiihl, Humor
und Art zu denken vollkommner mit dem meinigen sympathisiert, den
ich besser verstehe, auch wo er andern dunkel ist; der mich mehr lehrt,
der dasjenige so gut ausdriickt, was ich tausendmal empfunden habe, ohne
es ausdriicken zu kb'nnen oder zu wollen.42

In the preceding year he had written to Zimmermann :

Ich gestehe Ihnen, mein Freund, dasz Sterne beynahe der einzige Autor
in der Welt ist, den ich mit einer Art von ehrfurchtsvoller Bewunderung
ansehe. Ich werde sein Buch studiren, so lange ich lebe, und es doch
nicht genug studiert haben. Ich kenne keines, worin so viel achte So-
cratische Weisheit, eine so tiefe Kenntnis des Menschen, ein so feines
Gefiihl des Schb'nen und Guten, eine so grosze Menge neuer und feiner
moralischer Bemerkungen, so viel gesunde Beurtheilung mit so viel Witz
und Genie verbunden ware.^s

Behmer goes on to show how completely Wieland was under
Sterne's influence in the years that followed (1768-1775). His
Beytrdge zur geheimen Gesckickte des menschlichen Verstandes
und Herzens (1770) was a polemic against Rousseau. He had
apparently determined upon the theme before reading Sterne,
but the execution of the work shows the manner of Sterne. As
Behmer says: "Er versaumt kein Mittelchen Sternes, seine
Leser launig zu unterhalten und zu narren. Seine. Nachahmung

41 Letter to Jacobi Nov. 15, 1770. Wieland, Ausgcwdhlte Brief e (Zurich
1815), III 16.

42 Auswahl derikwurdiger Brief e ed. Ludwig Wieland (Wien 1818), I
231.

43 Ausgewahlte Brief e, II 288.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 321

Sternes sucht er durchaus nicht zu verbergen. Ausdriicke wie
'wiirde der alte Herr Schandy ausrufen,' oder 'mit Tristram
zu reden' weisen geniigend auf sein Muster hin, mit dessen Stil
er seine Schreibweise geradezu vergleicht. "44 The same might
be said of the Dialogen des Diogenes von Sinope45 regarding
which Wieland wrote to Grleim, October 2, 1769: "Vergangenen
August den ganzen Monat hindurch hatte mich eine philoso-
phische Laune angewandelt, welche mit der Yorickschen etwas
ahnliches hat, ohne Nachahmung zu seyn. Da schrieb ich einen
^coKparij^ fjiaivo^evo^ oder Dialogen des Diogenes aus einer
alien Handschrift.4Q Der neue Amadis (written about 1770)
resembles Sterne especially in its erotic tendency. Der goldne
Spiegel oder die Kb'nige von Schesckian (1772) imitates Sterne
in style, in manner of characterizing, and in humor, while par-
allel passages are readily found. Die Geschichte des Philosopher
Danischmend, a continuation of Der goldne Spiegel (1776), has
as its theme the bigotry of the orthodox clergy, a subject to which
Sterne devoted his longest chapter in Tristram Shandy.47 Die
Geschichte der Abderiten (1774), Behmer holds, m'ay have been
suggested by Sterne.48 The first part is written in a style mark-
edly like Sterne's, but in the latter part the resemblance is less
obvious. In a later version (1778) many of the digressions a
la Sterne are excluded or abbreviated,, a fact which indicates the
cooling off of Wieland 's enthusiasm.

At this point Behmer concludes his comments for he finds,
with one minor exception,49 no further parallels of content or
style worth noting. He seems to have proved his thesis "dasz

44 Behmer [350] 31. Behmer lists several parallels between the Beytrdge
and Tristram Shandy. Bauer [351] x-xxii deals with this relation yet
more intensively.

45Mager [352]. Cf. Bauer [351j xxii-xxxi.

46 Wieland, Ausgewahlte Brief e II 329.

47 Sterne, Works ed. W. L. Cross (London 1906), I 198-238.

48 Behmer [350] 52.

4» " Oberon verdankt das Leitmotiv der schwergepriiften Liebe einer
Episode Tristram Shandys, der riihrenden Liebesgeschichte von Amandus
und Amanda;" Behmer [350] 58. According to Behmer certain earlier
works of Wieland were also influenced by Sterne: Chloe (1768-1770),
Combabus (1770), Gedanken iiber eine alte Aufschrift (1772).

322 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Wieland trotz seiner mehrfachen Verwahrung dagegen dennoch
in mehreren seiner Dichtungen sich jenem Schwarm beigesellt
hat, der wie ein Kometenschweif sich in Deutschland an Sterne
anschlosz. "50 But Wieland, he says, like Jean Paul, was not
permanently influenced by Sterne, and even at the crest of his
imitative period (1768-1775) he maintained his poetic individ-
uality. This coincides approximately, it may be added, with the
opinion of Lichtenberg:

Sternen hat er vielleicht nachgeahmt, das 1st, er hat in Dingen Sternen
gefolgt in welchen ein weit geringerer Geist als Wieland ihm auch hatte
folgen konnen; da wo er Sternische Bemerkungen iiber die Dinge macht,
da wollte ich nicht gerne sagen, dasz er ihm nachgeahmt habe; dieses zu
tun, musz allemal tibereinstimmungen mit den ersten Grundkraften beider
Seelen . . . sein.so*

It may have been the excesses of the minor imitators, or it
may have been the growing criticism of Sterne, that estranged
Wieland from him. It would require a long list to include even
the most frequently mentioned imitators. Among the works in
question are:51

1768-1775 Wieland 's works already mentioned.

1769 Jacobi, Sommerreise and Winterreise.

1770 Bock, Die Geschichte eines empfundenen Tages.
1771-1772 Schummel, Empfindsame Eeisen durch Deutschland.

1772 von Gochhausen, M . . . . E (=Meine Eeisen).

1773-1776 Nicolai, Leben und Meinungen des Herrn Sebaldus NothanJcer.^

1773-1776 Wezel, • Lebensgeschichte Tobias Knauts des Weisen sonst

Stammler genannt.
1775 Blankenburg, Beytrdge zur Geschichte des teutschen Eeiches und

teutscher Sitten.

1775 Schwager, Leben und Schicksale des Martin Dickius.

1775-1778 Wegener, Raritdten, ein hinterlassenes Werk des Kiisters von

Eummelsberg.™

soBehmer [350] 62.

so* Lichtenberg, Schriften ed. Herzog (Jena 1907) I 194.

51 The authority for the classsification is Thayer [336] except where
otherwise indicated; page references to Thayer are superfluous as he has
an index of author names.

^ Czerny [346] 19. Flindt [79] 11 classifies Nicolai 's Freunden des
jung en Werthers (1775) also as an imitation of Sterne.
[995] 18.

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323

1778-1781 Hippel, Lebensldufe in aufsteigender Lime.5*

1785-1786 Thiimmel, Eeise in die mittdglichen Provinzen von FranTcreich.

1788 Kotzebue, Die Geschichte meines Voters, oder wie es zuging, dasz

ich gebohren ivurde.
1793 Goschen, Eeise von Johann.

T94 Schink, Empfindsame Eeisen durch Italien, die Schweiz und

Frankreich.55

1793-1805 Richter, Unsichtbare Loge, Hesperus, Titan etc.65
1796 Hedemann, Empfindsame Eeise von Oldenburg nach Bremen.

1801 Brentano, Godwin

1802-1803 Seume, Spaziergang nach Syrakus.^
1803 Hermes, Verheimlichung und Eile oder Lottchens und ihrer

Nachbarn Geschichte.59
1824 Heine, Harzreise.w

1838-1839 Immermann, Munchhausen.^

Georg Jacob! was called by his literary friends "Toby" on
account of his enthusiasm for Sterne. He had been particularly
toucht by the story of the snuff-box of Father Lorenzo. The
father had askt Yorick for some money and was rudely refused.
He returned so gentle an answer that a reconciliation ensued,
as a sign of which the two exchanged snuff-boxes. The snuff-
box that remained in Yorick 's hands served as a constant re-
minder to self-control in moments of anger. Jacobi carried just
such a snuff-box himself with the name of Lorenz upon it and
gave similar ones to his friends with the admonition to proffer
them to their friends as a sign of reconciliation.

Jacobi 's first mention of Sterne's Sentimental journey was
in a letter of April 3, 1769. On the tenth he reports that he is

54 C'zerny [346] 20-36.

55Rawerau [347] 295.

56 Czerny [346] 47-86.

57Rerr [345].

ssKawerau [347] 151.

ssBuchholz [297] 55-57. Most of the authorities, guided apparently
by the name alone, have classified Sophiens Eeise von Memel nach Sachsen
as an imitation of Sterne. Buchholz shows that Hermes 's Verheimlichung
etc. is his first imitation.

eo Vacano [995] and Ransmeier [996]. Kawerau includes also Stol-
berg's Eeise in Deutschland, der Schweiz, Italien und Sizilien (1794).
Scherer's suggestion of Goethe's Brief e aus der Schweiz is disparaged by
Thayer [336] 100.

ei Bauer [997].

324 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

at work on a similar Journey.63 The Winterreise was publisht
in Diisseldorf in June of the same year. The Sommerreise
(Sept. 1769) was of less importance and was not included in the
later editions of Jacobi's works. Like its model the Winterreise
is a book of sentiment rather than of travel. It outdoes Sterne
on the sentimental side, but fails to equal him in whimsicality.

Among all the imitators Schummel seems to have attained
the greatest notoriety. He wrote his Empfindsame Reisen when
a student at the University. He relates: "Als ich Yo ricks
Schriften eins, zwei, drei, viermal gelesen hatte und zum Gliick
oder Ungliick grade um diese Zeit von meinem Verleger eine
Einladung zur Autorschaft empfing, so iiberfiel mich der Schreib-
enthusiasmus so heftig und ungestiim, dasz ich ihm allein nicht
widerstehen konnte."65 A peculiarity of Schummel's work is
that it was based on Pastor Mittelstedt 's translation rather than
on Bode's.66 At the conclusion Schummel says that his ardor
for Tristram has been cooled by the critics; he mentions Son-
nenfels and Eiedel. He apologizes for his shameless description
of his parents which, he says, he wrote under Sterne's influence,
otherwise the faults of the book are his own. With the exception
of a few passages which he mentions he holds his work to be
beneath all criticism.67

With equal severity Goethe had already reviewed Schum-
mel's Reise in the Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigen March 3, 1772:

Alles hat er dem guten Yorick geraubt, Speer, Helm und Lanze, nur
Schade! Inwendig steckt der Herr Praceptor S. zu Magdeburg. . . . Yorick
empfand, und dieser setzt sich bin zu empfinden. Yorick wird von seiner
Laune ergriffen, und weinte und lachte in einer Minute und durch die
Magie der Sympathie lachen und weinen wir mit: bier aber steht einer
und iiberlegt; wie lache und weine ich? was werden die Leute sagen, wenu
ich lache und weine?68

63 Longo [343] was unable to ascertain positively the date of Jacobi's
first acquaintance with Sterne.

es Quoted by Kawerau [347] 153. .

ee Thayer [336] 115. The plan of Schummel's work is to be found in
Thayer 116-124.

67 Ibid., p. 125.

es in the Frankfurter gelehrte Anzeigen, Mar. 3, 1771; cf. Goethe, Werlce
I 37, 214-215 and I 38, 317-319.

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325

The passage just quoted may serve as a specimen of the ever-
increasing antipathy to the Sterne imitators especially notable
during the years 1775-1788. In England the vogue of Sterne
had been short-lived, and the opposition that set in supported,
if it did not produce, an anti-Sterne movement in Germany.
Its leaders were Lichtenberg and Sturz, both of whom visited
England soon after Sterne's death; Lichtenberg from 1774 to
1775 and Sturz from May 1768 to January 1769. Lichtenberg
may have had much in common with Sterne, as Julian Schmidt
says,69 but he had more in common with Fielding, as already
indicated.70

That Richardson should disapprove of the free-thinking, un-
dignified Sterne was natural. Smollett had condemned him in
the Critical review and Goldsmith in the Citizen of the world.71
Lichtenberg tried to disillusionize his countrymen in, regard to
him. Sterne's simplicity, his tender heart and his warm sym-
pathy were feigned; in reality, he said, Yorick was a crawling
parasite, a flatterer of the great, an unendurable burr on the
clothing of those upon whom he had determined to sponge,71*
. . . "ein scandalum ecclesiae. "72 Sturz, like Lichtenberg, be-
came acquainted with Garrick, who described Sterne to him as
a lewd fellow and said that his moral nature declined under the
ovations he received in London. 72a In some stanzas written in
1768 and printed in the Deutsches Museum (July 1777) Sturz
also attacks the vogue of Sterne in Germany.

Most of the German opponents of sentimentalism attackt the
imitations of Sterne rather than Sterne himself. Opposition
took the form either of direct criticism or of satire. Goethe's
Der Triumph der Empfindsamkeit might be mentioned as an

69 J. Schmidt, Geschichte des geistigen Lebens in Deutschland (Leipzig
1862), II 585.

70 See SURVEY, p. 289.

71 F. Heinrich, Laurence Sterne und Edward Bulwer (Diss. Leipzig 1903)
p. 14.

7ia Lichtenberg, Vermischte Schriften (Gottingen 1844ff), I 184.

72 Ibid., Ill 112.

72» Quoted by Thayer [336] 161.

326 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

example of the latter, tho it was directed chiefly against the
imitators of Werther. From 1775-1785 these satires of Sterne
became so numerous as to prompt one critic to wish that they
and their objects might rot together in a grave of oblivion.73

Among the novelists who satirized or attackt Sterne, Thayer
mentions Karl Philipp Moritz with his Anton Reiser (1785-
1790), Christian Friedrich Thimme with his Der Empfindsame
(1781-1783), Wezel with his Wilhelmine Arend oder die Ge-
fahren der Empfindsamkeit (1782),74 and others of less promi-
nence. Wezel had already written, in 1773, a novel, Tobias
Knauth, after the manner of Tristram Shandy, but with a dis-
tinct anti-sentimental tendency.75

It will be noted that there is a markt falling off in the number
of imitations during this same period, 1775-1785. Hippel's
Lebensldufe in aufsteigender Linie occupies a somewhat isolated
position during these years. It might be safe to hazard the
guess that this successful work helpt the Sterne vogue to a new
life at a moment when it seemed about to yield to the weight of
adverse criticism. Hippel was, as Czerny shows, no mere imi-
tator of Sterne, but was by nature susceptible to his influence.
He was like Sterne but with a difference:

Hippel 1st ein ebenso feiner Menschenkenner wie Sterne und auch bei
ihm lost sich der Kontrast zwischen seinen Herzenswiinschen und der
Wirklichkeit in Humor aus. Doch ist dieser Humor bei dem deutschen
Dichter wesentlich anderer Natur. Die Grazie und Eleganz des Sterne-
schen Witzes f ehlt Hippel vollig, er vertritt mehr den Typus des ' ' ge-
brochenen" Humors. Ein starker Zug von Melancholic went durch das
ganze Werk, selten ringt sich der Dichter zu einem freudigen Ton empor.
Die lachende Satire Sternes war nicht seine Sache; wo Sterne satirisch
wird, ist er bitter und sarkastisch.™

In the Lebenslaufe, as in Sterne's works, the action is of minor
importance and there is thruout that mingling of wit and senti-
mentality which is so characteristic of Sterne. Sterne's influ-

73 Allgemeine deutsche Literaturseitung, Oct. 1785.

74 Thayer [336] 179.

75 Ibid., p. 144.

76 Czerny [346] 26-27.

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327

ence is furthermore obvious in the general composition and style
and the subjective manner of narration.77 Hippel's style, how-
ever, is distinguish t from Sterne's by its ponderosity, its moral-
izing tendency, and its serious purpose. Czerny says :

Diese tapfere Bejahung des Willens zum Leben unterscheidet Hippel
vorteilhaft von der weltschmerzlichen Energielosigkeit manches seiner
Mitstrebenden. Trotz ihrer Mangel, die teilweise auf die Nachahmung
Sternes zuriickgehen, sind die Lebcnslaufe fiir ihre Zeit ein bedeutendes

Werk.78

In the highly subjective style of Hippel's Kreuz-und Querzilge
des Ritters von A-Z (1793-1794) Czerny also finds evidence of
the influence of Sterne.

Kawerau cites an interesting instance of the recrudescence
of Sterne imitations in the nineties. He quotes a fable publisht
in the Almanack der deutschen Musen (1775) under the title
Der Affe als Autor:

"Ich will doch ein Autor werden, " sagte der Affe, "die Welt
empf ange die Kinder meines Geistes. ' ' Er sagte es und machte Seif -
blasen. "Sie sind ein Autor geworden?" fragte ich neulich einen jungen
Herrn. "Womit haben Sie denn die Welt beschenkt?" "Mit emp-
findsamen Reisen, ' ' antwortete er.79

Kawerau adds that the author of this same fable, Johann
Friedrich Schink, became some twenty years later the author of
Empfindsame Reisen durch It alien, die Schweiz und Frankreich :
Nachtrag zu den Yorickschen (1794).

Regarding the influence of Sterne on Thummel's Reise (1785-
1786) we have an opinion from two apparently independent
investigators. Thayer [349] presents a most convincing amount
of evidence of imitation, but adds : "To Sterne's sentimentalism
have been added powers of sound observation and reflexion. It
is a later sentimental journey modified by decades of more sub-
stantial thot and social theorizing. It is less humorous and
essentially German." Kyrieleis likewise concedes a large measure

77 Ibid., p. 32.
7slbid., p. 33.
79 Kawerau [347] 148.

328 University of California Publications in Modefn Philology [Vol. 9

of Sterne influence but also calls attention to the French author
La Chapelle (1616-1686), whom Thayer barely mentions:

Vielleicht nicht ohne Absicht laszt er seinen Wilhelm mit dem La
Chapelle in der Hand (Bd. 4, S. 103 f.) seine Eeise machen. Thiimmel hat
voriibergehend wohl daran gedacht, wie Gruner nach des Dichters eigenem
Zeugnis iiberliefert, sich der Manier dieses Franzosen anzuschlieszen.
Zwischen ihm und dem Englander Laurence Sterne schwankte er, urn
endlich doch seinen eigenen Weg zu gehen.82

Elsewhere Kyrieleis says: "Wirklich kiinstlerische Bedeutung
aber und anregenden Einflusz auch auf Thiimmel hatte der Be-
griinder der neuen Gattung, Henry Fielding. ' '83

Hippel's Lebensldufe and Sterne's Tristram Shandy were
among the first works Jean Paul read (1780-1781) and their
influence soon made itself felt within restrictions which Czerny
defines :

Es ist klar, dasz ein wirklicher Dichter wie Jean Paul nicht die
Eigenheiten anderer nur auszerlich nachahmt, sondern mit Anschlusz an
die ihm geistesverwandten Muster dasjenige aus seiner eigenen Natur
heraus entwickelt, was diese in ihm wachgerufen haben. . . . Es will also
nichts gegen seine Originalitat besagen, wenn man ihm nachweist, woher
er die Anregung zu seiner Schreibweise erhalten hat. Doch haben wir
auch hier zwischen literarischer Beeinflussung und direkter Nachahmung
zu unterscheiden. Nicht zu alien Zeiten flosz der Quell seiner Phantasie
stark genug, und so laszt er sich zuweilen auch auszerlich anregen, wo
die inneren Impulse fehlen.84

Czerny notes the influence of Hippel and Sterne in Jean
Paul's Gronlandische Prozesse (1783-1784). These influences
are equally markt in his first two novels Die unsicktbare Loge
(1793) and Hesperus (1795). "Im Titan (1800-1803) emanzi-
piert er sich allmahlig von Sternes Einflusz, und in den
Flegeljahren (1805) finden sich nur gelegentlich Spuren

82 Kyrieleis [348] 25. La Chapelle was the author of Eelation d'un
voyage fait en France (Paris 1662). Gruner was Thummels biographer.
Thtimmels Leben (Stuttgart 1820) Bd. VII of Thiimmel 's Sammtliche
Werke.

83 Kyrieleis [348] 29. The influences of Sterne, Fielding, and Smollett
are there taken into account pp. 29-32.

84 Czerny [346] 42.

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Sternes. "85 Despite Jean Paul's inner harmony with Sterne and
Hippel, Czerny finds his imitation in every respect detrimental,
for when he left behind him his period of imitation he found
he had lost some of his self-sufficiency as an author and was no
longer able to produce as richly as before.86

Sterne's influence on Goethe was a subtle one and cannot be
determined by the somewhat random methods that have hitherto
been employed. Several surmizes have been made in regard to
Goethe 's indebtedness to Sterne for certain characters. : A con-
temporary journal87 called Martin, in Gotz von Berlichingen, a
character of the Sterne type ; Riemann made a similar statement
in regard to Friedrich in Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre and
Mittler in Die Wahlverwandtschaften;88 Goebel associated some
remarks of Sterne with Goethe's Homunculus; 89 and Brandl
called Marie of Moulines a prototype of Mignon.90 Goethe's
acknowledgment of gratitude to Sterne is also well known and
frequently quoted, but his opinion of Sterne fluctuated in the
course of his life and no final definition is possible until his
exprest views from first to last are culled from his entire writ-
ings. This preliminary work has now been accomplisht and the
results will soon be made accessible.91 Meanwhile an outline
will suffice.

Goethe's acquaintance with Sterne's writings dates from his
association with Herder in Straszburg. Goethe commended
Sterne to Jung-Stilling at this time,92 and a year later Goethe is
known to have read Tristram Shandy aloud to friends in Darm-
stadt.93 His Tagcbucher show that later in his life he read, or

ss Ibid., p. 62.

86 Ibid., p. 86.

ST Frankfurter gelelirte Anzeigen, Feb. 22, 1774.

ssKiemann, Goethes Komantechnik (Leipzig 1902), 153 and 310.

89 GJ XXI (1900) 208.

9oEuph IV (1897) 437.

91 Of. Finger [342a].

92 Stilling, Heinrich Stillings WanderscTiaft (Frankfurt and Leipzig
1780), p. 149.

93 Herders Briefwechsel mit seiner Braut (Frankfurt 1858) 247 ff.

330 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

rather studied, Sterne intensively at least twice, in 181794 and
in 1826.95 It is true there were times when he satirized senti-
mentality of the Sterne type, as in the Triumph der Empfind-
samkeit,QQ or condemned it, as in the Campagne in Frankreich.
In this work Goethe speaks of Werther and its morbid time and
says that Werther did not cause the disease but was only one of
its symptoms.97 He adds that Yorick shared in preparing the
ground- work of sentimentalism on which Werther was built. But,
after all, the deliberate statements of Goethe in his last years
must be accepted as his ripe judgment of Sterne, and these will
presently be quoted.

First, however, must be mentioned a feature of the Goethe-
Sterne relation that has attracted more attention than it de-
serves, namely the so-called plagiarism from the Koran in the
collection Aus Makariens Archiv in the Wanderjahre. The
Koran was written in 1770, two years after Sterne's death, by
one Richard Griffith, who successfully wagered that he could so
nearly reproduce Sterne's style as to deceive the public. It was
generally accepted in Germany as a genuine work of Sterne's,
and Springer [339] maintained its authenticity as late as 1885.
It was Hedouin who first used the term plagiarism in connexion
with the Archiv. He did so without harshness however :

Je me trouve avoir a signaler les curieux emprunts faits par Goethe
au Koran, — emprunts qui ont echappe jusqu'ici, je pense, aux nombreux
commentateurs du grand poete allemand, — et a restituer a Sterne les
"pensees, maximes et reflexions" que Goethe s'etait appropriees, sans le
dire, et que 1'Allemagne lui attribue encore aujourd'hui. La gloire de
Goethe ne saurait souffrir du devoilement de ces legers plagiats, qui, en
prouvant irrefragablement que Goethe tenait le Koran en haute estime ne
font que corroborer son admiration pour Sterne. 98

Springer's view is equally indulgent, but he asserts at the
end of his essay that Goethe did not place the Maximen und

94 Goethe, Werlce III 6, 106-109.

»5 Ibid., Ill 10, 144; I 41:2, 252-253; I 42:2, 66.

»6 Ibid., I 17, 14.

97 Ibid., I 33, 208-209.

98 Hedouin [338] 292.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 331

Reflexionen in the "Ausgabe letzter Hand" himself but that they
are in that portion of the edition that was cared for by Goethe 's
editors after his death. Herein Springer is mistaken, however,
for the Maximen were not only in the Nachlasz, where he found
them, but also in the earlier portion of the edition which Goethe
himself had helpt prepare for the press.

Eckermann's explanation of how the Maximen came to be
doubly printed in this edition has been accepted until recently.
His account is as follows: When the Wander jahre was being
sent to the publisher in 1829, two of the volumes proved to be
too thin. Goethe gave Eckermann instructions to fill out these
volumes with the aid of a packet of notes that he placed in his
hands. This Eckermann did promptly and to Goethe's satis-
faction, but the arrangement, Eckermann says, failed to please
the public, especially the women readers. Eckermann called
Goethe's attention to this. Goethe made light of the matter but
gave Eckermann instructions to segregate the aphorisms later.98*
Hence they appear at two places in the " Ausgabe letzter Hand" :
in the Wander jahre (1830) and in volume XLIX with the
Nachgelassene Werke.

Eckermann's account has been accepted until recently for it
was recognized that he was in a position to know the facts, but
the explanation was always felt to be unsatisfactory for it in-
volved the admission that Goethe did violence to his own poetic
creation by thus arbitrarily expanding it without inner com-
pulsion. A recent investigator, Wundt [342], has brot relief
from this theory. He points out that Eckermann's testimony,
written down some years after the event, is at variance with
Goethe's memoranda in his Tagebiicher set down at the time.
He shows, moreover, that it contradicts itself in several details
and he concludes that it is colored by the two influences that
most frequently affect the value of such evidence, namely ' ' vorge-
faszte Meinungen" and "Glaube an die eigene Wichtigkeit. "
He calls attention to the fact that the text itself of the Wander-

98" Biedermann, Gesprache IV 336f .

332 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

jahre promises such a collection of aphorisms and demonstrates
from the manuscript and from other papers of Goethe that it
was Goethe's plan from the first to include these aphorisms in
the work.

This is far from proving, however, that Goethe's use of
Sterne's aphorisms constituted a wilful plagiarism. That term
designates the attempt to reap unmerited literary honors by
appropriating without acknowledgments the thots or phrases of
another. It is plainly inapplicable in this instance. In Goethe's
original manuscript the aphorisms were provided with some
quotation marks; a few of these marks even appeared in the
collection when it was first publisht, namely in the second edition
of the Wander jahre (1829)." Moreover the sayings were pre-
ceded by comments upon Sterne 's position in literature and thus
their origin was sufficiently acknowledged. The Wander jahre
was written largely for that small circle of Goethe's friends
whose familiarity with Sterne 's works could be taken for granted.
The aphorisms bear witness to Goethe's renewed interest in
Sterne at that period, and from the letters and conversations of
about the same time we have what may be considered as Goethe 's
deliberate opinion of Sterne.

A passage from Goethe's correspondence has already been
quoted in which he commends Goldsmith and Sterne for their
equipoise under trying conditions and their benevolent irony and
acknowledges the favorable influence these virtues had upon him
"gerade im Hauptpunkt der Entwicklung. "10° If we mistake
not, this refers to the transitional period between Werther and
the beginnings of Wilhelm Meister. In a letter to Zelter Goethe
said that Sterne was the first of literary men to treat humorously
pedantry and philistinism,101 and in the Maximen und Re-
flexionen he says: " Yorik-Sterne war der schonste Geist, der

»»See Goethe, Werke (Ausgabe letzter Hand) XXIII 273ff. and cf.
XLIX 119ff. For the punctuation of the manuscript see Goethe, WerJce I
42:2, 348.

100 Goethe, WerJce IV 46, 193-194; letter to Zelter, Dec. 25, 1829; cf.
SURVEY, p. 307.

101 Ibid., IV 47, 274; letter to Zelter, Oct. 5, 1830.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

333

je gewirkt hat : wer ihn liest, fiihlt sich sogleich frei und schon,
sein Humor 1st unnachahmlich, und nicht jeder Humor befreit
die Seele."102

All in all Sterne was a mellowing and enriching influence
on Goethe, and Goethe, speaking from a personal point of view,
had no need to distinguish between the humor of Sterne and
that of Goldsmith. As a matter of fact he did so but once. In
the letter to Zelter of December 25, 1829, which has already been
quoted, Goethe said : ' ' Merkwiirdig ist noch hiebey, dasz Yorick
sich mehr in das Formlose neigt und Goldsmith ganz Form ist,
der ich mich denn auch ergab, indessen die werthen Deutschen
sich iiberzeugt hatten, die Eigenschaft des wahren Humors sey
das Formlose. ' '10° Goethe recognized that the influence of Sterne
in Germany had not been an unmixt blessing. He had joined
with other critics in writing caustically of the servile imitations
of the seventies. The sharp attacks of the critics were followed
by the better example of Hippel and Thiimmel. Thru the
medium of Jean Paul, Brentano, and other romanticists, the
influence of Sterne was past on to the nineteenth century, and,
living on in the novels of the ' ' young Germans ' ' until the fifties,
it represented one of the unsound elements from which German
literature had to recover.

102 Ibid., I 42:2, 197.

334 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 13

THE MIDDLE-CLASS DRAMA

Die Comodie 1st nichts anders, als eine Nachahmung einer lasterhaften
Handlung, die durch ihr lacherliches Wesen den Zuschauer belustigen,
aber auch zugleich erbauen kann.1 . . . Die Personen, die zur Comodie
gehb'ren, sind ordentliche Burger, oder doch Leute von maszigem Stande,
dergleichen auch wohl zur Noth Barons, Marquis und Graf en sind; nicht,
als wenn die Groszen dieser Welt keine Thorheiten zu begehen pflegten,
die lacherlich waren; nein, sondern weil es wider die Ehrerbietung lauft,
die man ihnen schuldig ist, sie als auslachenswiirdig vorzustellen.2

This aristocratic convention which confined tragedy to the
great and comedy to the middle and lower classes Gottsched
inherited, as is well known, from the French, from whom indeed
he derived the greater part of his dramatic theory. The dramas
of the Italians and Spaniards failed to receive his approval, while
of the entire English drama he singles out Addison's Cato for
favorable mention and for imitation.3

While Gottsched was exerting himself in Germany to per-
petuate the traditional aristocratic distinction between comedy
and tragedy, this distinction was already being broken up in
France as a result of the democratic tendency of the time with
its attendant enlightened ideas, and a similar movement was
taking place in England.

1 Gottsched, Versuch einer kritischen Dichtkunstz (Leipzig 1742), 739 f.

2 Ibid., p. 743.

3 Addison's Cato (1713) was rather favorably received in England,
largely for political reasons. Deschamps's Cato d'Utique (1715) was in
most respects inferior to Addison's work. Gottsched profest not to have
seen Deschamps's work until he was familiar with Addison's. Practically
the entire first four acts of Gottsched 's Cato (1730), however, are trans-
lated from Deschamps. Gottsched had the judgment to prefer Addison's
conclusion, which, however, naturally fitted the preceding portions less
well than Deschamps's would have done. See further Tiirkheim [160].
Re the great success of this play see Hegnauer [162]. Its verse form set
up a new standard for the German stage, eliminated vulgar improvisation
on the part of the players, and so paved the way for the reforms of
J. E. Schlegel, Dido (1739), Hermann (1741), and the work of Lessing.
Cf. SURVEY, p. 195f.

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This movement assumed slightly different courses in the two
countries owing to the difference in social conditions. The new
well-to-do middle class in France was made up largely of capable
persons from the lower walks of life, chosen to fill executive or
legal positions of state (noblesse de robe) and of individuals of
wealth who were able to lend money to the crown or the nobility.
Both of these classes had lost touch, to a certain extent, with
their humble origins and were now associating, tho not quite on
a footing of equality, with the nobility. The situation of the'
new middle class in England was more fortunate. This class
had grown rich in trade, often in for en trade. It felt itself to
be one of the most essential factors in England's strength, and
far from seeking entrance into aristocratic circles it assumed
toward them an attitude of dignified reserve, a position of equal-
ity, if not of superiority.

In the break-down of the aristocratic convention in literature
it is little wonder then that a more conservative course was
followed in France. The tragedy still remained there the ex-
clusive terrain of the great; but for the benefit of the middle
class the comedy was elevated in tone. As Kettner says :

Kb'nnte die Bourgeoisie in Frankreich die Tragodie nicht in ihre
Kreise hinabziehen, so hob sie dagegen die Komodie zu sieh herauf.
Hatte diese bisher nur die Laster und die Thorheiten, die Aufgeblasenheit
und die Plumpheit der Burger, die verschrobene Bildung und die Mode-
narrheiten des niederen Adels verspottet, so beginnt sie jetzt das biirger-
liche Leben auch von seiner ernsten Seite wiederzuspiegeln, neben den
Verkehrtheiten auch das ernste Streben sich davon zu befreien uns zu
zeigen, und wiirdige Vertreter der Tugend neben die Beispiele des Licht-
sinns zu stellen. Dann wagt es zuerst Nivelle de la Chaussee, der Hand-
lung schwere sittliche Konflickte oder tragische Verwicklungen zu Grunde
zu legen und, abgesehen von der gliicklichen Losung, das komische
Element ganz auszuscheiden.sa

The development of this type of comedy, the "comedie
larmoyante," in France is connected with the names of Des-
touches (1680-1767), Marivaux (1688-1763), and Nivelle de la
Chaussee (1692-1754). Even Voltaire could not hold himself

a Kettner [128] 19.

336 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

aloof from the new tendency. The theoretic defender of the
new type of drama was Diderot, the author of Le fils naturel
(1757) and Le pere de famille (1758).4

While the comedy in France was being elevated for the
benefit of the middle classes, the corresponding class in England
was boldly taking possession of the tragedy. The new type of
tragedy there followed closely on the trail of the moral weeklies.
Both were democratic in their tendencies, both sot to impress
'the wisdom of sound morality upon the middle-class public.
Lillo and Moore were the earliest and most notable producers
of the new drama in England and they were most influential in
Germany, far more influential than their frivolous predecessors
of the restoration period.411

It must be admitted that the new tragedy moved on no exalted
plane ; cupidity was too frequently the cause of guilt, prosperity
the sanction of virtue, and justice too often personified by the
executioner. Such was the case with the earliest of the English
middle-class dramas, Lillo 's George Barnwell, or the merchant
of London (1731), a dramatization of a well-known popular bal-
lad. In it George Barnwell is led by the beguilements of a harlot,
Millwood, to steal money from his excellent master Thorowgood
and finally to slay his own uncle in order to rob him of his
wealth. He dies repentant at the hands of the executioner;

4 Begarding these dramatists and the phases of their work that in-
fluenced the German drama see Kettner [128]. That Diderot, like Lessing,
lookt to England for the reform of his own country's drama is shown by
Schmidt [126] 2 I 305, by Schmidt [295] 80, and by Bosenkranz, Diderots
Leben und Werke (Leipzig 1866) p. 267ff. See also B. L. Cru, Diderot as
a disciple of English thought (New York 1913) p. 287ff.

4a The plays of the restoration period were comparatively little known
in Germany. During the period 1737-1768 there were, according to
Beam [86] 8, in all 168 comedies exclusive of Moliere's, translated into Ger-
man from foren languages. Of these 111 were from the French, 35 from
the Danish, 9 from the Italian, 9 from the English, 3 from the Dutch,
and 1 from the Polish language. The following English plays were trans-
lated in the years indicated: Bavenscroft's The anatomist 1748, Van-
brugh and Gibber's The provoked husband 1748, Gibber's The careless hus-
band 1750, Vanbrugh's The relapse or virtue in danger 1750, Granviile's
The slie-gallants 1751, Steele's The conscious lovers 1752, Hoadly's The
suspicious husband 1754, Congreve's Love for love 1754, Congreve's The
way of the world 1757. These translations and their reception by the
German critics are discust by Beam [86].

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 337

Millwood dies unrepentant.5 As recently as fifty years ago ap-
prentices in Manchester were allowed a free afternoon on Shrove
Tuesday on condition that they attend the performance of George
Barnwell. It is reported, however, that they usually preferred to
remain at work.

There is an obvious correspondence of characters between
this drama and Miss Sara Sampson. Millwood is comparable
with Mar wood, Mellefont with George Barnwell, Sir William
Sampson with Thorowgood, Sara Sampson with Thorowgood 's
daughter, whom Barnwell might have married, but a still closer
parallel may be drawn between Miss Sara Sampson and Rich-
ardson's Clarissa. Here too we have a virtuous-minded girl led
astray by an attractive but irresponsible voluptuary, who pays
for his wantonness with his life. Clarissa rather than Maria
Thorowgood is the model of Miss Sara Sampson and the polisht
Lovelace rather than the crude George Barnwell the model of
Mellefont. The names in Lessing's tragedy are also significant.
Marwood seems to be a mere variation of Millwood ; Mellefont
was the name of a character in Congreve's Double dealer;
Arabella, the daughter of Marwood, bears the name of a sister
of Richardson's Clarissa; Marwood assumes the name of Lady
Solmes to gain an audience with Sara, and a Solmes was a bride-
groom selected by her parents for Clarissa ; the name Sir William
Sampson is remotely suggestive of Swift's unhappy connexion.6
It is clear that Lessing made no effort to conceal the sources of
his inspiration.

Lessing saw his Miss Sara Sampson played in Frankfurt-an-
der-Oder, July 10, 1755. Ramler was able to report by letter to
Gleim : * ' Die Zuschauer haben drey und eine halbe Stunde zuge-
hort, stille gesessen wie Statiien und geweint. ' '6a A similar recep-

s See W. H. Hudson's George Lillo and the London merchant, pp 93-
163 in his volume A quiet corner in a library (Chicago 1915); also his
forthcoming work Hudson [215x].

6 It has been asserted that Sir William Temple, Swift 's patron, was
the father of Hester Johnson, who paid for her attachment to Swift vith
her life. Caro [354] defends the thesis of Swift's influence on Lessing's
dramas.

6" Briefwechsel zwisclien Gleim und Bamler, in BibliotheJc des Stuttgarter
litterarischen Vereins CCXLIV (1907) 206. According to Schmidt [126]2
II 286 Eamler accompanied Lessing on this occasion.

338 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

tion seems to have been accorded the new play in Gottsched 's own
Leipzig. The new drama took first place in public favor from
the outset. Gottsched could only console himself with the reflexion
that popularity signified no merit in a play.

The blow was a heavier one than Gottsched estimated. The
secession of Lessing alone constituted a great loss, for Lessing
had formerly written correct dramas of the French type, accord-
ing to the Gottsched prescription. Danzel has characterized the
period from 1753 to 1758 in Lessing 's career as "Ausbildung
eines eigenen Standpunkts mit Hilfe der englischen Literatur. ' '7
In this period Lessing was reading English dramas extensively
for his Theatralische BMiothek. He gives an account of James
Thomson in the first number of the Bibliothek (1754)8 and
praises him somewhat extravagantly in an introduction to a
German translation of his works publisht in 1756. 9

As was his wont, Lessing had preceded the literary example
with a theoretic exposition. His Abhandlung von dem weiner-
lichen und riihrenden Lustpiel appeared in 1754. This treatize
supported the new comedy of France as exemplified by Marivaux,
Nivelle de la Chaussee, and others and defended by Diderot,
and indicated agreement with the new tragedy developing in
England. It is not difficult to reconcile this liberality of thot
with a strict interpretation of Aristotle ; for if to arouse fear
and compassion is the chief object of tragedy, that end may be
better attained when we see men and women like ourselves on
the stage than when we see demi-gods or the heroes of history.

It was not, however, the theoretic defence but the practical
success that opened up the flood-gates of imitation. The Merch-
ant of London itself was presently translated from the English10
and its influence, mingling with that of Miss Sara Sampson,
evoked a series of imitations that are not difficult to describe in
general terms. The plays are family plays, and their characters

7 Danzel and Guhrauer, Lessings Leben und Werlce* (Berlin 1880),
I 256.

s Lessing, Schriften VI 53ff.
s Ibid., VII 66.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 339

have English names as a rule. There is a wise, enlightened, for-
giving, unimpassioned character, the embodiment of the "Auf-
klarung." He is generally the father or guardian of one of
the central figures. The wife or mother is usually not found
necessary to the play. There is an attractive Lovelace or a
Mellefont wavering between virtue and vice or between a good
and a bad woman. There is an evil character, male or female,
the cause of all the tragedy. There is usually a woman who
suffers for the weakness of the unreliable hero. The characters
are not complicated but are the embodiments of some particular
virtue or failing.

It is not easy, perhaps it is not even particularly advanta-
geous, to distinguish between the direct influence of the English
middle-class tragedy and the indirect influence thru Miss Sara
Sampson. Sauer has made an interesting contribution to such
a study, however, in his Joachim Wilhelm von Brawe, der Schiller
Lessings [104]. In the first chapter he gives an account of
Brawe 's life. The second treats of Brawe 's Freygeist (1758),
beginning with an account of the * * Nicolaische Preis, ' ' which was
the direct occasion for the writing of the play. After indicating
then the content of the play and defining the term ' ' Freigeisterei "
as understood at the time, Sauer speaks of the l ' Vorbilder ' ' of the
Freygeist. He recognizes chiefly two: Miss Sara Sampson and
Young's Revenge. The latter is in reality nothing more than
a weak imitation of Othello. Alonzo has been persuaded by

10 According to Kunze [215] 11 the first appearance of Der Kaufmann
von London in Germany was in 1749. The version used was based upon
the free French translation of Clement. The last two acts were entirely
omitted. A Frankfurt translation of 1774 is based upon a French version
by Auseaume, L'ecole de la jeunesse ou le Barneveldt frangais. The first
version based on the English original was that of H. A. B. (assewitz)
(Hamburg 1755). Stephanie the elder prepared from this a version for
the Vienna stage (1767) in which the execution was omitted. Danzel,
Lessingz (Berlin 1880), I 300 calls attention to a notice of the Merchant of
London in the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften I (1757). Kunze
mentions also a Viennese version prepared by the actor Mayberg and
discovered by A. von Weilen. Schrb'ders version, Die Gefahren der Ver-
fuhrung, ein Lustspiel in 4 Aufziigen, was produced in Hamburg in 1778
and 1779, in Leipzig in 1782, and in Berlin in 1783. It is based on a
French version by Mercier which was called Jenneval, ou le Barneveldt
frangais.

340 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Zanga, a captured Moorish prince, that his wife is untrue to
him. Zanga leads Alonzo thus to slay Carlos, his best friend;
then he reveals to Alonzo his deception. Alonzo kills Zanga and
then himself. The content of Brawe 's Freygeist is not dissimilar.
Clerdon, a young Englishman, loves Amalia, the sister of his
friend Granville. Henley, his rival, plans a slow revenge; he
leads Clerdon into dissipation and crime, persuading him that
there is no God and no future life. Granville tries to rescue
Clerdon from his wild course of life, but by means of a falsified
letter Henley brings about a duel between Clerdon and Gran-
ville in which the latter is killed. Henley then triumphantly
reveals to Clerdon the entire intrigue, whereupon Clerdon kills
first Henley, then himself.

The similarity of the two plays is striking enuf yet Sauer
erred in recognizing no further models for the Freygeist. The
greatest similarity subsists between Brawe 's Freygeist and
Moore's Gamester (1753), which Sauer seems entirely to have
overlookt. Beverley, * ' the gamester, ' ' gambles away the property
of his wife, the money of his sister, which has been placed in
his charge, then the jewels of his wife, and finally the reversion
of the estate of his uncle. He is led to all this by his enemy
Stukely. After all has been lost, Beverley kills himself, but
not until he has fathomed Stukely 's plans and learned that he
is to be punisht.

The influence of Moore's Gamester, thus past over by Sauer,
has been duly considered by Eloesser [88] and has been made
the subject of a special study by Fritz [239]. Fritz records
that Moore's Gamester was translated into German in 1754 (the
year after its appearance in England) by J. J. C. Bode. Between
the years 1754 and 1791 there were eight or more translations
and variations. The tragedy was first played in Breslau Oct. 1,
1754, by Aekermann's troupe. In 1756 it was played by Schone-
mann's troupe in Hamburg, with Ekhof as Beverley. It be-
longed also to the repertoire of Koch's troupe. In fact it ap-
peared on every important stage in Germany, tho not in Berlin,
it is true, until 1785. From 1768 on the German versions are

L920]

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influenced by a French version of Saurin, Beverlei, tragedie
bourgeoise, which appeared in Paris under Diderot's inspiration,
1768. Saurin improved the piece in several instances by better
motivations. In the next year Saurin, led by Diderot's criticism,
decided to propose a happy ending to the play and this plan
met with some favor in Germany. From now on it was played
in Germany sometimes as a tragedy and sometimes as a ' ' Ruhr-
stuck. ' ' The versions of the ensuing period Fritz shows to have
been of the poorest sort. Die verddchtige Freundschaft (Miin-
chen 1784) by an unknown writer, and J. G. Dyk's comedy
Das Spielergliick (1773) are described. Maler Miiller has a
gamester scene in his Fausts Leben (1778) . Klinger wrote a five-
act comedy Die falschen Spieler (1780) and publisht it two years
later. A. G. Meiszner wrote an inane one-act comedy Der
Schachspieler (1782), and David Beil (1785) a five-act piece
Die Spieler, later called Die Gauner. Iffland raised the theme
to a mediocre height with his Spieler (1796). It sank to its
former level in Kotzebue's Blinde Liebe (1806).

To return to Brawe, in his third chapter Sauer treats of his
Brutus (1758), recognizing as its chief literary models Lessing's
dramatic fragment Kleonnis, Voltaire's Mahomet, Young's
Revenge and Addison's Cato. Young's Revenge appears to have
been of more influence than the others. In his fourth chapter
Sauer seems to depart slightly from his theme in order to re-
approach it from another direction. The chapter deals with
''Die litterarischen Wirkungen der Miss Sara Sampson." Here
we have conveniently groupt together descriptions of a large
number of middle-class dramas all bearing quite similar traits
inherited from Miss Sara Sampson. The dramas described are
Rhynsolt und Sapphira by Martini (1755), Pfeil's Lucie Wood-
vil (1756), Lieberkiihn's Die Lissaboner (1758), Breithaupt's
Der Renegat (1759), Wieland's Clementina von Poretta (1760),
Dusch's Der Bankerot (1763), Steffens's Clarissa (1765), Baum-
garten's Carl von Drontheim (1765), Brandes's Miss Fanny
(1766), Amalia, a tragedy by an unknown writer (1766),
Weisze's Amalia (1766), Sturz's Julie (1767), Miss Jenny by

342 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

an unknown writer (1771), Brandes's Olivie (1774), Weid-
mann's Johann Faust (1775), an unknown writer's Eduard und
Cecilie (1776), and Jeger's Eugenia und Amynt (1777).

Of especial bearing on the present topic are Sauer's obser-
vations on the English names and localities predominating in
these plays :

Mit wenigen Ausnahmen miissen die Personen Englander sein; man
kann nicht genug englisch, um neue Namen zu erfinden, daher combinirt
man die vorhandenen in der wunderlichsten Weise; die beiden Namen
Marwood und Waitwell veranlassen in der Woodvil die Namen Southwell
und Woodvil; im Eenegaten heiszt der Vertraute Welwood, und in Miss
Fanny ist er blosz als Well zuriickgeblieben; wahrend ein biirgerliches
Trauerspiel in einem Acte, das 1769 zu Gieszen erschien, den Titel
Breitwell fiihrt. Granville im Freigeist, Grandlove im Eenegaten und
Greville in Miss Jenny konnen die Ahnlichkeit nicht verlaugnen; aus dem
Granville im Freigeist scheinen auch die beiden Namen Grandfeld und
Blackville im Drontheim entstanden. Clerdon im Freigeist klingt als
Clarendon in Eduard und Cecilie wieder; Manley in Weiszes Amalia,
ebenso in Eduard und Cecilie; der Stanley des letzteren Stuckes mag mit
dem Steely in Miss Fanny zusammengestellt werden. Schlieszlich sei
erwahnt, welche Eolle der Vorname Amalia spielt: Weiszes Drama und
das zweite in demselben Jahre erschienene tragen diesen Titel; im Freigeist,
in der Woodvill und Miss Jenny kehrt der Name wieder.11

Regarding the scene of most of the dramas Sauer says :

Da das biirgerliche Trauerspiel von England nach Deutschland heriiber-
gekommen war, so verlegte man dahin auch die Handlung der Stiicke;
und wenn England nicht selbst der Schauplatz ist, sondern der Orient,
wie im Eenegaten, oder eine feme Insel, wie in Miss Fanny, so sind doch
die Trager des Interesses Englander, aus der Heimat entflohen, durch
Schiffbruch verungliickt; oder wenigstens musz der Intrigant aus Grosz-
brittanien stammen, wie in den Lissabonern der Schottlander Sir Carl.
Auch der engere Schauplatz der Miss Sara wird in einigen dieser Stiicke
beibehalten, so wenn in Weiszes Amalia und im Freigeist die Handlung
in einer kleinen Stadt Englands und in einem Gasthofe vor sich geht.12

Sauer then lists a large number of "verwandte Charaktere"
and "verwandte Situationen und Motive" to be found in the
group he has described. It would be of some interest to know
whether in certain instances the source of inspiration of the
German plays was Miss Sara Sampson or some English model

"Sauer [104] 92-93.
i2 Ibid., p. 93.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 343

or models. In two respects Lessing improves upon the Merchant
of London. He does not let gold serve as a motive for crime,
nor represent it as a means of bringing about well-being and he
does not invoke the strong arm of the law to bring about poetic
justice. It seems fairly certain that Lessing introduced this
latter refinement under the influence of Richardson's Clarissa
with the result that he produced a " Familientragodie " rather
than a * * biirgerliche Tragodie." Most of his successors were
blind to this virtue in Lessing 's tragedy and slavishly followed
English dramatists, Lillo, Moore, or others, in all their crudities.
Koch asserts that the influence of Richardson went beyond
Lessing. "Motive aus diesem englischen Drama (i.e. Barnwell)
mehr noch aus Richardsons folgenden Romanen, Clarissa Har-
loive und Sir Charles Grandison (1753), kehren in den meisten
biirgerlichen Trauerspielen der nachsten Jahre in Deutschland
wieder. ' '12a This appears to be an overstatement ; Koch mentions
only the obvious instance of Wieland's Clementina von Poretta
(1760).12b Neither Sauer nor Eloesser takes up the question of
Richardson motifs at all. The motif of * ' Verf iihrung " found
in Wagner's Kindermorderin, Lenz's Soldaten, and other plays
of the time could hardly be adduced as evidence since Miss Sara
Sampson contains it as well.

The German comedy was also connected with the English by
certain strong ties. Goethe commended Schroder's versions of
English comedies not only because of the technical skill they
displayed but because they afforded a welcome relief from the
prevailing sentimentality of the literature and drama of the time.

Indem nun das deutsche Theater sich vollig zur Verweichlichung
hinneigte, stand Schroder als Schriftsteller und Schauspieler auf, und
bearbeitete, durch die Verbindung Hamburgs mit England veranlaszt,
englische Lustspiele. Er konnte dabei den Stoff derselben nur im Allge-
meinsten brauchen: denn die Originale sind meistens formlos, und wenn
sie auch gut und planmaszig anfangen, so verlieren sie sich doch zuletzt
in's Weite. Es scheint ihren Verfassern nur darum zu thun, die wunder-
lichsten Scenen anzubringen, und wer an ein gehaltenes Kunstwerk ge-
wohnt ist, sieht sich zuletzt ungern in's Granzenlose getrieben. Ueber-

i2» Koch [76] 24; cf. Marx [144].

12bln 1765 appeared also a three-act tragedy Clarissa by J. H. Steffens;
cf. Sauer [104] 25.

344

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

diesz geht ein wildes und unsittliches, gemeinwiistes Wesen bis zum
Unertraglichen so entschieden durch, dasz es schwer sein mbchte, dem
Plan und den Charaktern alle ihre Unarten zu benehmen. Sie sind eine
derbe und dabei gefahrliche Speise, die blosz einer groszen und halbver-
dorbenen Volksmasse zu einer gewissen Zeit genieszbar und verdaulich
gewesen sein mag. Schroder hat an diesen Dingen mehr gethan, als man
gewohnlich weisz; er hat sie von, Grund aus verandert, dem deutschen
Sinne angeahnlicht, und sie mb'glichst gemildert. Es bleibt ihnen aber
immer ein derber Kern, weil der Scherz gar oft auf Miszhandlung von
Personen beruht, sie mogen es verdienen oder nicht. In diesen Dar-
stellungen, welche sich gleichfalls auf dem Theater verbreiteten, lag also
ein heimliches Gegengewicht jener allzu zarten Sittlichkeit (i.e. of Eich-
ardson's novels and the plays of Lillo, Diderot, etc.) und die Wirkung
beider Arten gegen einander hinderte gliicklicherweise die Eintb'nigkeit,
in die man sonst verfallen

Hauffen [136] has treated more concretely the connexions
of Schroder with English literature. He classifies certain plays
of Schroder according to their degree of dependence upon an
English original as follows:

I. Plays closely dependent on the original:

Der Arglistige, 1771. Double dealer. Congreve,

Irrtum auf alien Ecken, 1784. She stoops to conquer. Goldsmith.
Gliick bessert Thorheit, 1782. Chapter of accidents. Miss Lees.
Inkle und Jariko (Oper), 1788. Inkle and Tarico (opera). Colman.

II. Plays abbreviated or concentrated:

Wer ist sie? 1786. The foundling. Moore.

Die ungliickliche Heirat, 1784. Isabella or the fatal marriage.

Southern.
Die unmogliche Sache, 1773. Sir Courtly Nice or it cannot be.

Crown.
III. Scene transferred to Germany:

Das Blatt hat sich gewendct, The brothers. Cumberland.

1775.
Die Wankelmutige oder der She would and she would not. Cibber.

weibliche Betruger, 1782.
Die Eifersuchtigen oder keiner All in the wrong. Murphy.

hat Eecht, 1785.
Beverley oder der Spieler, (The Gamester. Moore.

1785. ](Beverlei. Saurin.)

Stille Wasser sind tief, 1784. Eule a wife and have a wife.

Beaumont and Fletcher.
Victorine oder Wohlthun tragt Evelyne. A novel by Miss Burney.

Zinsen, 1784.
is Goethe, Werke I 28, 194-195.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 345

IV. Almost original:

Der Ring, 1783. The constant couple. Farquhar.

Die unglucTcliche Ehe durcli Sir Harry Wildair. Farquhar.

Delikatesse, 1788.
Das Portrdt der Mutter oder School for scandal. Sheridan.

die Privatkomodie, 1786.

As Eloesser does not overrate the English influence in the
development of the German middle-class drama, it is safe to
adopt his judgment. A summary of his work would read some-
what as follows: Lillo and Moore gave a powerful impulse to
the new drama, which became dynamic in Germany thru the
instrumentality of Miss Sara Sampson. Side by side with the
English influence, but less imposing, was the influence of the
French "comedie larmoyante." Together these influences did
away with the old French-Gottschedian prejudices in regard to
tragedies and comedies, and thereafter playwrights like Schroder,
Iffland, and Kotzebue, some of them frequently, some of them
occasionally, came back to English sources for inspiration; but
to a large extent, after the earliest days, the middle-class drama
in Germany was self -quicken ing. There was a train of pa-
thetic and military pieces in the wake of Minna von Barnhelm,
Emilia Galotti led to a similar period of imitation, and some of
the imitations of Gotz might be classified as middle-class dramas.
Schiller experienced all these influences and re-acted to them
in his youthful dramas. Eloesser follows the middle-class drama
thru the early part of the nineteenth century, the plays of Char-
lotte Birch-Pfeiffer, Bauernfeld, Benedix, and Gutzkow being
mentioned. He very properly ends his discussion with Hebbel's
Maria Magdalena, in which the middle-class opinions, once re-
garded as representing the ne plus ultra of good sense and
enlightenment, have become the bane of contemporary life.

Before this time the influence of the English middle-class
dramas had long ceast to be important, yet it is interesting to note
that the very dramas which did most to free the German drama
from foren influence have been recently drawn into a close asso-
ciation with the works of Farquhar, Richardson, Lillo, and Moore.

346 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The reference here is respectively to Minna von Barnhelm, Emilia
Galotti, Gotz von Berlichingen, and Die Ranker.

In many respects Minna von Barnhelm may be classified with
Miss Sara Sam.pson as a middle-class play. Its parallelisms with
Farquhar's The constant couple have been commented on by
Erich Schmidt and others.13" Robertson [186] holds that the simi-
larity between Minna and Farquhar's The beaux' stratagem is
much more striking. The opening scene of Farquhar's play is
also at an inn and the proprietor Boniface is a lover of gossip
like Lessing's "Wirt." He is filled with curiosity regarding his
guests and he praises his ale with no less unction than the ' ' Wirt ' '
his Danziger. ' '13a In the second act Mrs. Sullen and Dorinda, if
not counterparts of Minna and Franciska, have at any rate more
grace than is usual in restoration dramas. There is also a Count
Bellair in the play whose broken English corresponds to the
' ' Chevalier 's ' ' German.

Robertson does not make of these correspondences a main
issue but defends the parallelling of Farquhar and Lessing as
dramatists. True, Farquhar was a restoration dramatist not of
the type one usually associates with Lillo and Moore, but Far-
quhar like Lessing broke with the tradition of his time and intro-
duced reforms into the drama. His characters are more modern
and refined than those of his contemporaries. Farquhar could
draw gentlemen who were not rakes and women whose conver-
sation was above reproach. His boors, innkeepers, refugees, and
Irishmen were drawn from real life. He drew pictures of real
soldiers instead of the traditional "miles gloriosus." He made
use of local color and local interest in his plays. It is by no
means ill-considered to rank him as a predecessor of Lessing.

Kettner has demonstrated [300] the close relation between
Clarissa and Emilia Galotti.14 We first hear of Lessing's

is- Schmidt [126]2 I 465; cf. Bohtlingk [549] 103.

isb See SURVEY, p. 319.

i* Block [301] brings nothing new, but incidentally overturns the
chronology in the English development with his phrase (p. 230), "bis
unter dem Einflusz von Richardsons Familienroman der Kaufmann von
London entstand. " The merchant of London appeared in '1731, Pamela in
1740.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 347

being at work on the theme of the Roman Virginius in October
1757.15 At this time he had already broken with the Gottsched
school and, two years before, had completed Miss Sara Sampson,
the hero and heroines of which Kettner, like several other critics,
holds to be mere reproductions of Lovelace and Clarissa : ' ' Erst
wenn man sich Lessings Verhaltnis zu Richardson in jenen
Fahren, wo er die Dramatisierung der Virginiafabel begann, klar
vergegenwartigt, versteht man, weshalb er einen solchen Stoff
auf griff und wie daraus eine Emilia Galotti wurde."16

Kettner points out that the story of Virginius needs only a
little of the eighteenth-century atmosphere in order to become a
typically Richardsonian narrative. He compares the characters
of Hettore Gonzaga and of Lovelace, showing general and spe-
cific resemblances, and demonstrates similar parallels between
Clarissa and Emilia. He lays especial stress upon the guilty
consciousness of an admiration for the wanton heroes on the
part of Clarissa as well as of Emilia, and he shows that pure
accident plays a large part in Clarissa's undoing, even if it is
not quite so conspicuous as in Emilia Galotti 's. At the conclu-
sion of her tragic experience Clarissa has outlived every trace
of her former inclination toward Lovelace, while Emilia is still
aware of the possibility of a guilty admiration on her part.
Hence she can only preserve the purity of her heart by asking
for death at her father's hand. Kettner even discovers a vestige
of Richardson's style in Emilia Galotti despite the great progress
that Lessing had made in dramatic technik since 1755. "Wie
undramatisch jene Richardsonsche Manier war, hatte Lessing an
seiner Miss Sara zur Geniige erkannt. Seitdem hatte er die
Kunst des Schweigens gelernt . . . aber . . . die gelegentlichen

is Lessing 's fragment Virginia in Schriften III 359-360 was, until 1889,
considered an original work. It was, however, merely a translation of
the opening of Crisp's drama of 1754. By means of patronage Samuel
Crisp (1707-1783) succeeded in having his drama played in the Drury
Lane Theatre, Feb. 25, 1754. Garrick was applauded warmly for his
interpretation of the Virginius role. Eoethe [169] reproduces the original
and the translation and discusses the extent to which Lessing was indebted
to Crisp in Emilia Galotti.

is Kettner [300] 445.

348 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Auszerungen, in denen er seine Heldin (Emilia Galotti) ihr
Innenleben enthiillen laszt, sind offenbar der Abschlusz langer
verschwiegener Gedankengange. ' ?1 6a

The additional parallels of detail drawn by Kettner are
abundant and carry conviction by their weight; but they can-
not be recapitulated here. They seem adequate to prove his
assertion : * * Lessings Drama wurzelt tief im Boden des Richard-
sonschen Romans." He recognizes the potency of various other
influences but says : ' ' Neben Richardson treten sie weit zuriick.
Er bestimmte den Grundcharakter des ganzen Werkes. Unter
seiner Einwirkung wurde aus einer Virginia eine Emilia
Galotti."™

Minor17 and Weiszenfels18 have both pointed out that Gotz
is not a purely historical drama, but that it has elements of the
middle-class drama as well. Supporting himself on these asser-
tions Walz [219] has drawn a close parallel between a portion
of Gotz and Lillo's Merchant of London. Specifically he com-
pares the Adelheid-Weiszlingen-Maria plot with its Millwood-
Barnwell-Maria counterpart in Lillo's drama. Walz marshals
a surprisingly large number of parallel passages ; and the number
would obviously be greater, as he points out, but for the fact
that Goethe's superior technik enables him to express by the
action or situation much that Lillo is compelled to let the char-
acters say.

In Dichtung und Wahrkeit, Book III, Goethe relates that he
and his father disputed regarding the moral value of the stage.
The younger Goethe used Miss Sara Sampson and The merchant
of London as his best arguments. Goethe saw the latter play
apparently for the first time in Leipzig, for he wrote to his sister
in 1765 : ' * Dein Leibstiick den Kaufmann von London habe ich
spielen sehen. Beym groszten Theil des Stiickes gegahnt, aber
beym Ende geweint."19

i6" Ibid., p. 449.

is" Ibid., p. 461.

IT Minor, Schiller (Berlin 1890), II 121.

is Weiszenfels, Goethe im Sturm und Drang (Halle 1894), I p. 371.

is Goethe, WerTce IV 1, 26.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 349

It is generally agreed that Millwood was the original of the
"Machtweib," who later became so familiar a figure especially
in the "Sturm und Drang" drama. The situation of the hero
wavering between such a being and a good woman of unequal
influence is common enuf. It would be easy to think, for ex-
ample, that Goethe borrowed the situation from Miss Sara
Sampson rather than from Barnwell; but in the course of his
numerous quotations Walz indicates that such is not the case,
that the Lillo influence is direct. Adelheid's death is an example
in point. She might have committed suicide like Cleopatra, she
might have been permitted to depart unmolested like Marwood,
but Goethe let her end her course in middle-class English fashion,
with a conviction before a court of justice.

"With Schiller's R'duber the case is similar. Wihan [240]
points out first that this drama represents a mingling of two
distinct types. In some respects Karl Moor is a free individual
responsible only to his own conscience, like a Shakespearean hero ;
but in other respects he bows to society and law, and in so far as
he does so Schiller's Ranker is to be considered a "biirgerliche
Tragodie." This gives justification to the comparison of Karl
Moor with Beverley, of Franz Moor with Stukely and of the
passive Amalia with Beverley 's wife. Even some of the minor
characters are drawn into the comparison, and parallel passages
are quoted. Wihan finds also that Die Rauber has motifs in
common with two other German middle-class dramas, Brawe's
Freygeist arid Christian Felix Weisze's AmaUa, both of which,
however, were in their turn dependent upon Moore's Gamester.
Wihan agrees with Clarke [193] that Karl Moor has more in
common with Fielding's Tom Jones than with Beverley; but he
holds that Beverley owes many of his traits to Tom Jones. Wihan
proposes to prove this assertion in a later treatize, which has
not yet appeared.20

While evidence of English influence on the German middle-
class plays of the eighteenth century is gradually increasing, the

20 Wihan [240] footnote to p. 96.

350 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

influence of Lillo on the German middle-class fate plays of the
early nineteenth century, once taken for granted, has recently
been called into question. Fath [216] and Minor21 are exponents
of divergent views regarding the origin of the German fate
dramas. Fath takes exception at the beginning of his monograph
to Minor's view that fatalistic ideas were derived first by the
learned classes from Greek literature and did not become preva-
lent among the people until about the year 1805, after a series
of wars, pestilences, and famines had brot about a general de-
pression. Fath holds, on the contrary, that fatalistic conceptions
were always current in the Germanic race ; that they manifested
themselves in early literature, in the Nibelungenlied and in
Kudrun, and maintained themselves in the superstitions of the
people, and that they re-asserted themselves in full force when
rationalism had cleared the way by dispelling faith :

Es bedurfte nur eines Anstoszes und die mit fatalistischen Ideen
erfiillten Gemiiter suchten sich durch poetische Darstellungen zu befreien.
Dieser kam von England her durch das Drama The fatal curiosity von
Lillo, das als Ausgangspunkt fiir die deutsche Schicksalstragodie be-
trachtet werden musz; denn seine tibersetzung und Nachahmung war die
Vorbereitung zu den deutschen Hauptwerken, nicht, wie Koberstein meint,
Der Abschied und Karl von Pernack (sic) von Tieck.22

Lillo 's Fatal curiosity was first presented in England in 1736
under the title Guilt its own punishment. The following year
it was revived under its now familiar name but found little favor
and soon disappeared from the boards to remain in retirement
until 1782. 23 During the time that George Barnwell was so pop-
ular in Germany The fatal curiosity seems to have been entirely
unknown there. The drama was translated into German in 1778
and shortly after that similar fate tragedies began to appear in
Germany. Fath maintains that these German fate tragedies owe
their existence to the impulse given by Lillo. The line of develop-
ment according to Fath (see diagram, p. 351) passed thru Bromel

21 Minor, Die ScMcksalsidee in ihren Hauptvertretern (Frankfurt 1883),
p. 5; reviewed by Wendt in LblGRPh VII (1884) 270.

22 Fath [216] 9.

23 Minor [217] 34.

1920]

Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey

351

and Moritz to Tieck, who wrote Der Abschied (1792) and Karl
von Berneck (1795). From this point on Fath distinguishes two
groups of fate tragedies in Germany : * ' Die urspriingliche
Schicksalsdichtung gehort dem biirgerlichen Drama an, und die
Hauptvertreter sind Lillo, Bromel, Moritz, Werner und zum
Teil Tieck und Milliner. Eine zweite Gruppe bilden diejengen
Dichter, welche fatalistische Gedanken in das historische Drama
aufnahmen. Tieck ist Bahnbrecher, ihm folgen Kind, Schiller,
Houwald, Grillparzer. "24 Fath's view of the development may
accordingly be represented by the following scheme:

Tieck Karl von BernecTc (1795) ^

Schiller Braut von Messina
(1803)

Kind Schloss AJclam (1803)

Miillner Schuld (1813)

Grillparzer Ahnfrau (1817)

Houwald Der Leuchtturm (1821) ..

Lillo Fatal curiosity (1736).

Bromel Stolz und Verzweiflung
(1780).

Moritz Blunt (1781).24a
Tieck Alschied (1792).24b
Werner 24. Feb. (1809).
Miillner 89. Feb. (1812).

Fath assumes that Schiller had read the fate tragedies of
Lillo, Moritz, and Tieck, and holds that three influences deter-
mined the Braut von Messina (1803) : "Das antike Drama
lieferte die formale Anlage, Sturm und Drang die Fabel und
die moderne Schicksalstragodie die geistige Tendenz. "25 That
Wallenstein and Maria Stuart are " Schicksalsdramen " in any
precise sense he does not concede. He believes that the influence
of the Braut von Messina upon the German fate drama has been
overestimated, and that the next following fate dramas, historical

24 Fath [216] 11.

24" Ibid., p. 11; but cf. Abrahamson [219ax] 217.
24b See, however, Fath [216] 13, footnote 2.

25 Fath [216] 18.

352 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

and "biirgerlich" alike, derive their essential characteristics
from Tieck 's Karl von Berneck rather than from the Braut von
Messina.

Plausible as this genealogy may seem it will not bear scru-
tiny, and Minor [217] attacks it at nearly every point: The
German dramatists had no need to look to England for the story
of the parents who unwittingly killed their own son. Chronicles
and folk-books as far back as the seventeenth century told fre-
quently of such incidents, usually stating a definite time and
place. This theme was later taken up by the folk-song. There
is an Italian tale and a Corsican folk-song having the same
motif; and Lillo, as is well known, based his drama on an Eng-
lish folk-song.

Comparison shows that Moritz 's Blunt and Bromel's Stolz
und Verzweiflung (1780) did not arise independently of each
other but in reality it was Bromel's work that was inspired by
Moritz 's and not vice versa as has been claimed. In the preface
to a later edition of his play Moritz claims to have written the
tragedy quite independently:

Ohne zu wissen, dasz Lillo den Stoff zu diesem Stiicke schon bear-
beitet hat und ohne einmal die Ballade zu kennen, woraus dieselbe (sic)
genommen ist, veranlaszte mich eine dunkle Erinnerung aus den Jahren
meiner Kindheit, wo ich diese Geschichte hatte erzahlen hb'ren, sie
dramatisch zu bearbeiten."

This statement is cited by Minor, who adds : ' ' Mit diesen Worten
sinkt der Stammbaum unserer Schicksalstragodie zusammen. "26
But there are weak points in the later portions of the gene-
alogy as well.

' l Schiller, der auf das Talent des Verfassers des Georg Barnwell grosze
Stiicke hielt, muszte sich von Crabb Eobinson die Fabel der verhangnisvollen
Neugierde erzahlen lassen, die er fiir einen guten Stoff erklarte, ohne des
Moritzschen Blunt zu gedenken, der ihm also auch gewisz unbekannt war.
Tieck obwohl personlich mit Moritz in Verbindung, hat den Blunt sicher
nicht gekannt. . . . Kennt Tieck das Drama von Moritz nicht, so kann
es nicht auf seinen Abschied eingewirkt haben. "27

26 Minor [217] 37.

27 Ibid., p. 51 ; cf . Diary, reminiscences, and correspondence of Henry
Crabb Eobinson ed. Sadler (N. Y. 1877) I 137.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 353

This does not exclude the possibility of a direct influence of
Lillo on Tieck ; but Minor clearly does not believe in this possi-
bility either. Folk-book and folk-song might well have formed
the basis of Tieck 's Karl von Berneck. In this drama the motifs
of the fatal sword and the fatal day are first employed.

Finally Minor shows that Werner's 24. Februar also origi-
nated independently of all literary predecessors. In a social
gathering at which Werner and Goethe were present a criminal
novel was read aloud. Goethe and Werner undertook to make
use of two different phases of this tale in competition with each
other. Werner's drama was played in Weimar later and there
were many comments upon it, but no one seems to have thot of
Lillo 's tragedy in connexion with it, and no one mentioned
Moritz.

Minor's evidence is conclusive. The German fate drama owes
little specifically to its English predecessor. The rationalistic,
middle-class drama of the English, on the other hand, was quite
as influential in Germany as the English moral essay, English
ballad, and the English novel. All of them helpt break down
old forms and substitute new ones. The English middle-class
drama counteracted the strict theory of the unities and tfie
aristocratic dramatic conventions of French origin, which were
more firmly establisht in Germany than in France itself. In
conjunction with the English moral weeklies the English moral
dramas incidentally helpt pave the way for an appreciation of
Shakespeare in Germany. For evidence of this we do not need
to look farther than to the early works of Lessing, Goethe, and
Schiller.

354 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

PART II

SHAKESPEARE IN GERMANY
CHAPTER 14

DBYDEN, LESSING, AND THE EATIONALISTIC CRITICS

Almost two hundred years ago the return of Voltaire from
England (1729) first brot to the continent a definite if incorrect
impression of Shakespeare. Voltaire's views were soon known
not only to the French but to the learned in Germany. About
the year 1740 Shakespeare became a subject of dispute in Ger-
many; by the year 1770 he was acknowledged as the supreme
dramatic poet; thru the Schlegel translation (1797-1801) his
dramas were incorporated into German literature. Not long
after that his influence in Germany began to be lookt upon as
an historical fact, and became a theme for essays and a subject
for detailed investigation. The Shakespeare literature in Ger-
many is so voluminous that it would be uncontrollable but for
the efforts of the Deutsche Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, founded in
1865, which has publisht periodic bibliographies of the world's
Shakespeare literature. Other attempts to render such account
have been relatively unsuccessful.1

Naturally the larger number of investigations of Shake-
speare's influence concern special phases, but from time to time
more comprehensive treatizes have appeared, such as those of
Cohn, Creizenach, and Herz, already reviewed,2 and of Genee
[427] and Dege [479], which lay stress upon the eighteenth
century. In the work of Gundolf , Shakespeare und der deutsche
Geist [416], the theme has been treated so admirably that a
similar work will not need to be attempted again until a new

1 See Northup's review of Jaggard [404].

2 See SURVEY, chapter 2.

;

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 355

age brings a new appreciation of Shakespeare. Gundolf' s work
has as yet received little attention in America; in Germany it
has been reviewed adequately on the esthetic side only by Walzel
in the Shakespeare-Jahrbuch for 1912 and by Herrmann in the
Zeitschrift fur Acstketik.3 It has other aspects as well : a philo-
sophical, a philological, and an historical one. It is summarized
in a separate chapter, number seventeen of this survey, where it
serves as a much needed general view; for most of the special
investigators whose works are here reviewed have held their eyes
too close to their subject and have seen certain parts too large
and the whole not at all. Gundolf 's book is a work of cultural
history as surely as Scherer's or Francke's history of German
literature. It lays no stress on the mere collection of parallel
passages and discovery of similar motifs, but seeks to define
more sharply the characteristics of successive periods of thot in
Germany, by showing how variously they responded to the world
that is revealed in Shakespeare 's works. It displays to the fullest
degree the advantages of the comparative method in the study
of literature.

Despite the fact that ' ' Shakespeare in Germany ' ' is the oldest
and most intensely studied topic within the field of English-
German literary relations, misconception is precisely here most
prevalent. Two fundamental misimpressions in particular tena-
ciously hold their sway : the one that Lessing was the first to
recognize Shakespeare's genius in Germany, and the other that
English appreciation of Shakespeare followed tardily in the wake
of German interpretation. Meisnest [547] has shown how Coler-
idge, Furness, A. W. von Schlegel, Heine, Gervinus, Robertson,
and with the notable exception of Erich Schmidt, the leading
biographers of Lessing, namely Danzel, Guhrauer, Sime, Strodt-
mann, Rolleston, Stahr, and Diintzer, have varied one or both
of these assertions,4 which the inquiries of recent years have
modified, if not fully refuted.

3 See BIBLIOGRAPHY under [416].

* Meisnest [547] 234-236. Kiedel's article [472] is also representative
of this long prevalent opinion.

356 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

It is natural then that Leasing, as the crux of the question,
should recently have formed the chief subject of discussion.
Bohtlingk [549] and Baumgartner [182] emphasize Lessing's
dependence upon English criticism, especially the fact that
Dryden's Essay of dramatick pocsie gave stimulus to the 17.
Literaturbrief, while Richter [480] and Meisnest [547] have
been led to conclude that Lessing did not lead but rather fol-
lowed his friends Nicolai and Mendelssohn5 and other contem-
porary critics in his appreciation of Shakespeare. The Ham-
burgische Dramaturgic is equally a subject of contention. Wit-
kowski [545] inquires why Lessing evades the impossible task
of reconciling Shakespeare and Aristotle in his Hamburgische
Dramaturgic. Meisnest points out that the references to Shake-
speare in the Hamburgische Dramaturgic are far from showing
a comprehensive first-hand knowledge of Shakespeare on the part
of Lessing, while the precise extent of Lessing's first-hand ac-
quaintance with Aristotle has recently been called into question
by Robertson6 as never before.

These writers and others have recently shown, moreover, that
the German criticism of Shakespeare before Lessing was largely
influenced by Voltaire and Pope, and especially by the moral
weeklies of Addison and Steele, while after Lessing the criticism
of Gerstenberg and Herder is to no small extent inspired by
Young's Conjectures on original composition.7 In order to
establish the primacy of the English criticism over the German
during the period before Lessing it is necessary to review the
course of appreciation of Shakespeare from the time of his death
up to the middle of the eighteenth century.

When the Puritans gained control of the government in
England in 1642 they closed the theaters ; but with the begin-
ning of the restoration (1660) the theaters were re-opened, and
from that time on Shakespeare's dramas have a continuous
history on the English stage. Hamlet was played in 1662 by

s But compare footnote 53 of this chapter.

6 Robertson, MLR XII (1917) 157-168, 319-339.

7 See especially Kind [365]. Cf. Steinke [366] and SURVEY, chapter 15.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 357

Betterton, who had his instruction at third hand from Shake-
speare himself. The successor to Betterton was Barton Booth
(ITOOca),7" and a pupil of his was Anthony Boehme, who gained
renown by a new interpretation of the part of King Lear.8 It
is therefore vain to cling to the theory that Garrick revived the
forgotten Shakespeare plays on account of their thankful roles.
What Garrick actually did was to substitute for the traditional
rendering of the parts an original interpretation that pleased
the people.

Shakespeare was appreciated, moreover, during the entire
seventeenth century, not only as a playwright but as a poet.
Partly to contradict the legend of the forgotten Shakespeare the
work of Ingleby and Smith was compiled, A century of praise;
allusions to Shakespeare 1592-1693? while the prevailing
opinion of Shakespeare in the following century is reflected in
Nichol Smith's Eighteenth century essays on Shakespeare (Glas-
gow 1903). The latter work consists chiefly of the prefaces of
the several editions of Shakespeare in the eighteenth century:
Rowe's (1709), Pope's (1725), Theobald's (1733), Hanmer's
(1744), Warburton's (1747), and Johnson's- (1765). Of these
Pope 's edition played the largest role in German literary history,
tho his criticism is outrivaled in importance by that of Addison,
Dry den, and Young. Much of Pope's influence upon Germany
was exerted indirectly thru Yoltaire and other French critics.
The problem of the classicists of England and elsewhere was to
account for their admiration % of Shakespeare and yet maintain
their literary orthodoxy. In view of the difficulty of this task
it must be admitted that they were, on the whole, remarkably
liberal in the views they exprest.

7a Booth accompanied Betterton to London in 1705, and in 1708 he
played the ghost to Wilks 's Hamlet at the Haymarket Theater.

8 The items are taken from the article of Lily B. Campbell, Stage
presentation in England in the eighteenth century PMLA XXXII (1917)
163-200.

9 Now included in Munro, The Shakespeare allusion ~boolc, a collection of
allusions to Shakespeare from 1591-1700 (new edition, 2 vols. London 1909) ;
cf. review by Levin Schiicking, ShJ XL VI (1910) 282-283.

358 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The introduction of Dryden 's Essay of dramatick poesie
(1684) relates that four friends, Eugenius, Crites, Lisideius, and
Neander, are driven from London by the plague, and in their
retreat fall to talking about the drama. Eugenius and Crites
discuss the question whether the modern dramatists are the equal
of the ancient dramatists, after which Neander contends against
Lisideius, and asserts that the English dramatists are in many re-
spects superior to the French.

Neander obviously expresses the opinion held by Dryden at
the time of writing. He bases his argument largely upon the
theory that the English people are of a hardier and less refined
race than the French and therefore demand for their entertain-
ment a more vigorous type of drama. This, by the way, was just
what Lessing later asserted of the Germans in the 17. Literatur-
brief.10 Neander-Dryden begins with a weighing of virtues
against faults in the typical manner of the classicistic critic :

I acknowledge that the French contrive their plots more regularly,
and observe the laws of comedy, and the decorum of the stage . . . with
more exactness than the English; . . . yet, after all, I am of opinion that
neither our faults nor their virtues are considerable enough to place them
above us. For a lively imitation of nature being in the definition of a
play, those which best fulfill that law ought to be esteemed superior to
the others. 'Tis true, those beauties of the French poesie are such as
will raise perfection higher where it is, but are not sufficient to give it
where it is not: they are indeed the beauties of a statue, but not of a
man, because not animated with the soul of poesie, which is imitation of
humor and passions. n

Neander then goes on to show the disadvantages that attend
upon a strict adherence to the unities. The simple plot with a
central important character is tedious. The English want to
see strength pitted against strength, even in a physical fashion,
and here he protests against the French decorum saying:
"Whether custom has so insinuated itself into our countrymen,
or nature has so formed them to fierceness, I know not ; but they
will scarcely suffer combats and other objects of horror to be

10 Lessing, Schriften VIII 42; letter of Feb. 16, 1759; quoted on p. 368
of SURVEY.

11 Dryden, An essay of dramatick poesie (London 1684) 26.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 359

taken from them."12 Leasing said much the same later of the
Germans. Gottsched should have perceived, he wrote, "dasz
das Grosze, das Schreckliche, das Melancholische, besser auf uns
wirkt als das Artige, das Zartliche, das Verliebte. "10

Thruout his discourse Neander bases his arguments chiefly
on Beaumont and Fletcher, Jonson, and Shakespeare. Toward
the conclusion he is askt to make distinction between the dra-
matists he has mentioned. After a discriminating criticism of
the merits of Jonson he says: "If I would compare him with
Shakespeare, I must acknowledge him the more correct poet,
but Shakespeare the greater wit. Shakespeare was the Homer,
or father of our dramatick poets; Jonson was the Virgil, the
pattern of elaborate writing; I admire him, but I love Shake-
speare."13 From this advanced position Dry den in his later
years receded, and his further connexion with Shakespeare con-
sisted in revising Shakespeare's plays according to the taste of
the classicists. In this mariner he produced such versions as
Troilus and Cressida or Truth found too late and Antony and
Cleopatra or All for love or the world well lost.

The second important critic of Shakespeare was Nicholas
Rowe. Rowe edited in 1709 the first complete collection of Shake-
speare's dramas. The dramas had been hitherto preserved in
the original quartos and folios. Rowe modernized the spelling
and the language, corrected the meter, and sot to improve the
obscure passages. All this was done without comment. These
corrections were of doubtful service, but the sketch of Shake-
speare which preceded the dramas was distinctly meritorious
for it constitutes the earliest scientific account existing. Inci-
dentally Rowe quotes some of the laudatory phrases of Dryden
and defends Shakespeare against the too violent attacks of
Thomas Rymer, a strict classicist.14

The work of editing the dramas of Shakespeare was not
especially to Pope's taste. He later exprest regret over the

12 Ibid., p. 30.

13 Ibid., p. 35.

i* Rymer was the author of The tragedies of the last age, considered
and examined ~by the practice of the ancients and the common-sense of all
ages (1678) and A short view of tragedy (1692).

360 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

"ten years to comment and translate,"15 but Pope was a pro-
fessional man of letters and the honorarium offered by the pub-
lishers was a sufficient incentive. There is no especial indication
that Pope 's study of Shakespeare ever influenced him as a writer.
In his introduction he takes up: (1) the question of textual
criticism, (2) the extent of Shakespeare 's knowledge, (3) Shake-
speare's relation to the classic authors and to the Aristotelian
rules as interpreted by the French, and (4) Shakespeare as a
depictor of characters. In much of his criticism he merely echoes
Dryden, but on the whole he is less captivated by Shakespeare
than Dryden was when he wrote the Essay of dramatick poesie.
Pope reprints also Rowe's account of Shakespeare, but with
a significant omission, namely that of Howe's defence of Shake-
speare mentioned above, thus indicating that he agreed with
Rymer as to the necessity of adhering to the rules. Pope is, how-
ever, inspired to his most liberal statements by Rowe, as for
example to his assertion: "To judge therefore of Shakespeare
by Aristotle's rules is like trying a man by the laws of one
country who acted under those of another."18 This assertion
has been paralleled with later expressions of Herder, but with-
out sufficient ground, for Herder consistently denied the author-
ity of the rules, while Pope took the authority for granted but
condoned Shakespeare's shortcomings, as is apparent from the
context.17 Pope criticized Shakespeare not only in the intro-
duction but in the text. He made use of asterisks and crosses, the
former to point out passages he considered beautiful, the latter
to indicate those that were not according to his taste. To weigh
successful passages against unsuccessful ones was held to be a
correct method by the classicist critics; it was the form of criti-
cism generally applied to Shakespeare by Gottsched and his con-
temporaries. The stars and crosses are retained as symbols in
the later Pope-Warburton edition of Shakespeare (1747).

is Pope, Dunciad III 332, note 4, and IV 184 (ed. of Elwin and Court-
hope 1871-1889). The translation of Homer is here referred to.

16 Cf. Nichol Smith, Eighteenth century essays on ShaJcespeare (Glasgow
1903), p. 50.

IT For a further analysis of Pope 's view of Shakespeare see Margarete
Kothbarth in Anglia XXXIX (1915) 75-100.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 361

Of the classicists in England Addison was the most liberal
in his admiration of Shakespeare. He frequently called his
readers' attention to Shakespeare by a quotation from him or
by a eulogistic phrase. His literary views were disseminated by
the German moral weeklies,18 and his references to Shakespeare,
as Richter [480] has pointed out,19 were thus among the earliest
and most consequential to receive circulation in Germany in the
first half of the eighteenth century.

During the seventeenth century, as we have seen, Shake-
speare's works served Germany as a storehouse of dramatic
material, but his name was almost unknown. During the first
four decades of the eighteenth century his name was frequently
heard but his works were unknown. The earliest known com-
ment is that of Daniel Morhof in his Unterricht von der teut-
schen Sprache (1682). Morhof says: "Der John Dryden hat
gar wohl gelehrt von der Dramatiii Poesie geschrieben. Die
Engellander, die er hierinnen anfiihrt, sind Shakespeare,
Fletcher, Beaumont, von welchen ich nichts gesehen habe."20
Next follow two references by other writers in 1695 and 1708,
both of them based upon Temple. The second of these is in
Barthold Feind's Gedanken von der Opera. It reads: "M. le
Chevalier Temple in seinem Essai de la Poesie erzehlet, p. 374,
dasz etliche, wenn sie des renommierten Englischen Tragici
Shakespear Trauerspiele verlesen horen, offt lautes Halses an
zu schreyen gef angen und hauffige Thranen vergossen. ' '20 That
there should be passing references to Shakespeare in the first
moral weekly Der Hamburger Vernilnfftler is not remarkable in
view of its confest dependence on the Tatler and Spectator.20*
Mencke in his Compendioses Gelehrtenlexicon (1715) mentions
Shakespeare as follows :20

18 See SURVEY, chapter 4.

19Kichter's chronological list of references in Germany to Shakespeare
is more extensive than that of Genee [427], Joachimi-Dege [479], or
Eobertson [478], but Eobertson gives the English sources of the earliest
German references.

20 Quoted by Kichter [480] I 4.

2oa See BIBLIOGRAPHY [156]; cf. footnote 25 of this chapter.

362 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Shakespeare (Wilh.) ein englischer Dramaticus, geboren zu Stratford
1564, ward schlecht auferzogen und verstund kein Latein, jedoch brachte
er es in der Poesie sehr hoch. Er hatte ein scherzhafftes Gemiithe, kunte
aber doch auch sehr ernsthafft seyn, und excellirte in Tragb'dien. Er
hatte viel sinnreiche und subtile Streitigkeiten mit Ben Jonson wiewohl
keiner von Beyden viel damit gewann. Er starb zu Stratford 1616, 23
April im 53. Jahre. Seine Schau- und Trauer-Spiele, deren er sehr viel
geschrieben, sind in VI Theilen 1709 zu London zusammen gedruckt und
werden sehr hoch gehalten.si

This item of Mencke's was paraphrased in other German
cyclopedias of the time and approximately represents the sum
total of German information in regard to Shakespeare a hun-
dred years after his death and even down to the year 1739, when
by a literary coincidence both the Leipzig and Swiss groups
chanced upon him in Addison's works.

In the preface to his Kritische Abhandlung von dem Wunder-
baren in der Poesie (1740) Bodmer made an incidental reference
to Shakespeare :

Sie (die Deutschen) sind noch in dem Zustand, in welchem die Engel-
lander viele Jahre gestanden, eh ihnen geschickte Kunstrichter die Schon-
heiten in Miltons Gedichte nach und nach wahrzunehmen gegeben und
sie damit bekannt gemacht hatten, ungeachtet diese Nation an ihrem
Saspar22 und anderen den Geschmack zu diesem hohern und feinern
Ergetzen zu scharfen eine Gelegenheit gehabt hatte, der unsere Nation
beinahe beraubt ist.

This assertion did not imply an extensive acquaintance with
Shakespeare on Bodmer 's part. The "geschickte Kunstrichter"

21 Kobertson [478] shows that the source of Mencke, Bentheim, and
others was Thomas Fuller's History of the worthies in England (1662).

22 The form ' l Saspar ' ' has been the subject of much comment. Elze
[488] 338 regards it as an attempt to germanize the name. Vetter [102]
holds that it was intended as a phonetic reproduction of the name as
Bodmer conceived it. He calls attention to the fact (p. 17) that Bodmer
had already referred twice to "Shakespeare der engellandische Sophokles"
in the introduction to his translation of Paradise lost in 1732. Vetter
further informs us that Bodmer later disapproved of his own change,
for in his personal copy of the Kritische Abhandlungen von dem Wunder-
baren in der Poesie (1740) the form Shakespeare is substituted "wie man
fast sicher behaupten darf " by Bodmer 's own hand. Vetter mentions as
corroborative evidence for his theory the fact that Bodmer rendered the
name Chaucer as Schaser. Eobertson [478] has another theory. He holds
that Bodmer had presumably been reading the criticism of the Italian,
Conti, who spelt the word in this way. This also seems a not unplausible
explanation.

1920] Price: English*> German Literary Influences — Survey 363

192(

here referred to were undoubtedly Addison and Steele, whose
weeklies Bodmer had recently been reading.23 Frau Gottsched
began in the same year unwittingly to undermine the authority
of her lord and master by translating the Spectator papers into
German, thus rendering Addison 's ideas accessible to the wide
circles which could not read the English original or even the
incomplete French translation of 1719. In the Spectator, it is
true, we find merely passing references to Shakespeare and not
formal discussions as in the case of Milton.25 Yet these refer-
ences are so frequent that they make an impression by their
insistence. The German Spectator was evidently widely read,
for a second edition appeared a few years later (1749-1751).

The critical debate regarding Shakespeare was actually pre-
cipitated, however, by the first translation of a Shakespearean
drama into German, Versuch einer gebundenen Ubersetzung des
Trauer-Spiels von dem Tode des Julius Cdsar aus den englischen
Wercken des Shakespeare (Berlin 1741) by Caspar Wilhelm von
Borck.25a The drama was done into hexameters and for that
reason gives a distorted picture of the original. The translation
appeared, as the author says in the preface, "nacket und blosz,
ohne Beschirmung und Vertheydigung. Ein jeder mag davon
urtheilen, was ihm beliebt." Since Borck was the Prussian am-
bassador in London Riedel suggests that he may have been first
inspired by the brilliant debut of Garrick as a player of Shake-
spearean roles in Goodman 's Field Theatre in London ;26 but this
theory is untenable, for Paetow has shown27 that Borck was in

23 Elze [488] 340 holds that Bodmer knew Shakespeare as early as
1740, "keineswegs blosz aus Anfiihrungen Addisons im englischen
Zuschauer." Vetter [102] 17f., on the other hand, finds no evidence of
this.

25 Eichter [480] finds references to Shakespeare in Spectator papers
nos. 36, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47, 116, 141, 154, 160, 161, 206, 208, 210, 235, 245,
279, 285, 396, 397, 400, 419, 468, 485, 521, 541, 592, 599, 636, 658, 660, 670,
672, 678, and 681.

25a Von Borck also translated Otway 's Don Carlos, prince of Spain in
Neue Erweiterungen des ErJcenntnisses und des Vergnugens IX (1757)
and Coffey's The devil to pay ; cf. footnote 46 of this chapter.

26 Riedel [472] 19.
2T Paetow [490] 25.

364 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

London only from 1735-1738, and Garrick made his first appear-
ance in London, October 19, 1741.27a

The translation was commented upon in several quarters.
It became the occasion for the first extensive treatize upon Shake-
speare in Germany, Johann Elias Schlegel's Vergleichung
Shakespeares und Andreas Gryphs [464] . Like most classicists
Schlegel Avas at pains to reconcile the strong impression Shake-
speare had made upon him with that poet's ignorance of the
rules. He holds that Gryphius's works are imitations of actions,
while Shakespeare's are imitations of character. Gryphius's
dramas were thus admittedly more correct, for Aristotle's rules
do not recognize character imitation as an object of tragedy;
they were laid down on the assumption that imitation of action
was all-important. In recognizing the existence of a character
tragedy Schlegel acknowledged a realm where Aristotle did not
hold sway. At the point where Schlegel formally takes up the
comparison he mentions the Spectator: "Die Engellander haben
schon durch viele Jahre den Shakespear fur einen groszen Geist
gehalten, und die scharfsichtigsten unter ihnen, worunter sich
auch der Zuschauer befindet, haben ihm diesen Ruhm zugestehen
miissen."28 Schlegel maintains the attitude of Addison gener-
ally, that the rules must be recognized but that the "Fehler"
are partly made up for by the "Tugenden." At the time of
writing Schlegel was an adherent of Gottsched. Gundolf29 sur-
mizes that Gottsched commissioned Schlegel30 to write the Ver-
gleichung thinking to discredit Shakespeare by a parallel with
Gryphius which should turn out in the latter 's favor. In view
of the opposite result it is remarkable that Gottsched accepted
it for his organ.

27a See Gaehde, David Garrick als Shakespeare-Darsteller etc., Schriften
der deutschen Shalcespeare-Gesellschaft (Berlin 1904), p. 3.

28 Schlegel [464] 77; Wolff, Johann Elias Schlegel (Berlin 1889), p. 139,
regards Julius Caesar as the source of Schlegel's Canut, 1746.

2» Gundolf T416] 112-113.

so Joh. Elias Schlegel died in the year 1749 at the age of thirty, ten
years too soon to see Shakespeare finally justified before the court of
rationalistic criticism. His brother Joh. Adolf Schlegel contributed
directly to a new conception of Shakespeare in the introduction to his
translation (1751) of the treatize of Batteux, Les beaux arts reduits a
un meme principe (Paris 1746).

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 365

Gottsched had exprest himself against the translation of
Borck in the preceding number of the Beytrage:

Man bringt ohne Unterschied Gutes und Boses in unsere Sprache:
gerade als ob wir nicht selbst schon bessere Sachen aus den eigenen
Kopfen unserer Landsleute aufzuweisen hatten. Die elendste Haupt- und
Staatsaktion unserer gemeinen Comodianten ist kaum so voll Schnitzer
und Fehler wider die Eegeln der Schaubiihne und gesunden Vernunft als
dieses Stuck Shakespeares ist. so*

Gottsched seemed to be aware that he had to combat English
liberal opinion in his insistence upon obedience to the letter of
dramatic law. In the 592nd number of the Spectator there was
a passage which caused him unusual distress. It reads as follows :

I have a great esteem for a true critic, such as Aristotle and Longinus
among the Greeks, Horace and Quintilian among the Komans, Boileau
and Dacier among the French. But it is our misfortune, that some who
set up for professed critics among us criticize upon old authors only at
second hand. . . . They judge of them by what others have written, not
by any notions they have of the authors themselves. The words, unity,
action, sentiment, and diction, pronounced with an air of authority, give
them a figure among unlearned readers, who are apt to believe they are
deep because they are unintelligible. . . . Our inimitable Shakespeare is
a stumbling block to the whole tribe of these rigid critics. Who would,
not rather read one of his plays, where there is not a single rule of art
observed, than any production of a modern critic where there is not one
of them violated?

Gottsched was loath to believe that this number was written
by Addison or Steele and maintained ' ' dasz alles, was die Feinde
der strengen theatralischen Regeln darinnen zu ihrem Vortheile
finden mochten, linger eimt und falsch sey. ' '3°b Referring to the
attack upon the false critics who judge solely by the rule he
answered :

Diesz klingt nun recht hoch, und wer von Schakespears Sachen nichts
gelesen hat, der sollte fast denken : es miiszte doch wohl recht was schemes
seyn, welches den Abgang aller Eegeln so leichtlich ersetzen kann. Allein
man irret sehr. Die Unordnung und Unwahrscheinlichkeit, welche aus

308 Beytrage zur Jcritischen Historic der deutschen Sprache etc. VII
(1741) 516f.

30" Ibid., VIII 143-172; quoted by Kichter [480] I 21.

366 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

dieser Hindansetzung der Eegeln entspringen, die sind aueh bey dem
Shakespear so handgreiflich und ekelhaft, dasz wohl niemand, der nur je
etwas verniinftiges gelesen, daran ein Belieben tragen wird. Sein Julius
Cdsar, der noch dazu von den meisten fiir sein bestes Stuck gehalten wird,
hat so viel niedertrachtiges an sich, dasz ihm kein Mensch ohne Ekel
lesen kann.so"

During the years 1739 to 1741, then, it must be admitted
that Shakespeare was prominently under discussion, when Bod-
mer's references to Shakespeare, Frau Gottsched 's translation
of the Spectator, Borck's translation of Julius Caesar, Schlegel's
Vergleichung and Gottsched 's attack on the irregular English
plays and the English critics are taken into account. During
this brief span of time Addison's Spectator had played an im-
portant role, being the original inspiration of Bodmer's assertion
and the subject of contention between Gottsched and his op-
ponents.

Between the years 1741 and 1749 there was comparatively
little discussion of Shakespeare in Germany. Gottsched seemed
still to hold the public in leading strings, altho the Swiss critics
did not cease to taunt him with an occasional mention of Addi-
son's reference to the whole tribe of rigid critics. But during
this time the French were devoting much attention to Shake-
speare. The French criticism had begun early in the century.
Destouches had visited England in 1717, and Shakespeare's
Tempest made so great an impression on him that he translated
portions of it on his return. Abbe Prevost, a later visitor (1728
and 1733), gave in his magazine Pour et contre the contents of
several of Shakespeare's dramas (1738) and retailed the criticism
of Rymer, Rowe, Gildon and other English classicists.300 Vol-
taire, who had visited England 1726-1729, discust Shakespeare in
his Lettres philosophiques sur les Anglais 1732f. Agreeing with
Pope in theory regarding Shakespeare, in practice he was more
influenced by Shakespeare than was Pope. Altho the comments
of the other French critics were noted in the German journals

3oc The Abbe Prevost has formerly been spoken of as one of the
enthusiastic heralds of Shakespeare in France. It has recently been
shown that this was far from the case. See G. K. Havens in MPh XVII
(1919) 177-198.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 367

as Richter indicates,31 it appears that Voltaire 's views alone were
dynamic. Lookt upon in Germany as the foremost critic of the
time his description of the English barbarian Shakespeare must
surely have aroused curiosity, which was heightened when it was
later bruited about that Voltaire was imitating Shakespeare.32

Shakespearean criticism takes a fresh start in Germany in
1749 after the translation of the Guardian of Addison and Steele
by Frau Gottsched appeared. This translation contained many
opinions about Shakespeare hitherto little heard of in Germany.
The reference to the peasant play of Midsummer night's dream
in the 118th number led Frau Gottsched to compare Gryphius's
Peter Squenz (1657) with the original, whereupon she was able
to affirm in a footnote that Shakespeare's piece "em sehr ange-
nehmes Stuck 1st."

Lessing's first mention of Shakespeare occurs the following
year, 1750. In the introduction to the Beytrage zur Historie und
Aufnahme des Theaters he says it is the intention to trans-
late ancient plays and modern dramas of England and Spain
little known in Germany. He mentions the same English dra-
matists that Voltaire discust in his Lettres and generalizes on^
them in the same way:33 "Diese sind alle Manner, die zwar
eben so grosze Fehler als Schonheiten haben, von denen aber ein
verniinftiger Nachahmer sich sehr vieles zu Nutze machen
kann."34 Lessing35 shows in the preface to this work, moreover,

31 In his Neuer Buchersaal der schonen Wissenschaften und freyen Kiinste
VIII (1749) Gottsched quotes an English opinion in regard to Abbe Le
Blanc's Lettres sur les Anglois et les Francois; this is quoted by Kichter
[480] I 27-28.

32 See Lounsbury, Slwikespeare and Voltaire (New York 1902) and re-
view of the same by Wechssler ShJ XLI (1905) 259-260. Voltaire is said
to have borrowed from Shakespeare in his Brutus (1731), Eriphyle (1732),
Mort de Cesar (1735), and Semiramis (1748). That Zaire (1733) is an
imitation of Othello is denied by Doubetout in MPh III (1905) 305-316.

33 Cf. Baumgartner [182] 33. Erich Schmidt had already held that it
was Voltaire's Lettres sur les Anglois (1733) which had first called Les-
sing's attention to Shakespeare. Schmidt [126]i I 116. Some of Vol-
taires letters are contained in the Beytrage; cf. Lessing, Schriften IV 82.

34 Lessing, Schriften IV 52.

35 The Beytrage were by Lessing and Mylius but the preface, signed
"die Verfasser" and dated Oct. 1749, was no doubt written by Lessiug.

368 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

that he does not approve of Gottsched's attempt to pattern the
German drama solely after the French :

Dadurch hat man unser Theater zu einer Einformigkeit gebracht, die
man auf alle mogliche Art zu vermeiden sich hatte bestreben sollen.se
. . . Shakespeare, Dryden, Wicherley, (sic) Vanbrugh, Gibber, Congreve
sind Dichter, die man fast bey uns nur dem Namen nach kennet, und
gleichwohl verdienen sie unsere Hochachtung sowohl als die gepriesenen
franzosischen Dichter.37 . . . Das ist gewisz, wollte der Deutsche in der
dramatischen Poesie seinem eigenen Naturelle folgen, so wiirde unsre
Schaubiihne mehr der englischen als franzosischen gleichen.38

After the publication of this preface there is scarcely another
significant reference to Shakespeare in Lessing 's works until the
year 1759,39 when on the 16th of February the famous 17. Litera-
turbrief appeared with its ruthless denunciation of Gottsched :

"Niemand," sagen die Verfasser der BibliotheTc, "wird leugnen, dasz
die deutsche Schaubiihne einen groszen Teil ihrer ersten Verbesserung
dem Herrn Professor Gottsched zu danken habe. ' ' Ich bin dieser Nie-
mand; ich leugne es gerade zu. Es ware zu wiinschen, dasz sich Herr
Gottsched niemals mit dem Theater vermengt hatte. Seine vermeiuten
Verbesserungen betreffen entweder entbehrliche Kleinigkeiten, oder sind
wahre Verschlimmerungen.40

After some defence of this unfair attack Lessing repeats his
earlier assertion that Gottsched has misguided the German drama
by his exclusive insistence upon the French models :

Er hatte aus unsern alten dramatischen Stiicken, welche er vertrieb,
hinlanglich abmerken konnen, dasz wir mehr in den Geschmack der
Englander, als der Franzosen einschlagen; dasz wir in unsern Trauer-
spielen mehr sehen und denken wollen, als uns das furchtsame franzosische
Trauerspiel zu sehen und zu denken giebt; dasz das Grosze, das Schreck-
liche, das Melancholische besser auf uns wirkt als das Artige, das Zart-
liche, das Verliebte; dasz uns die zu grosze Einfalt mehr ermiide als die
zu grosze Verwickelung. Er hatte also auf dieser Spur bleiben sollen
und sie wiirde ihn geraden Weges auf das englische Theater gefiihret
haben.

36 Lessing, Schriften IV 50.

37 Ibid., p. 52.

38 Ibid., p. 53.

3» In 1757 a commendation of Mendelssohn's translation of "To be or
not to be;" cf. Jacoby [550] and Fresenius [551]; in 1758 a matter of
fact reference; in 1759 a philological reference.

40 Lessing, Schriften VIII 41ff.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 369

A thot in Dryden 's Essay of dramatick poesie parallel to this
idea has already been noted.41 Such comments were prevalent
at the time; Kettner42 quotes several similar statements from
Voltaire,43 and the latter, he shows, was merely applying ideas
he had received from Shaftesbury and Addison.44

Lessing continues :

Sagen Sie ja nicht, dasz er (Gottsched) auch dieses (das englische
Theater) zu nutzen gesucht, wie sein Cato es beweise. Denn eben dieses,
dasz er den Addisonschen Cato fiir das beste englische Trauerspiel halt,
zeiget deutlich, dasz er hier nur mit den Augen der Franzosen gesehen,
und damals keinen Shakespeare, keinen Johnson,44" keinen Beaumont und
Fletcher &c. gekannt hat, die er hernach aus Stolz auch nicht hat wollen
kennen lernen.

Then after asserting the greater power of Shakespeare to
stir his hearers and inspire later dramatists, Lessing finally states
his thesis:

Auch nach den Mustern der Alten die Sache zu entscheiden, ist Shake-
speare ein weit groszerer tragischer Dichter als Corneille, obgleich dieser
die Alten sehr wohl, und jener fast gar nicht gekannt hat. Corneille
kommt ihnen in der mechanischen Einrichtung, und Shakespeare in dem
Wesentlichen naher. Der Englander erreicht den Zweck der Tragodie
fast immer, so sonderbare und ihm eigene Wege er auch wahlet; und der
Franzose erreicht ihn fast niemals, ob er gleich die gebahnten Wege der
Alten betritt.

It is evident that this thesis introduces no new type of criti-
cism but merely a new phase of the long predominating old
rationalistic criticism. That the rules of Aristotle were universal
in their application, Lessing did not doubt for a moment; but

41 Cf . SURVEY, p. 358.

42 Kettner [548] 270.

43<<Vos pieces les plus irregulieres ont un grand merite, c'est celui de
1 'action. . . . Nous craignons de hasarder sur la scene des spectacles
nouveaux devant une nation accoutumee a tourner en ridicule tout ce qui
n 'est pas d 'usage. ' ' From the Discours sur la tragedie, introduction to
Brutus (1730).

44 ' < For the English are naturally fanciful, and very often disposed
by that gloominess and melancholy of temper, which is so frequent in
our nation, to many wild notions and visions, to which others are not
liable. . . . Among the English Shakespeare has incomparably excelled all
others. ' ' Addison, Spectator no. 419.

448 Not Johnson but Ben Jonson is obviously meant.

370 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

while previous rationalistic critics had contented themselves with
the condoning assertion that Shakespeare was great in spite of
his irregularities, Lessing asserted that Shakespeare actually ob-
served the laws in their essentials. Of the two defences Les-
sing's was by far the more difficult to maintain, as he was soon
to discover.

That Lessing 's 17. Liter at urbrief stands in close relation to
his translation of Dry den's Essay of dramatick poesie (end of
1758) is now generally recognized.45 The close sequence is sig-
nificant when the internal evidence is taken into account. Les-
sing offers the same arguments as Dryden for the superiority of
the English drama, commends the same English dramatists as
Neander-Dryden, namely Beaumont and Fletcher, Ben Jonson,
and Shakespeare, and contends that German taste resembles the
English rather than the French in just those particulars that
Dryden had emphasized.

The publication of the 17. Literaturbrief signalizes the fact,
then, that Dryden has taken a place in Lessing 's mind beside
Voltaire, as a chief authority in regard to Shakespeare. It
is Baumgartner 's special service to have pointed out precisely
how Lessing came to study Dryden's views.45a His first infor-
mation regarding Dryden came probably from Voltaire. In one
of the letters which Lessing included in his Beytrage (1750)
Voltaire characterizes Dryden as an "auteur plus fecond que
judicieux qui aurait une reputation sans melange, s'il n'avait
fait que la dixieme partie de ses ouvrages. ' '

45 Erich Schmidt [126]2 I 383 merely calls attention to the close
sequence. Bohtlingk [549] 53ff. considers the question in detail. Richter
[480] II 13, however, misrepresents him as asserting, " dasz Lessing
einzig und allein durch seine tibersetzung von Drydens Essay auf Shake-
speares Werke aufmerksam geworden ist." Baumgartner [182] 32 is
apparently unaware of Bohtlingk 's findings. Kettner [548] 272 says that
the immediate impulse was derived from Warton's Essay on the genius
and writings of Pope, which Mendelssohn had just reviewed in the
Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften IV (1758) 500ff. Kettner 's dis-
cussion of the theme Lessing und tiJiakespeare is by far the most satis-
factory, for he has taken into account most fully the contemporary and
earlier criticism of Shakespeare in England, France, and Germany.

45a Bohtlingk 's statements [549] 86 regarding Lessing 's indebtedness
are more extreme but less well-founded; see SURVEY, chapter 16.

;920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 371

In the year 1752 or thereabouts Lessing 's attention was at-
racted to Dryden by an event in Leipzig. In that year Koch
and his company played Weisze 's translation of Coffey 's operetta
The devil to pay (Der Teufel ist los),4Q in spite of the opposition
of Gottsched, who had hitherto controlled theatrical affairs in
Leipzig. Translations of similar irregular and nonsensical plays
were appearing everywhere. So Gottsched attackt in his journal
(1753)4Ca all English plays as well as all translators or players
of English plays, because of the depraving effect they had upon
the German taste. A bitter controversy arose in which, however,
Lessing did not take an active part. In a review of the discussion
in 1758 he repeats the thot already exprest in the Beytrdge
"dasz es vielleicht nicht allzu wohl gethan sei, wenn wir unsere
Buhne, die noch in der Bildung ist, auf das Einfache des fran-
zosischen Geschmacks einschranken wollen."48b

It chanced that Bocage, a French critic, had publisht the
previous year a partial French translation of Dry den's essay in
his Lettres sur le theatre anglais. He had translated that por-
tion of it in which Lisideius asserted the superior merits of the
French drama, but had arbitrarily excluded the part in which
Neander-Dryden refutes his arguments. Gottsched eagerly
seized the opportunity to translate Bocage 's translation into
German.47 Baumgartner makes it seem highly probable that

46 The history of this play has been related by Eichards in two articles,
[305] and [306]. In the year 1686 Thomas Shadwell and his brother-in-
law Jevon wrote a farce The devil of a wife, which was extremely popular.
It contained a few musical numbers. Charles Coffey changed this in
1730 into a three-act opera with forty-two popular airs and called it The
devil to pay. Coffey was impelled to do this by the recent success of
Gay's The beggar's opera (1728). Caspar Wilhelm von Borck (see SURVEY,
p. 363) made in 1742, under the pseudonym ' ' Buschmann, ' ' a translation
of Coffey 's play, and this version, as produced by the Schoenemann
troupe, proved a sucess. In 1752 Christian Felix Weisze was askt to re-
translate the play for the Koch troupe. In doing so he substituted new
melodies for the English airs that Borck had retained. Weisze 's version
was given in Leipzig, Oct. 6, 1752. Weisze later saw a French stage
version by Sedaine (1756) and in a later remodeling of his operetta
(1766) he adopted many suggestions derived from Sedaine. Weisze 's
later version appeared in 1768. Sedaine 's version, Le diable a quatre ap-
peared in print in 1770.

46a Das Neueste aus der anmuthigen Gelehrsamkeit III (1753) 128.
46b Lessing, Schriften V 184-185, also in DNL LXI 1, 175.

47 Das Neueste aus der anmuthigen Gelehrsamkeit III (1753) 212ff.

372 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Gottsched's translation, or perhaps Bocage^s led Lessing to con-
sult the original and publish the essential part of it in his
Theatrattsche Bibliothek (1758).

In establishing this connexion Baumgartner overlookt another
equally interesting one already toucht upon by Bohtlingk and
Kettner.48 Both mention Lessing 's Vorrede zu des Herrn
Jacob Thomson Trauerspiele (1756) as showing also Dry den's
influence, and tho neither of them goes into the evidence in the
case, the view seems justified. Like Neander-Dryden Lessing
is ready to admit the chief contention of Lisideius, that the
French plays adhered to the unities and subordinated the minor
characters to the main ones without, however, neglecting them.
He says of the French plays: "Die Handlung ist heroisch, sie
ist einfach, sie ist ganz, sie streitet weder mit der Einheit der
Zeit, noch mit der Einheit des Orts ; jede der Personen hat ihren
besonderen Charakter ; jede spricht ihrem besonderen Charakter
gemasz. ' ' But this, he says, is not enuf , and here he agrees with
Neander: "Aber du, der du diese Wunder geleistet, darfst du
dich nunmehr riihmen, ein Trauerspiel gemacht zu haben? Ja,
aber nicht anders, als sich der, der eine menschliche Bildseule

48 Kettner in a footnote to [548] 268; Bohtlingk in [549] 64. In
[184] I made a somewhat detailed comparison of the two essays, finding
much in common, and proposed a still earlier date for Lessing 's first
acquaintance with the Dryden essay, namely 1754. Lessing would very
likely have seen Bocage's translation and would by then have had time
to secure the original and read the yet untranslated parts, in the year
1754 he wrote for the first number of the Theatralische BibUotheJc an
account of James Thomson's life together with a criticism of his works.
This essay shows some signs of the influence of Dryden. Lessing criti-
cizes chiefly the length of the speeches in Thomson 's plays, closely ap-
proximating in abbreviated form two points that Dryden had brot out:
(1) "Seine Eeden sind oft zu lang, besonders fiir ein englisches Audi-
torium." (2) "Es ist angenehmer fiir das Ohr, wenn die Unterredung
of trer unterbrochen wird, ' ' Lessing, Schriften VI 64. Compare with this
the two assertions of Dryden: (1) "Since that time (i.e. of Richelieu)
it is grown into a custom to hold long discourses and their actors speak
by the Hour glass like our Parsons. ... I deny not that this may suit
well enough with the French; for as we, who are a more sullen people,
come to be diverted at our plays so they, who are of an aiery and gay
temper, come thither to make themselves more serious." (2) "But to
speak generally it cannot be denied that short speeches and replies are
more apt to move the passions and beget concernment than the other. ' '
Dryden 's Essay of dramatick poesie (London 1684), p. 29.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 373

gemacht hat, riihmen kann, einen Menschen gemacht zu haben.
Seine Bildseule 1st ein Mensch, und es fehlt ihr nur eine Kleinig-
keit: die Seele."49

The soul is lacking because the author has neglected the
primary rule of tragic composition, the rule that the heart of
the spectator must be toucht. Lessing uses here the same figure
that Neander-Dryden had used regarding the dramas of the
French, that their beauties were "the beauties of a statue but
not of a man, because not animated with the soul of Poesie,
which is imitation of humor and passions."50 He, however,
does not classify Corneille with the statue makers but with the
real poets. Thomson, he says, possesses the magic art of showing
the birth, development, and releasing of a passion, an art which
neither Aristotle nor Corneille could teach him, altho the latter
possest it himself. Lessing carries out the figure of the statue
farther when he says : "So wie ich unendlich lieber den aller-
ungestaltesten Menschen, mit krummen Beinen, mit Buckeln
hinten und vorne, erschaffen, als die schonste Bildseule eines
Praxiteles gemacht haben wollte; so wollte ich auch unendlich
lieber der Urheber des Kaufmanns von London, als des Ster-
benden Cato seyn."49

Dryden's influence is the more to be suspected in this intro-
duction to the Thomson translation, because the ideas referred
to are dragged in by the heels. It was quite unnecessary to de-
fend the irregular plays by way of introduction to Thomson;
Lessing recognized this himself, for he distinctly states that
Thomson's plays are as regular as they are strong, and regular
not merely in the French but even in the Greek sense.

Several recent investigators are imprest by the fact that
Lessing, even within his own circle of friends, was not the leader
in the appreciation of Shakespeare. Bohtlingk regards Nicolai
as the pioneer in the study,52 while Meisnest and Richter lay stress

49 Lessing, Schriften VII 68.

so Dryden, Essay of dramatick poesie, p. 26.

52 Bohtlingk [549] 40.

374 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

upon Mendelssohn as ^ell.53 Richter quotes passages from the
BMiothek der schonen Wissenschaften und der freyen Kunste
( 1756-1758 )54 showing that Mendelssohn had at that time an
intimate first-hand acquaintance with Hamlet and some knowl-
edge of other tragedies of Shakespeare. Furthermore, Lessing's
belated interest was of short duration ; in the subsequent Litera-
turbriefe he scarcely mentions Shakespeare.55 From 1760-1765
he served as secretary to General Tauenzien, and the onerous
duties of his new office interrupted his interest in the theory of
the drama. On Feb. 1, 1761, before taking up his new duties
at the Hamburg theatre, he wrote to Gleim referring to his
"erloschene Liebe zum Theater."56

The heraldic note in the 17. Liter at urbrief is somewhat sup-
prest in the Hamburgische Dramaturgic. This is the more re-
markable when it is remembered that Young's Conjectures mi
original composition, which had appeared the same year as Les-
sing's famous letter, had meanwhile been translated and com-
mented upon and had affected the thot of the leading critics.
Shakespeare was now being studied in several quarters. Ger-
stenberg's Schleswigsche Literaturbriefe had appeared (1766-
1770), and altho Herder had as yet not written his Shakespeare,
he had read Hamlet under Hamann's tutelage in Konigsberg,

53 Meisnest 's only significant quotation from Nicolai is as follows:
' l Wir haben schon mehr als einmal gewiinscht, dasz sich ein guter tiber-
setzer an die englische Schaubiihne wagen, und seine Landsleute haupt-
sachlich mit den vortrefflichen alten Stiicken des Shakespeare, Beaumont
und Fletcher, Otway und anderen bekannt machen mochte. Es wiirde
vielleicht fur die deutsche Schaubiihne weit vortheilhafter gewesen seyn,
wenn sie jenen nachgeahmt hatte, als dasz sie sich die franzosische
Galanterie hinreiszen lassen und uns mit einer Menge hochst elender,
obgleich hochst regelmasziger Stiicke bereichert hat. . . . Wir empfehlen
hauptsachlich dem tibersetzer die Shakespearischen Stiicke: sie sind die
schonsten, und auch die schwersten, aber um deste eher zu iibersetzen,
wenn man niitzlich seyn will." BibliofheTc der schonen Wissenschaften,
VI (1760) pp. 60-74. Meisnest gives the date as 1758; in reality it
appeared in 1760 and hence followed, not preceded, Lessing's similar
declaration in the 77. Literaturbrief. In [616] 14 Meisnest tacitly ac-
knowledges his earlier error, at the same time giving reasons for attrib-
uting the quotation to Joh. Nic. Meinhard.

54 Eichter [480] II 5-10.

55 There is a passing reference in the 51st letter and in the 103rd.
seLessing, Schriften XVII 228; cf. Eobertson in MLK XII (1917) 160.

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

375

19S

while Wieland had translated twenty-two of Shakespeare's
dramas (1762-1766), and six of them had been played at
Biberach.56a

Shakespeare is mentioned in about eleven of the numbers of
the Hannbwgische Dramaturgic. Of these references only three
are of importance : the one in the eleventh and twelfth numbers
which compares the ghost of Hamlet with Voltaire's unconvinc-
ing ghost in Semiramis; the one in the fifteenth, in which love
is designated as the theme of Romeo and Juliet and sentiment
as the theme of Voltaire's Zaire; and the one in the seventy-
third, wherein Weisze's Richard III is compared with Shake-
speare's.57

Witkowski [545] in commenting on the paucity of Shake-
speare criticism in the Hamburgische Dramaturgic offers this
explanation of it: With the Greeks the will of the gods is
supreme, and revolt against this higher moral order is the sin
that is dramatized only to be condemned. The chastening effect
of the Greek drama was based upon this. The modern drama
since the reformation has emphasized the freedom of the will and
the moral responsibility of the individual. With Shakespeare
the expression of the individual determination was no longer
sin but nature, and out of the conflict of natures the drama
arose. Its ethical system was different from that of the Greeks,
so purification thru the drama must come in a different form.
Witkowski then asks why Lessing, clearly perceiving this issue,
did not declare it.58 For an answer he directs attention to Les-
sing's theory in the Erziehung des Menschengesckleckts. To
every age is revealed not the whole truth but such portion of

56» See SURVEY, p. 384.

57 The other references are in nos. 5, 7, 12, 59, 74, 80, 81, 93. Shake-
speare is also mentioned once in LaoJcoon, chap. XXIII and there is an
occasional mention elsewhere; cf. Meisnest [547] 236-242. In all Les-
sing's works only six tragedies are referred to: Caesar, Hamlet, Othello,
Lear, Romeo and Juliet, and Richard III; the comedies are barely men-
tioned; see Meisnest [547] 240. This seems to justify Erich Schmidt's
statement [126] 2 I 597: "tiberhaupt ist Lessings Stellung zu Shake-
speare unmittelbar nur aus Gelegenheitsauszerungen, die sich auf einige
hervorragendste Trauerspiele, doch auf kein einziges Lustspiel beziehen,
zu erschlieszen. ' '

376 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

the truth as is needful and good for it. Fearing the tendency
toward a disregard of all rules that was showing itself in preva-
lent criticism, Lessing hesitated to disestablish the remnant of
Aristotle's authority. He preferred to compromize the matter
by assuming that Shakespeare too had much in common with
Aristotle. The most striking illustration of the embarrassment
in which Lessing found himself is presented by numbers 73
and 74. Lessing refers here to Weisze 's statement that he had
not read Shakespeare's Richard III until he had completed his
own.58a Lessing wishes that Weisze had read Shakespeare and
profited thereby. Taking up Weisze 's chief character Lessing
says:

Aristotle wiirde ihn schlechterdings verworf en haben. . . . Die Tragodie
. . . soil Mitleid und Schrecken erregen: und daraus folgert er, dasz der
Held derselben weder ein ganz tugendhafter Mann, noch ein volliger
Bosewicht seyn miisse. Denn weder mit des einen noch mit des andern
Ungliicke, lasse sich jener Zweck erreichen. . . . Eichard der Dritte, so
wie ihn Herr Weisz (sic) geschildert hat, ist unstreitig das groszte, ab-
scheulichste Ungeheuer, das jemals die Biihne getragen. . . . Was fur
Mitleid kann der Untergang dieses Ungeheuers erwecken?5o

Here Lessing is attacking Weisze for a leading feature of his
drama, yet one which it shares with Shakespeare's. It is not
remarkable, Witkowski holds, that in the further application of
the rules of Aristotle to Weisze there is no reference to Shake-
speare. Lessing distinctly wisht to evade the issue.

Meisnest is not satisfied with this explanation, objecting that
it tends to conceal an essential fact, namely, that "Lessing did
not comprehend the true nature of Shakespeare's romantic
drama, however well he may have understood the classic."60
Here Meisnest agrees with Hettnerr "In das innerste Compo-
sitionsgeheimnis Shakespeares ist Lessing doch niemals gedrun-
gen. . . . Dieses innerste Wesen der Shakespearschen Charakter-
tragodie hat sich Lessing niemals zu klarer Erkenntnis ge-

ss Witkowski [545] 527.

58a Regarding the truth of Weisze 's assertion see Meisnest [606].

sa Lessing, Schriften X 97-98.

eo Meisnest [547] 241.

1920] Price: English>German Literary Influences — Survey 377

bracht."61 A few years later Gustav Kettner analyzed Lessing's
comments on Shakespeare and arrived at much the same opinion
as Meisnest:

Auch in der Dramaturgic hat er die Gelegenheit, ja die Notwendigkeit,
auf einzelne Dramen tiefer einzugehen, mehr gemieden als benutzt. Er,
der einem so unbedeutenden Drama wie Banks' Essex voile sieben Num-
mern widmet, findet keine Zeit, auch nur eine der groszen Tragodien
Shakespeares, so wie sie vor seinem Geiste stand, den Lesern nahe zu
bringen, und im Zusammenhang zu besprechen. Er begnugt sich durch-
weg mit gelegentlichen Hinweisen. Meist betreffen sie nur Einzelheiten ;
wo sie aber an grbszere Fragen, wie z. B. die Komposition und die
Tragik, riihren, da werden sie abgebrochen, ehe die Erorterung zu einem
klaren Abschlusz gebracht ist.62

Meisnest makes the assertion in this connexion that "the
purpose of the Hamburgische Dramaturgic was to enthrone
Aristotle, not Shakespeare, and dethrone Voltaire, Corneille and
Racine/'628 Very recently Robertson, after a most exhaustive
analysis of Lessing's theory, has found that "not the interpre-
tation of Aristotle but the confutation of the French dramatic
theory and practice stands in the foreground of the Drama-
turgic. The fulcrum round which it turns is not Aristotle but
Voltaire. "62b In fact, in opposition to earlier critics, Robertson
maintains that Lessing did not resume his earlier studies in
Aristotle again until the year 1768 when his work on the
Dramaturgic was approaching a conclusion.620 Robertson does
not agree with Witkowski's interpretation of Lessing's indecision
before the Richard III problem. He believes that Lessing had
as yet chosen neither horn of the dilemma for himself. More
than once, when he arrives at a critical Aristotle question, he
postpones the solution, promising a more extensive treatment in a
commentary on Aristotle which he planned but never completed.

eiHettner [75]s II 554. Sendel [543] 82 disagrees with Hettner.
es Kettner [548] 290-291.
62* Meisnest [547] 240.
62" Eobertson, MLE XIV (1919) 85.

62C Ibid., p. 74. Eobertson admits that Lessing devoted himself to the
study of Aristotle, tho somewhat less intensively, from 1757-1758.

378 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Lessing's relation toward Shakespeare cannot of course be
fully denned without taking also into account his own dramatic
works ; but this is a phase of the question which is more conven-
iently postponed to a later chapter.

With Lessing, the pragmatic Shakespeare critic, it is con-
venient to group two other early Shakespearean advocates, Wie-
land and Schroder, the pioneer translator and the pioneer man-
ager ; for the achievements of all three were practical rather than
artistic. They were all sufficiently rationalistic, sufficiently con-
servative, sufficiently regardful of public opinion to attempt only
what it was possible to accomplish at the time ; all of them tem-
pered their Shakespeare to some extent to the prevailing taste.

After having echoed for over a century the polemics of the
' * Sturmer und Dranger, ' ' criticism is beginning to form a milder
judgment of Wieland's translation of Shakespeare. Wieland
first studied English literature in French translations in Kloster-
bergen ; Richardson 's Pamela and the moral weeklies were among
his earliest readings. He indicated the letters of Rowe and
episodes in Thomson's Seasons as sources of his Moralische Er-
zahlungen. He also borrowed from the Tatler and Spectator
for these tales.62*1 He was enthusiastic for Milton and Young,
and he hated the French. All these authors he knew at this
time only in German or French translations. In Zurich, while
associating with Bodmer, he began to study the English language
and became interested in Shakespeare (about 1755), especially
in those plays in which the * ' Wunderbare " found its best ex-
pression, Midsummer night's dream and The tempest. It was
these that Bodmer made use of in his Noah.62C There are indica-
tions of a close study of Shakespeare in Wieland's correspond-
ence of the years 1757-1758. His judgment was more liberal
than that generally prevailing,63 altho there are echoes of Pope

62*Seuffert in ADA XII (1886) 89; cf. SURVEY, p. 248.

62eStadler [613] 5; but cf. Ibershoff [183].

63 See Schmidt [612] and Wieland's letter to Zimmermann, April 24,
1758; Ausgeivdhlte Brief e (Zurich 1815) I 271-272; quoted by Meisnest
[616] 13.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 379

therein. The first suggestion of a Shakespeare translation seems
to have come from Sulzer,63a Jan. 14, 1759. Young's essay and
Lessing's 17. Literaturbricf may have added force to the sug-
gestion.64 At the beginning of the year 1761 Shakespeare's
Sturm oder der erstaunliche Schiffbruch in Wieland's translation
was played in the Biberach theater. It was the first dramatic
production of a Shakespearean play announced under Shake-
speare's name in Germany. This version, however, was not re-
tained in Wieland's publisht translation of Shakespeare. By
the first of March Wieland had begun his "literary adventure,"
as he called it. The first volume containing Midsummer night's
dream and Lear appeared at the end of August, 1762. It con-
tained also Pope's "Preface," which Wieland reproduced with-
out comment, thus justifying the supposition that he approved
of it. By May of the following year there are signs of weariness :

Ich habe, als ich vor mehr als einem Jahr mich zur tibersetzung des
Shakespeare entschlosz, zwar eine ziemliche Vorstellung von der Schwie-
rigkeit gehabt, aber in der That mir nicht den zehnten Theil der Miihe
vorgestellt, die ich nunmehr erfahre. Ich glaube nicht, dasz irgend eine
Arbeit der Galeeren-Sclaven-Arbeit ahnlicher sey als diese, und obgleich
das Vergniigen, womit sie von Zeit zu Zeit begleitet ist, die Miihe ver-
siiszt, so ist doch immer richtig, dasz ich eine Menge Zeit mit diesem
Autor verschleudre, die ich niizlicher anwenden

By September 1766 eight volumes had been completed, con-
taining twenty-two dramas; and at this point work was discon-
tinued. Richard III and Cymbeline constituted the most im-
portant omissions. Wieland had entered upon his task with an
incomplete admiration for Shakespeare, an incomplete knowledge
of English, and inadequate helps. His works of reference were

63» Brief 'e von W. D. Sulzer ed. G. Geilfusz (1866) 8; quoted by Stadler
[613] 9.

s* Meisnest [547] 248 denies the latter influence. Wieland was ill
disposed toward Lessing at the time. Meisnest quotes Wieland's declar-
ation (1760): "Der Misachtungen meiner Clementina von Lessing und
und Compagnie achte ich nicht mehr als des Summens der Sommermiicken
oder des Quakens der Laubf rosche. " Meisnest [616] 14 refers to other
journals, whose demands for Shakespeare translations would have been
more influential with Wieland than Lessing's was.

6*a Letter to Geszner, May 24, 1762; quoted by Stadler [613] 14.

380 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Boyer's Dictionnaire royal francais et anglais, edition of 1756,
and a dictionary of Shakespeare 's words and phrases, the author
of which he later forgot.65 The basis of his translation was the
latest and worst of the Shakespeare editions, the Pope-Warburton
edition of 1747.66

The prose form used in all but one of the dramas was chosen
deliberately by Wieland, who laid too great stress upon form
to proceed otherwise. He condemned Pope's falsification of the
Homeric form, and he himself rendered Aristophanes with the
closest adherence to his model in respect to trochaic, anapaestic,
and iambic verse ; but it was his mature conviction that Shake-
speare 's dramas were nothing but ' ' geistvolle Impromptus, ' ' that
the form was purely accidental and often hid rather than brot
out the real meaning. In the case of Midsummer night's dream
alone Wieland recognized the verse form as indispensable and
retained it. He also translated the lyric passages of the dramas
into verse, wherever possible; when this proved impracticable
he usually omitted them ; prose renderings of lyric passages are
rare.

Since Wieland was not a creative genius as to either form or
language, but rather the foremost of imitators, his success is a
just measure of the ability of the German language at that time
to cope with Elizabethan concepts. There is something of the
Addison-Voltaire-Lessing tendency toward simplification and
omission of irrational passages, tho the net gains of the Miltonic
influence are obvious, particularly in his successful rendering
of the fanciful Midsummer night's dream. But preceding, as
his translation did, the "Sturm und Drang" period, the lan-
guage of passion was not sufficiently developt to cope with Shake-
speare's greatest tragedies, and preceding Goethe's Italian jour-
ney, it could not attempt, like the Schlegel version, to give Shake-

05 Stadler [613] and Meisnest [616] could not ascertain what this
work was.

«e Meisnest [616] 19ff. demonstrates that he also used Theobald's
edition of Shakespeare, and for Hamlet and Winter's tale Johnson's edition.
Meisnest adds that he also knew La Place's Le theatre anglois (1746-
1748) in eight volumes, the first four of which were devoted to Shakespeare.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 381

speare some of the austere perfection of Iphigenia. Stadler
classifies Wieland's individual faults of translation in detail,
as well as the peculiarities in his method of procedure, the
latter under such captions as ' ' Verwechslung des metaphorischen
Ausdruckes," "Auslassung der Vergleiche," ' ' Vermeidung der
Wortspiele."66*

The reception of the translation by the critics is treated com-
prehensively in Stadler 's second chapter. It is interesting to
note how Gerstenberg's attack in the Schleswigsche Literatur-
briefe swings previously favorable opinion to a different view.
Herder's opinion, as exprest to Caroline, is sufficiently interest-
ing on its own account: "Wie lange wird man Popen in was-
serichter Prose, und Shakespeare im ungleichsten fast nie ge-
troffenen Ton iibersetzen 1 "67 Herder called Romeo und Julie
the least successful of "Wieland's translations, and surmized the
reason to be that Wieland "nie selbst eine Romeo-Liebe gefiihlt
hat; sondern sich nur immer mit seinen Sympathien und Pan-
theen und Seraphins den Kopf vollgewehet, statt das Herz je
menschlich gewarmt hat. ' '68 For the translation of certain mon-
ologs in Lear, Hamlet, Macbeth, and Midsummer night's dream
Herder would like to scratch out Wieland's eyes;69 yet when
he undertook to translate for himself several lyric passages of
Shakespeare he borrowed, as Stadler points out, phrases and
entire verses from Wieland.70

This criticism of Herder is in line with that of Gerstenberg.
At the time Wieland began his translation it was the general
sentiment that some one should turn the choicest passages of
Shakespeare into German, summarizing the less noble parts.
This was the way Brumoy had treated the Greek drama in

66" Stadler [613] 37-42; cf. Meisnest [616] 30-37 and C. W. Jordan,
Plays on words in Wieland's translation of Shakespeare, typewritten manu-
script (M.A. thesis) Univ. of California, 1908.

67 Herder, Werke I 217; cf. Stadler [613] 87.

es Herder, Herders Lebensbild (Erlangen 1846) III 1, 238; quoted by
Stadler [613] 88.

69 K. Wagner, Brief e an J. H. Merck etc. (Darmstadt 1835) 15;
quoted by Stadler [613] 89.

70 Stadler [613] 90.

382 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

1730, La Place the English drama in 1746, Pope Homer in 1715,
and Bodmer Milton's Paradise Lost in 1732. Weisze, Eschen-
burg, Lessing, Nicolai, and other German critics urged that
Shakespeare be translated in the same way; but Wieland
stated: "Mein Vorsatz war, meinen Autor mit alien seinen
Fehlern zu iibersetzen ; und dies um so mehr, weil mir dauchte,
dasz sehr oft seine Fehler selbst eine Art von Schonheiten
sind. ' '71 Gerstenberg, however, held that Wieland should not have
undertaken the task because he was too little Shakespearean by
nature. This view was adopted by the " Sturm and Drang"
critics and has served to cover up the fact that Wieland was in
reality an advanced appreciator of Shakespeare, and that he
eliminated far less than was expected by the prevailing criticism
of the time. It is the special service of Meisnest in his two articles
on Wieland, [547] and [616], to have represented him in a
fairer light.

Wieland 's personal attitude toward Shakespeare must be de-
termined on the basis of much contradictory evidence. His foot-
notes express impatience with his author or else apologize for
his shortcomings ; but in his personal correspondence he usually
wrote in a tone of unalloyed enthusiasm, and the same is true
of his expressions of opinion in the Teutscker Merkur. In the
year 1784 an event in Vienna led to Wieland 's expressing him-
self finally and fully regarding Shakespeare. The playwright
C. H. von Ayrenhoff,72 a strict French classicist, wrote a play
Kleopatra und Antonius with a distinctly anti-Shakespearean
tendency. In his preface he misinterpreted some statements of
Wieland in the Merkur, making Wieland appear as an adherent
of the French school. He made the matter worse by dedicating
his drama to Wieland. Wieland hastened to set the public right
regarding his opinion of Shakespeare. He said Shakespeare was
for him

der erste dramatische Dichter aller Zeiten und Volker . . . weil ihn
in Allem, was das Wesentlichste eines groszen Dichters iiberhaupt und

71 Teutscher MerTcur III (1773) 187.

72 Of. Horner [482].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 383

eines dramatischen insonderheit ausmacht, an Starke aller Seelenkrafte,
an innigem Gefiihl der Natur, an Feuer der Einbildungskraft und der
Gabe, sich in jeden Charakter zu verwandeln, sich in jede Situation und
Leidenschaft zu setzen, weder Corneille noch Kacine, weder Crebillon noch
Voltaire . . . bei Weitem . . . erreicht haben. Wer von Spuren eines
groszen Genies spricht, die man oft in seinen Werken finde, erweckt den
Verdacht, sie nie gelesen zu haben. Nicht Spuren sondern immerwah-
rende Ausstrahlungen und voile Ergieszungen des machtigsten, reichsten,
erhabensten Genius, der jemals einen Dichter begeistert hat, sind es, die
mich bei Lesung seiner Werke iiberwaltigen, mich fiir seine Fehler und
Unregelmaszigkeiten unempfindlich machen.72a

Shakespeare's influence on Wieland has been discust thru-
out the nineteenth century. In the malicious Citatio edictalis
of the Schlegels (1799) Shakespeare was represented as one of
the authors who tried to establish a claim upon property found
in Wieland 's hands. Goethe disagreed with the Schlegels, and
in his speech in memory of Wieland he said :

Diese tibersetzung (i.e. Wieland 's Shakespeare), so eine groze Wirkung
sie in Deutschland hervorgebracht, scheint auf Wieland selbst wenig
Einflusz gehabt zu haben. Er stand mit seinem Autor allzusehr in
Wiederstreit, wie man genugsam erkennt aus den iibergangenen und
ausgelassenen Stellen, mehr noch aus den hinzugefiigten Noten, aus
welchen die franzosische Sinnesart hervorblickt.72b

Stadler, however, finds a considerable number of passages in
Don Sylvio von Rosalva, Agathon, Komische Erzahlungen, Musa-
rion, and Oberon in which "kleine Ziige, gelegentliche Motive,
sprachliche Wendungen, Bilder, und Vergleiche," derived from
Shakespeare, have past into Wieland 's works.73 Max Koch has
already made a similar study as far as Oberon was concerned.74
Gundolf, finally, disparages evidence of this type, yet holds Wie-
land to be the first German poet to give evidence of Shake-
spearean influence, the first one to reproduce in his works some
suggestion of the Shakespearean atmosphere.75

72a The passage is quoted from Stadler [613] 96 and Homer [482] 788.
There are slight verbal discrepancies in the two versions. Homer indi-
cates, without page reference, Teutscher Merkur, March 1784, as the source.

72" Quoted by Stadler [613] 96, without reference.

73 See Stadler [613] 96-112.

74 Koch [622].

75 Gundolf [416] 179 quoted in SURVEY, p. 430.

384 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

To Wieland belongs the distinction of having brot Shake-
speare not only to the reader, but also to the theater-attending
public. Soon after his appointment as director of the amateur
stage at Biberach he caused to be presented Shakespeare's
Tempest (1761) in his own translation. This play was fre-
quently repeated. During the years 1771-1772 his version of
Macbeth was presented four times in Biberach, and in the next
year Hamlet four times, with the grave-digger scene included,
which even the naturalistic Garrick had always omitted. Romeo
and Juliet was played four times (1774-1775) in Biberach,
Othello (1775) three times, As you like it (1775) three times,
and Two gentlemen of Verona (1782) three times. These plays
were all presented, to be sure, after Wieland had left Biberach
in 1769.

The influence of these productions past beyond the confines
of Biberach, for Karl Fr. Abt of the Biberach players and his
wife joined a traveling troupe and brot the report of the pro-
ductions to northern and central Germany. With Madame
Schroder they organized a German company at the Hague and
later (1780) at Bremen. Frau Abt distinguisht herself in the
role of Hamlet in Gotha, May 1779.76 As early as 1773 the
Heufeld version of Hamlet was played in Vienna; it was based
on Wieland 's edition.77

Up to the time of the collapse of the Hamburger National-
theater in 1768 and the conclusion of the Hamburgische Dra-
maturgic no attempt had been made to introduce the plays of
Shakespeare into the repertory at Hamburg. When Schroder
succeeded Ackermann as director there, foren dramas predomi-
nated ; the French character comedy, the Italian impromptu, and
the English middle-class play. To these Schroder added Emilia
Galotti and with little success Gotz von Berlichingen. He made
conscientious efforts to adapt the dramas of Klinger, Lenz, and
Wagner to the stage, but the slight favor that the best of the

76Meisnest [616] 39.

77 For other versions of Shakespeare before Schroder 's time see Genee
[427] 203ff.

1920]

Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey

385

pieces found scarcely encouraged him in an attempt to introduce
Shakespeare.

In 1776 Schroder went out on a journey with the avowed
purpose of enriching the repertory of his theater. In Prag he
saw the Wieland-Heufeld version of Hamlet and on September 20,
1776, he presented a modification of this version at Hamburg,79
so popular that we find Zelter protesting against it in Berlin
as late as 1812 and Borne in Frankfurt in 1820.80 Schroder
took similar liberties with Othello, Romeo and Juliet, and other
Shakespearean plays, softening the effect to suit the taste of his
audience. On the occasion of the second performance Schroder
let Desdemona live, and Juliet's death too, in his version, was
only an apparent one. Such concessions were regularly made
by Schroder. Whether Shakespeare's cause was much advanced
by presentations such as these is questionable. Dege seems to
rate them highly; Gundolf scorns them as he does all popular
literary movements.

79 Begarding the success of this performance see Litzmann [593] 198,
Dege [479] 85ff., and Merschberger [590].

so See von Weilen [484x]j cf. ShJ LV (1919) 147 and Genee [716] 9.

386 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 15

YOUNG, KEEPER, AND THE " STURM UND DRANG" CRITICS

While the Lessing legend was gradually being disposed of,
an ever greater importance was being conceded to Young in
connexion with the history of Shakespeare in Germany, an im-
portance that has remained unchallenged until the most recent
time. About the same time that Lessing wrote his 17. Litera-
turbrief the poet Edward Young was persuaded by his friends
to publish his Conjectures on original composition.* In the long
protracted debate that had been waged in England between the
ancients and the moderns the Conjectures summed up the case
of the latter. Young distinguisht two kinds of imitators: imi-
tators of other authors, and of nature. The latter he desig-
nated as originals or geniuses, but these were also of two kinds:
infantine and adult. Swift was an infantine genius, who had
to train himself by study, Shakespeare was an adult genius,
born in full possession of his powers. Young protested against
all copying of other authors. The imitation of the ancients was
harmful, he said. They produced great works because they imi-
tated nature. We should imitate nature, not the ancients. Thus
he arrived at the paradox: the less we imitate the ancients, the
more we shall be like them. Before Young's utterance on the
subject Jonson, Dryden, Addison, and Pope had termed Shake-
speare a genius, and Addison and Shaftesbury had made similar
distinctions between adult and infantine geniuses. Young drew
from these distinctions a practical conclusion of his own. He
held that true genius suffers from the spirit of imitation, which
destroys the will to surpass, counteracts nature's will, and leads
to much writing and little thinking.

1 For the influence of the Conjectures in Germany see Kind [365] and
compare Steinke [366], who holds that Kind exaggerated this influence.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 387

Because the ideas were not essentially new the Conjectures
made only a moderate stir in England ; but in Germany, it has
been asserted, they heralded the new literary epoch. It is true
the glorification of Shakespeare and originality and the ab-
juring of literary traditions, so roundly proclaimed in Young's
manifesto, were fundamental to "Sturm und Drang" esthetics,
but did the one give the initial or essential impulse to the other
or is this merely an instance of "post hoc ergo propter hoc"
argument ? This is a question that deserves some attention.

The Conjectures, it must be conceded, were early and widely
known. Publisht in England in 1759, they were translated into
German in February 1760 by v. T. (=Hans Erich von Teu-
bern). A second translation appeared the same year signed G.
Von Teubern's translation was publisht in Leipzig, G's in Ham-
burg. In 1787 a new translation appeared over the signature C.
The translator believed that he had discovered something quite
unknown. The error was remarkable, for Gottsched had con-
demned Young's ideas in a notice of the von Teubern trans-
lation contained in Das Neueste aus der anmuthigen Gelehr-
samkeit, and Nicolai had made a counter attack upon Gottsched
in the Literaturl)riefe, 172-173. There were additional reviews
in the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften and the Got-
tingische gelehrte Anzeigen.2 Nor was Young forgotten in the
succeeding years. An article in the Beytrag zur Litteratur und
zum Vergnugen (1766) comments favorably on the Conjectures,
and Schmidt's Theorie der Poesie (1767) agrees with Young in
regard to originality. A critic by the name of Kambach joined
issue with Young in a school program of 1765; thereupon Her-
der espoused the cause of Young in a review in the Konigs-
bergische gelehrte und politische Zeitung.2* The debate was car-
ried on by other journals from 1765 to 1768. In 1770 Cramer
publisht a synopsis of the Conjectures in Der nordische Auf-
seher. After that, it is true, little is heard of them until the
new translation of 1787 becomes the subject of comment.

2 For more definite references see Kind [365] 145ff.
2a Herder, Wer~ke I 121f.

388 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The outer history of the Conjectures in Germany then, from
1760 to 1770, would give some support to the theory of wide-
spread influence, but it would appear that this theory is of com-
paratively recent origin. In his treatize on the Schleswigsche
Literaturbriefe [138] Koch merely states that Young's Conjec-
tures lent the l i Storm and stress ' ' critics a valuable weapon ; in
his summary of 1883, Uber die Beziehungen etc. [76], he makes
no comment whatever on the subject. In his Geschichte der
deutschen Literatur he says :

Dennoch steht die Sturm- und Drangzeit vielfach unter fremden Ein-
fliissen. Von Eousseau hat sie die Forderung nach Natur, von zwei
englisehen Schriften, Edward Youngs Conjectures usw. und Woods Essay
uber den Originalgenius Homers (1769) die Forderung nach Urspriinglich-
keit iiberkommen.3

This last statement sums up in a sentence the results of von
Weilen's investigations of 1890 [501] which presented a goodly
array of evidence in point. Kind [365] in 1906 went further
and showed that not only Gerstenberg but also Hamann, Herder,
Nicolai, Mendelssohn, Resewitz, and even Lessing were influenced
by the Conjectures. Kind recognizes such influence in the 73rd
number of the Hamburgische Dramaturgic, in which Lessing
says that not Shakespeare but Shakespeare's method should be
studied; that we should learn to see thru his medium as thru
a camera obscura, but that we must not borrow from him. Les-
sing, like Young, gives to genius a rank superior to learning and
says that a genius is not bound by rule. But here the agree-
ment with Young is more verbal than actual, for a genius was
to Lessing a being born with a sure instinct for form. That
there were certain canons of form, he did not doubt. Lessing
did not approve of Young's definition of genius, and later fot
against its application. As a matter of fact Lessing drops the
subject of Shakespeare almost completely after issuing the 17.
Literaturbricf; and even when he takes it up again in the
Hamburgische Dramaturgic he neither seeks the support of
Young nor joins issue with him.

» Vogt und Koch, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur^ (Leipzig and Wien
1904), II 227.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 389

Since the leading theorists of the "Storm and stress" move-
ment were Hamann, Herder, and Gerstenberg, it is their indebt-
edness to Young that comes chiefly into question. Hamann vis-
ited England in a commercial capacity (1757-1758) and thus im-
proved his command of the language. He did not become inter-
ested enuf in the literature to read extensively until about 1761.
Meanwhile he had undergone a deep experience of a religious
nature. In Young Hamann recognized a kindred soul, a preacher
of Christian morality, and a man interested in inspiration as a
source of authorship. For almost every fundamental thot ex-
prest by Young in his Conjectures Kind is able to find a corre-
sponding passage in Hamann.4 Hamann said once that nearly
all his ideas Were taken from Young's Night thoughts** Kind
thinks the statement would be truer if Young 's Conjectures were
substituted. Hamann 's ideas, however, first become a power
when past on to his pupils, Gerstenberg and Herder.

Gerstenberg had already shown himself a liberal critic echo-
ing the opinions of J. A. Schlegel and Hamann. His moral,
weekly, the Hypochondrist, gave further emphasis to Hamann 's
ideas, and in the introduction to his translation of Fletcher's
Bride (1764) there were traces of Young and of Home;5 but the
full force of Young's ideas was not operative on Gerstenberg
before the publication of the Brief e uber die Merkwiirdigkeiten
der Literatur (1766). These letters began just about at the
moment when the letters of Lessing and his colleags were
discontinued. In them Gerstenberg shows that it is unjustifi-
able to judge one genius by the- laws of another. Rather he
makes such comparisons as that between Shakespeare's Othello
and the imitatory tragedy of Young, The revenge. With Young,
Gerstenberg wages war against imitative literature; like Young
he esteems genius more highly than learning ; and Shakespeare is
his standing example of the poet of genius.

* For the parallel passages see Kind [365] 27-40.

4a Hamann, Schriften III 393.

5 Henry Home, the author of Elements of criticism (1760), translated
into German by J. N. Meinhardt (1763-1766). This work also influenced
Herder in his Shakespeare as von Weilen [501] shows. Cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY
[210] and [211].

390 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Kind has collected an abundance of material on the subject
of the co-incidence of Herder's views with Young's, admitting,
however, that it is not always possible to tell whether Herder
derived his suggestions directly from Young or indirectly thru
Hamann.6 He counts it as Herder's great service that he went
beyond his predecessors and sot to exemplify these ideas and
principles and "to apply them for the purpose of arousing na-
tional pride in German letters. Thus he helpt to free Germany
from the servility of imitation and prepared the way for the
literature that has made Germany famous. ' '7

Kind has apparently marshalled the most imposing array
of evidence anywhere gathered together regarding the influence
of the Conjectures on the ' i Storm and stress" critics. But he has
done so in a guarded way. He admits in advance that the time
was ripe for Young's theory. The public was tired of listening
to Gottsched's praise of French literature, to Bodmer's praise
of English literature, and even to Lessing's commendation of
the classic literature. It was ready to listen to a doctrine of
originality. He admits that Young's ideas were not entirely
new in Germany. He reviews the history of Shakespeare in
Germany up to 1760 and specifically mentions the liberal views
of Johann Elias and Johann Adolf Schlegel in regard to the
proper attitude toward the ancients.8 Steinke [366] nevertheless
mentions Kind, along with Stein,9 Thomas [364a] , and linger,10
as one of the critics who have concluded that the Conjectures
exerted a profound and decisive influence on German literature.11

The quarrel of the ancients and the moderns in England and
in Germany is reviewed by Steinke, who, basing his statements
on a rather imposing mass of data, arrives at the conclusion,
that all the important ideas of Young were present and current

e Kind [365] 40-57.

7 Ibid., p. 57.

s Ibid., p. 40; cf. von Weilen [501] xv.

9 Stein, K. H., Die Entstehung der neueren Aesthetik (Stuttgart 1886),
p. 136ff.

10 Unger, E., Hamann und die Aufkldrung (Jena 1911), p. 275ff.

11 Steinke [366] 20.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 391

in Germany before they arrived anew in the form of the Conjec-
tures. He says at one place :

The Conjectures contain ideas which, although often in a different
form, were of the greatest importance in the development of Germany's
literature, and they contributed something to the prevalence and force
of these ideas. Germany, however, does not owe these ideas or their
momentum in any decisive measure to Young's essay. The literature of
Germany would not have been poorer as to content, nor would it have
developed along different lines, without Young's Conjectures on original
composition.^

Conservativeness is a virtue in estimating influences, and not
every parallel passage is proof conclusive of borrowing ; but there
is such a fault as over-cautiousness, and Steinke ?s work is a good
example of this exaggerated virtue. He is unwilling to admit
the significance of any parallel passage unless the secondary
author specifically acknowledges his debt to his predecessor. In
spite of the cumulative effect of the large number of parallel
passages found in Hamann and Young, and in spite of Ha-
mann's well-known admiration for Young, Steinke only con-
cedes three passages of Hamann as certainly borrowed from the
Conjectures. In the case of Herder he is similarly cautious.
In short, Steinke has erred on the side of understatement far
more widelv than Kind on the side of exaggeration.

The conception of Herder as a typical " Sturm und Drang"
critic is widely prevalent ; but it has recently been sharply chal-
lenged by Marie von Joachimi-Dege [479]. After carefully
weighing evidence presented by previous investigators, she comes
to the conclusion that Herder wavered from one standpoint to
the other, but eventually took his position with Lessing. In 1764
Herder, with Hamann and Gerstenberg, was enthusiastic for
"den groszen Wilden (Shakespeare), der wie ein Gott Menschen-

12 Ibid., p. 40.

is Steinke 's work undertakes to deal with the history of the Conjectures
in England. The portion of the work dealing therewith falls outside the
scope of this SURVEY. Omissions and inaccuracies have been pointed out
in the review by Kaufman noted in the BIBLIOGRAPHY.

392 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

herzen schafft und sie zur Hollenglut erschiittert ; dessen Schop-
ferstab hier ein Feenreich, dort heulende Wildnisse hervorzau-
bert."14 In 1766 he is near to Lessing 's point of view. "Konnte
ich's doch laut ruff en, dasz, so wie ein regelmasziges Aubig-
nacsches Theaterstiick ein elendes Werk seyn kann, dagegen
ein Shakespearscher Lear oder Hamlet ohne alle Anlage den
Zweck des Trauerspiels erreicht, dramatisch zu riihren. ' '15 Les-
sing would have taken exception only to the phrase "ohne alle
Anlage." Yet Herder has his secret doubts after all, for in an
unpublisht fragment of the same year he asks "ob die Eng-
lander und Shakespeare wirklich die Grundlage unserer Biihne
sein konnen ' ' and answers Lessing :

Ja, sie geben sehr viel zu sehen, aber uns Deutschen wirklich zu viel.
Man gebe doch nur auf sich acht, was man bei Shakespeare siehet; immer
zu viel, als nicht betaubt zu werden, zu fremde Phanomene, als an ihnen
teilzunehmen; zu unwahrscheinliche, als sie auch mit einem starken thea-
tralischen Glauben ansehen zu konnen. is

After the publication of the Hamburgische Dramaturgic
Herder declares himself explicitly as in accord with Lessing 's
view. He calls Shakespeare "ein Genie, voll Einbildungskraft,
die immer ins Grosze geht, die einen Plan ersinnen kann, iiber
dem uns beim bloszen Ansehen schwindelt : ein Genie, das in den
einzelnen Verzierungen nichts, im groszen, weiten Bau der Fabel
alles ist."17 And in 1769 he longs for a theatrical genius "das
auch nur einen Funken von Shakespeares Geist hatte, ihm aber
nicht seine Untereinandermischung, sein Ubereinanderwerfen der
Scenen liesze und sich keine Episoden erlaubte — was ware dies
f iir eine schone Maszigung des Briten ! ' '18

At this time two events occurred that deepened Herder's
understanding of Shakespeare; a conversation with Lessing in
Hamburg (1770),18a and then his journey to Darmstadt and his

14 Quoted by Dege [479] 108, without reference.

is Herder, Werke I 436 quoted by Dege [479] 108.

is Ibid., II 233; quoted by Dege [479] 109.

i? Quoted by Dege [479] 110, without reference.

is Herder, Werlce IV 312; quoted by Dege [479] 110.

i8aHaym, Herder (Berlin 1880), I 357.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 393

sojourn in Straszburg, where he first met Goethe. The change
of surrounding was the more important factor. What wonder,
Dege asks, that Shakespeare assumes a new meaning for Herder
now, here in Straszburg "wo er in peinlichsten korperlichen
Leiden, bald in lebhaftester Geselligkeit, bald in vollstandiger
Abgeschlossenheit seine Tage verbringt, wo Leidenschaft und
Freundschaft, Krankheit und Not, Hoffnung imd Enttauschun-
gen sein Leben von Grund aus erschiittern. "19 Shakespeare has
now become Herder's guide, philosopher, and friend: "Erst in
dieser Epoche, wird Herder zu einem machtigen, eigentiimlichen
Faktor in der deutschen Shakespeare-Literatur, wird er zu dem
iiber alle anderen hervorragenden Anreger Goethes, wird er der
Verkiindiger von Shakespeares historischer, asthetischer und
philosophisch-ethischer Bedeutung. ' '19

This brings us to the second of the problems defined; the
question to what extent Herder was Goethe's mentor in regard
to Shakespeare. Minor and Sauer [507] and Suphan [530]
defend the theory of Herder's tutorship and their views seem
to have been generally accepted, but it seems advantageous here
to give heed to objections therto.

Minor and Sauer argue as follows: Herder's views regard-
ing Shakespeare were, in the Straszburg period, much the same
as they were later when he finally publisht his essay, Shakespeare
(1773). They arrive at that conclusion by a comparison of the
essay with Herder's letters to Caroline previous to 1771. Now
there are four documents, they say, which give us an insight
into the opinions prevailing in Straszburg regarding Shake-
speare. These are Herder's Shakespeare,20 already begun in
1771, Goethe's Shakespeare-Rede, purporting to have been de-
livered in Frankfurt in 1771, a speech delivered by Lerse in
Straszburg on the same day, and Lenz's Anmerkungen iiber das
Theater, publisht later as an introduction to his Amor vincit
omnia, a translation of Shakespeare's Love's labor's lost. There
are similar ideas exprest in all these documents, altho Lenz's

is Dege [479] 112.

20 Herder, Werlce V 208-257; cf. Lambel [531].

394 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

viewpoint regarding the drama was admittedly different from
that of the others. They contend that Shakespeare's drama is
greater than the French drama in that it has an historical justi-
fication, like the Greek drama. Lenz condemns the Greek drama
as well as the French and justifies Shakespeare alone. The
various manifestos have in common the historical standpoint,
the polemic tone directed against the French, and much of their
phraseology. On the basis of these facts Minor and Sauer ignore
other possibilities and hold that Herder taught the Straszburg
group to appreciate Shakespeare in his way. Suphan's state-
ments in [476] and [530] are still more extreme. In the latter
article he says that Goethe practically applied in his Gotz the
principles he had learned from Herder, particularly the ideas:

1. Nicht Drama, sondern Geschichte haben wir bei Shakespeare, nicht
die iiberlieferte Kunstform, sondern freie Darstellung eines groszen
' Geschehnisses ' in seinem ganzen Verlauf . 2. Alles entspringt bei Shake-
speare aus den Charakteren ('aus Sitte, ' Ethos). 3. Die Tragodie schildert
das Walten des Schicksals, den Kampf einer nur im Wahne des Menschen
bestehenden Selbstbestimmung mit der Macht der Nothwendigkeit.21

Against this the following considerations may be urged : It
is admitted that Goethe did not first read Shakespeare under
Herder's influence. From Dichtung und Wahrheit we learn
that he read Dodd's Beauties of Shakespeare in Leipzig in
1766 ;2ia several quotations from that collection and references
to Shakespeare are to be found in his letters to Cornelia from
Easter 1766 to May 1777.21b He does not make it clear just
when he first read Wieland's translation,210 but with his admir-
ation for Wieland it is scarcely conceivable that he did not read
it in Leipzig, especially as the Hamburgische Dramaturgic had
called attention to it. Despite Goethe's own testimony, "die
erste Seite, die ich in ihm las, machte mich auf Zeitlebens
ihm eigen, ' '21d it does not appear that his appreciation of Shake-

si Suphan [530] 464.
21* Goethe, WerJce I 28, 72.
2ib Leitzmann [515ax] 60f.
2ic Goethe, WerTce I 28, 73.
21* Ibid., I 37, 130.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 395

speare was as yet very deep. It was when Goethe returned,
broken in health, to Frankfurt and began the slow process of
recovery that he began to have a fuller understanding of Shake-
speare. On February 20, 1770, he wrote to the book-dealer Reich :
"Nach Oeser und Shakespeare ist Wieland noch der einzige,
den ich fur meinen echten Lehrer erkennen kann ; andere hatten
mir gezeigt, dasz ich fehlte, diese zeigten mir, wie ich's besser
machen sollte.": There are also passages in Goethe's Ephe-
merides which show that Goethe in the earliest Straszburger
days was reading Shakespeare thotfully.22"

In the tenth book of Dichtung und Wahrheit Goethe speaks
of his association with Herder without referring either to Shake-
speare or to Ossian. In the eleventh book he tells of a new
influence that began to affect him and his circle of friends and
turn them away from French literature. He mentions his earlier
acquaintance with Shakespeare and with Wieland 's translation.
He tells how he and his Strassburg friends now read Shakespeare
in whole and in part, in the original and in translation, and how
they imitated the manner of life of Shakespeare 's time and even
his quibbles. Here Lenz distinguisht himself especially. Herder
is not mentioned as a leader. It is not conceivable that he par-
ticipated in these absurdities. Goethe was apparently himself
the leader of the younger circle. "Hiezu trug nicht wenig bei,
dasz ich ihn (Shakespeare) vor alien mit groszem Enthusiasmus
ergriffen hatte. Ein freudiges Bekennen, dasz etwas Hoheres
iiber mir schwebe, war ansteckend fiir meine Freunde, die sich
alle dieser Sinnesart hingaben." Thereupon Goethe does in-
deed mention Herder: ''Will jemand unmittelbar erfahren,
was damals in dieser lebendigen Gesellschaft gedacht, gesprochen
und verhandelt worden, der lese den Aufsatz Herders iiber
Shakespeare in dem Hefte Von deutscher Art und Kunst; ferner
Lenzens Anmerkungen ubers Theater."23

22 Ibid., FV, l.

22* Ibid., I 37, 94 and 95.

23 Ibid., I 28, 75.

396 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

No broad conclusions, Diintzer holds, are to be drawn from
this observation:

Keines von beiden (Herder's and Lenz's essays) stellt die Ansicht
der damaligen Gesellschaft dar. Herder stand nur mit Goethe und Jung
in Verbindung, wenn er auch Salzmann einmal, wahrscheinlich in der
letzten Zeit, besuchte; sein Aufsatz ist erst in Biickeburg verfaszt. Zu
Straszburg hat er sich in dieser eingehenden Weise weder gegen Goethe
noch gegen einen seiner Bekannten ausgelassen. Lenz lief erst spater
in dieser Weise gegen das bestehende Theater Sturm, obgleich er sich
das Ansehen gab, sein Aufsatz sei zwei Jahre vor dem Gotz in einer
Gesellschaft guter Freunde vorgelesen worden. Lenz und Herder standen,
wie es Goethe ausfiihrt, ganz anders gegen Shakespeare, und sie haben
sich in Straszburg gar nicht gekannt. Die Wahrheit ist, dasz Goethe
Lerse und Jung fur Shakespeare gewonnen hatte, letzteren, wie dieser
selbst berichtet, auch fur Ossian, Fielding und Sterne; von einer Erleuch-
tung Goethes iiber Shakespeare durch Herder findet sich keine einzige
Spur, ja er brauchte ihn nicht erst fur diesen zu begeistern, er hatte ihn
in seinem Enthusiasmus eher ziigeln als spornen miissen. Vor ihm wurde
dieser Enthusiasmus verheimlicht, er loderte frei auf in dem Umgange
mit seinen jiingeren Freunden, besonders nach Herders Abreise, und am
ausschweifendsten, als der tolle Lenz zu ihnen trat.24

If Herder was not Goethe's inspirer in regard to Shake-
speare, still less was he his teacher in the manner suggested by
Suphan. Methodical instruction from the point of view of com-
parative literary history would not have helpt Goethe, who
wanted to read and appreciate, deferring systematic study.
Moreover such a procedure was not natural to Herder. "Ware
Herder methodischer gewesen," Goethe says in Dichtung und
Wahrheit, "so hatte ich auch fur. eine dauerhafte Richtung
meiner Bildung die kostlichste Anleitung gefunden ; aber er war
mehr geneigt zu prlifen und anzuregen als zu fiihren und zu
leiten."25

In spite of all these facts, which Diintzer very properly em-
phasizes, most readers of Herder and Goethe will probably feel
that there is in Goethe's "Rede" enuf of Herder's thot and
enuf of his characteristic form of expression to justify the be-
lief that when better disposed he was accustomed to talk to

24 Diintzer [510] 386.

25 Goethe, WerJce I 27, 314.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 397

Goethe about Shakespeare or at least to think aloud when Goethe
was present and so to communicate to him in a fragmentary
way some of the ideas that later found their final form in
Herder's Shakespeare. Stadler at least seems to agree in general
with Minor and Sauer :

Herders iiberlegene Kennerschaft weist Goethe von dem Steifen,
Niichternen, Miszlungenen der (Wielandschen) tibersetzung auf die
jugendfrische Schonheit .des Originals und laszt blitzartig die ungeheure
Kluft aufschimmern, die Shakespeare von seinem deutschen tibersetzer
trennt. Nun erwachst aus leidenschaftlichem Einleben in den Urtext
und im Gedankenaustausch mit gleichgesinnten Freunden eine ganz neue
Begeisterung (fiir Shakespeare).28

Yet he contradicts his own statement a page or two later, when
he quotes Goethe's remark to Folk on January 25, 1813, the
day of Wieland 's burial : ' ' Eben diese hohe Natiirlichkeit ist
der Grund warum ich den Shakespeare, wenn ich mich wahrhaft
ergetzen will, jedesmal in der Wielandschen Ubersetzung lese. ' '27
It would thus appear that the extent of Herder's influence
on Goethe's views is still an unsettled question, but Friedrich
[541] gives a definite answer to the question regarding the de-
gree of Lenz's indebtedness to his Straszburg contemporaries,
Lenz prefixt to his Anmerkungen vJber das Theater (1774) the
assertion : l ' Diese Schrif t ward zwey Jahre vor Erscheinung
der Deutschen Art und Kunst und des Gotz von Berlichingen in
einer Gesellschaft guter Freunde vorgelesen." Goethe was one
of the first to call the statement into question. Some forty years
after the event he observed in Dichtung und Wahrheit that the
assertion was " einigermaszen auffallend" and that the existence
of any such society as Lenz spoke of was unknown to him.28
Natural^ enuf most later commentators have shared Goethe's
doubts for, in the first place, Goethe's ignorance of the society
was good negative evidence, secondly, passages in the Anmer-
kungen were obviously called out by Herder's essay, and finally

26 Stadler [613] 91.

27 Biedermann, Gcsprache II 166.

28 Goethe, Werke I 28, 251. Cf. Winkler in MLN IX (1894) 66-78.

398 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Lenz's assertions were considered none too trustworthy where
his own personal vanity was involved. In recent years it has
been shown, however, that such a society did exist, that Lenz
was its leading spirit, and that he read papers before it as early
as 1771.

These facts taken in connexion with the internal evidence
have enabled Friedrich [541] to retrace the steps in the develop-
ment of Lenz's work. It is now admitted that the treatize, as
it finally appeared, was made up of several separate "Anmer-
kungen," written at various times between 1771 and 177429 as
follows : " 1. Uber die Theorie von den drei Einheiten im Drama,
read before the Straszburg 'Societe de philosophic et de belles
lettres' in the winter of 1771. 2. Uber das Wesen des Dramas,
read before the same society probably a short time after. 3.
Uber das Handwerksmdszige in der dramatischen Literatur der
Franzosen, written not earlier than 1773 as is shown by its echoes
of Herder's Shakespeare. 4. Tiber den Unterschied des antiken
und modernen Dramas, which was added to the others in 1774
just before the publication. Friedrich has republisht the whole
essay in variorum type even indicating such details as "erste
Bearbeitung, " " Flickstellen der ersten Bearbeitung, " and
"zweite Uberarbeitung. " The inconsistencies of Lenz's treatize
have been frequently pointed out. In Friedrich 's reprint it is
clear that these exist only in parts that originated at different
times.

Lenz's prefatory remark in regard to the priority of his
Anmerkungen over Herder's Shakespeare and Goethe's Gotz is
justified, but only when applied to the first two parts. Internal
evidence also supports this view. Lessing's Hamburgische Dra-
maturgie is the only necessary presupposition to the earlier
portions. Friedrich shows how in the Shakespeare-Aufsatz, the
Shakespeare-Rede, and the earliest Anmerkungen Herder, Goethe,
and Lenz develop, each in his own way, the fundamental idea of
Lessing's 17. Literaturbrief and forty-sixth number of the Ham-

29 Of. Keckeis [600] 28.

1920] Price: Englis1i> German Literary Influences — Survey 399

burgische Dramaturgic regarding the unities. The second of
Lenz's Anmerkungen shows its author's familiarity with the
writings of Batteux, Leibniz, and Baumgarten.30 The third
of the Anmerkungen shows the stimulating effect of Herder's
Shakespeare, and the "erste Redaktion" gives back verbal echoes
of Goethe's Shakespeare-Rede, when the subject of genius is
toucht upon. "Diese Gedanken, " Friedrich says, "haben fur
Deutschland ihren letzten Ausgangspunkt in Youngs Gedanken
uber die Originalwerke."31

This brings up a question which apparently has never been
answered as yet, whether Lenz knew Young's essay at first hand
during the period 1771-1773. A priori one would surmize that
he did. The work was sufficiently well known and Lenz, even
as a student in Konigsberg (1768-1771), was an admirer and
imitator of Young's Night thoughts. It has even been suggested
that he may have known Hamann personally while there,33 yet
he left Konigsberg quite unaffected \)y the new trend of literary
criticisms. Passing thru Berlin in 1771 on the way to Straszburg
he sot to find a publisher for so antiquated a product as a trans-
lation into alexandrines of Pope's Essay on criticism. Rosanov
is justified in saying that if Lenz read Young's treatize in
Konigsberg it made no impression on him.34 Soon after his
arrival in Straszburg Lenz developt a new taste in poetry, but
neither Kind, Friedrich, Keckeis, Rosanov, nor Rauch suggests
the direct influence of Young in this transition, and Schmidt's
oracular and undocumented statement regarding Lenz in 1771
throws no further light on the question : " Er warf den bisherigen
Ballast von sich und schwur begeistert liber dem neuen Young-
schen Testamenten des Dichters, dem Buch der Natur und
dem Buch des Menschen, auf die Namen Homers, Ossians, Shake-
speares."35

so For the relation of Lenz to Mercier see Keckeis [600] 88-95; for
Diderot>Lenz, ibid., p. 80-88.
3i Friedrich [541] 79.

ss Cf. Warda in Euph XIV (1907) 613; cf. Eosanov [53?] 55 and 464.
s^Kosanov [539] 77.
35 Schmidt [536] 6.

400 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Lenz came into three distinct relations to Shakespeare ; those
of commentator, translator, and imitator. As an appendix to
his Anmerkungen he publisht his Amor vincit oninia, a trans-
lation of Love's labor's lost, in order to present what he regarded
as an unbeautified and unfalsified picture of the poet's work,
which, according to the opinion of Lenz and his fellow radicals,
could best be done by a prose rendering. In his choice of a
drama, however, Lenz was singularly unfortunate since the essen-
tial beauty of Love's labor's lost is in its verse and rime. Lenz
was also unfortunate in his choice of his English basis. Clarke
[124] has shown that it was from Pope's edition of Shakespeare
that he translated. The passages which Pope omitted from the
text and included only in the notes Lenz omitted entirely. In
1776 Lenz translated some fragments from Coriolanus which,
however, were not publisht during his life.35a

The influence of Shakespeare upon Lenz's technik is ex-
hibited chiefly in his comedies Der Hofmeister (1774) and Die
Soldaten (1776). Rauch [537] has analyzed it under the cap-
tions "Die drei Einheiten," " Shakespeares Historienstil, " and
"Streben nach Natur." This is followed by a study of Shake-
speare's influence on Lenz's diction. The concluding portion is
entitled "Shakespeares Einflusz auf Charakteristik und Motive
in Lenzens Dichtungen: Anklange, Parallelstellen und Remini-
scenzen. ' ' Rauch finds that Lenz 's borrowings from Shakespeare
take by no means so concrete and obvious a form as in the case
of the less gifted and original Klinger.

Wahrend Klinger Shakespeare oft geradezu zu pliindern erscheint, . . .
1st es bei Lenz schwer, die direkte Einwirkung Shakespeares auf Motive
und Charakteristik zu fixieren. Es finden sich meistens nur Keminiscen-
zen unbedeutenderer Art, Anklange und Parallelstellen. Der Einflusz
Shakespeares auf Lenz 1st mehr verarbeitet, ist innerlicher und zeigt sich
auch verborgener als bei Klinger.3«

That Hamlet should have made a deep impression upon him
was to be expected in view of Lenz's own foreshadowed fate.

35« Lenz, Schriften III 414f .
36Eauch [537] 85.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 401

Ranch discovers several Hamlet reminiscences in Lenz's Prinz
Tandi in Der neue Menoza, Strephon in Die Freunde machen
den Philosophen and Robert Hot in Der Englander. Between
Lenz and Romeo Ranch also finds a certain similarity, with cor-
responding reminiscences in Lenz's work. Echoes of King Lear,
Othello, and other plays are less numerous.

On the whole Ranch finds, as most other critics have done,
that Shakespeare's influence was detrimental to Lenz: "Seine
Fahigkeiten wiesen ihm einen andern Weg, und so muszte die
Einwirkung der Shakespeareschen Dichtung ihm immer etwas
Fremdes bleiben." Herder's words "Shakespeare hat euch ganz
verdorben" fitted Lenz better than Goethe. "Es ist dies um
so mehr zu bedauern, als Lenz ein wahrer Dichter war, von Origi-
alitat und unerschopflicher Produktivitat. ... So aber trug er
Waffen, die fiir seinen Korper zu schwer waren und fiel als das
beklagenswerteste Opfer der Shakespearomanie der Sturm- und
Drangperiode. "37

Most of the investigators have taken subject-matter rather
han form as their criterion in judging the influence of Shake-
eare upon the "Storm and stress'7 movement. Gundolf, as
will be shown in a later chapter, lays emphasis on form. He
proceeds on the assumption that not Shakespeare in the original
but Shakespeare as he appeared in the guise of Wieland 's trans-
lation was the basis of the new form which the "Sturm und
rang" introduced. This assumption, as far as Goethe is con-
cerned, is supported by the studies which have just been past
in review. Nor is it likely that many of Goethe 's revolutionary
colleags, Lenz excepted, read Shakespeare in the English with
greater ease than Goethe. The " Originalgenies " were all quite
dependent on the translation of Wieland, whose view of Shake-
speare they held to be so narrow. Lenz's Amor vincit omnia,
his Coriolanus fragment, and a few fragments by Herder com-
prize almost their entire effort to present a picture of Shake-
speare's art compatible with the "Sturm und Drang" conception
of it.

37 Ibid., p. 101.

402 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.

CHAPTER 16
BoHTLINGK 'S SHAKESPEAKE UND UNSEEE KLASSIKEE

At the first glance (see BIBLIOGRAPHY, part II) it appears as
if the literature regarding Shakespeare's influence on Lessing,
Goethe, and Schiller were extensive enuf to satisfy the most
zealous inquirer; but on nearer inspection much of the dis-
cussion proves to have dealt with abstractions and the greater
part of the remainder with details. So there was undoubtedly
a need for such a series of works as that of Bohtlingk [549],
[514], [565], which should systematically define the relations of
the German classic dramatists to Shakespeare.

Bohtlingk's works failed to find favor with the critics, and
this not without good reason. In the first place he has evidently
been trained in the journalistic rather than the scientific school.
Except when he pillories some notable predecessor such as Erich
Schmidt, he proceeds with a high disregard of earlier investi-
gators and doubtless sincerely believes himself the first discoverer
of every truth he proclaims. Secondly, he is an unqualified
admirer of Shakespeare and is inclined to commend the achieve-
ments of the later dramatists according to the degree with which
they have yielded themselves up to their great predecessor.
Thirdly, he has an aggressive way of stating extreme theses and
defending them at all costs, that does not commend him as a safe
critic. Finally, his conception of influence is a far cruder one
than that which prevails among his fellow critics. Nothing can
be more fruitless than to recount for page after page how later
dramatists have copied or varied the themes, characters, and situ-
ations of Shakespearean dramas. In spite of all these objections
Bohtlingk 's trilogy of books is useful, for it brings compactly
together a great mass of concrete matter, elsewhere widely scat-
tered.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 403

Of his three monographs on the classic German literature the
first one [549], which deals with Lessing, has found the least
favor. It is divided into two parts. The first is entitled : * * Wann
und wie ist Lessing zu Shakespeare gekommen ? ' ' and the second :
"Wie hat Shakespeare auf Lessing eingewirkt und dieser ihn
genutzt?" Bohtlingk's answer to the first question is that
Dryden's Essay of dramatick poesie directed Lessing 's attention
to the Elizabethan literature and to Shakespeare: "Dryden
war die Briicke, die unsern Lessing, indem er ihn iiber die Kopfe
der nach-Shakespearschen Dichter hinweg, diesem zufiihrte."1
His answer to the second question is the sweeping assertion :

Lessing hat, von dem Tage an, da ihm der englische Dichterkonig in
seiner ganzen Tragweite fur unsere deutsche Dichtung, zumal fur sein
eigenes Schaffeii, aufgegangen war, selbstverstandlich kein Biihnenstiick
entworfen, keine Szene gestaltet, kaum eine Person characterisiert, ohne
ihn zu Eate zu ziehen, Shakespeares Meisterwerke, so viel als irgend
moglich, als Goldgrube zu nutzen.2

This latter thesis, since it offends the soul of poetry, is far more
objectionable than the former, which is merely a slight exagger-
ation. In an earlier chapter it has been conceded that Dryden's
Essay of dramatick poesie was at least an important element iir
Lessing 's theoretic conversion to Shakespeare, tho the views of
Addison and the studies of Nicolai and Mendelssohn also played
a large role therein. When Bohtlingk further asserts, "als
Lessing den 17. Literaturbrief mit der Probe aus seinem Faust
hinausschickt, hat er den Shakespeare-Gipfel gliicklich erstie-
gen, "3 this is still greater exaggeration, as has already been
shown.

Bohtlingk is rather fond of striking and extreme statements,
which by later reservations are reduced to tenable theses. He
admits that Lessing ?s conversion was not a sudden one, that he
came upon Shakespeare 's drama by way of the post-Elizabethan
English drama. This preliminary schooling in the English

1 Bohtlingk [549] 76.

2 Ibid., p. 9.

3 Ibid., p. 86.

404 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

drama has been described in fuller detail by Caro [127], who
has subjected Lessing's early dramas and dramatic fragments
to a close comparison with their English relatives, known and
surmized. Lessing constructed his dramas previously to 1755
according to correct French principles, but he had already begun
reading English dramas, and these served him as his best source
for motifs. Caro finds that the fragment Der Leichtgldubige
(1748) contains reminiscences of Wycherley's The country wife
and Der Freygeist (1749) of Wycherley's Gentleman dancing
master. Der gute Mann (1753) contains a modification of the
main action of Congreve's Double dealer and Der Voter ein Affe,
der Sohn ein Geek (1753) contains a character drawn from the
same drama. Danzel and Boxberger had both asserted the in-
fluence of Julius Caesar, as tranlated by Borck, in Lessing's
Henzi (written 1749, publisht 1753). Caro joins with Hettner4
and Erich Schmidt3 in denying this relation. The main model
of Henzi, Caro says, was Otway's Venice preserved or a plot
discovered. In Miss Sara Sampson (1755) the names Marwood
and Mellefont come from Congreve's The way of the world, but
the relation of the two characters to each other is different
from that of their " Paten." Even after the writing of the
17. Literaturbrief Lessing still makes use for a time of minor
English dramas. Philotas (1759) displays a combination of
the Shakespearian and the classic form and Alcibiades (ca.
1760) is purely classic, but Scherer has surmized that Otway's
Soldier's fortune suggested the fragment Die Witzlinge (1759).5a
Shakespearean influence is generally recognized in Minna von
Barnhelm (1763) ; but the presence of motifs from Farquhar's
Constant couple or a trip to the jubilee is undeniable, and there
is also a suggestion of Farquhar's Sir Harry Wildair in the
comedy.

The question of Lessing's actual indebtedness to Shakespeare
in his three greater dramas is the main theme of Bohtlingk, who
has assembled a most imposing array of parallel characters,

4 Hettner [75]5 II 457.

5 Schmidt [126] 2 215.
5a DK XXI (1881) 286.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 405

motifs, and passages. He finds sanction for such a procedure
in Lessing's confession in the last number of his Hamburgische
Dramaturgic :

Ich fuhle die lebendige Quelle nicht in mir, die durch eigene Kraft
sich emporarbeitet, durch eigene Kraft in so reichen, so frischen, so
rein en Strahlen auf schieszt : ich musz alles durch Druckwerk und Eohren
aus mir herauf pressen. Ich wiirde so arm, so kalt, so kurzsichtig seyn,
wenn ich nicht einigermaaszen gelernt hatte, fremde Schatze bescheiden
zu borgeu, an fremdem Feuer mich zu warmen, und durch die Glaser der
Kunst mein Auge zu starken.o

Otto Ludwig was one of the earliest critics to find concrete
evidence of Lessing's dependence on Shakespeare. He called
Minna von Barnhelm "das erste Stuck, welches den Shakespeare
bewuszt und unmittelbar sich zum Muster nahm;"7 Minna and
Franziska were Portia and Nerissa, and the ring episode had had
its influence on Lessing's drama. It goes without saying that
Bohtlingk agrees with Ludwig here and finds additional simi-
larities in the two dramas : first in the dramatic genre, the ming-
ling of comedy and tragedy ; second in the characters, where he
parallels Just and the Wirt with Lancelot and Gobbo; third in
motifs, Minna von Barnhelm having the motif of the good deed
in common with The merchant of Venice, the determination for
truth in common with Hamlet, the love motif, mature love, in
common with Othello. Internal evidence can be adduced to
support the parallel between Tellheim and Othello: "0 ja!
Aber sagen Sie mir doch, mein Fraulein: wie kam der Mohr in
Venetianische Dienste?"7* That Kleist also served as a model
for Tellheim, and that there is something of Lessing himself in
the unyielding major, Bohtlingk readily concedes.

In Emilia Galotti Bohtlingk sees some remarkable combina-
tions of influence. Galotti and Othello, Emilia and Desdemona
are paralleled and the deaths of the latter two are compared in
detail. In Emilia's relations with the prince, however, Boht-
lingk sees a love relation between hostile houses comparable to

6 Lessing, Schriften X 209.

7 Ludwig, Schriften V 330.

7a Minna von Barnhelm TV 6.

406 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

that between Juliet and Romeo. Marinelli is a planning lago
with the subservience of Polonius; while Orsina, in addition to
being a new version of Marwood, is also a Hamlet.

In the Merchant of Venice friendship is the fundamental not .
but Bohtlingk finds a strong plea for religious toleration in the
character of Shylock. In Nathan religious toleration as a motif
comes first and friendship second. Bohtlingk seems to imply
that Lessing followed Shakespeare 's guidance when in his Nathan
he borrowed from Boccaccio the ring story, just as Shakespeare
borrowed the story of the three caskets from the Gesta Roman-
orum, that is to say likewise from Italy.

Some of the material presented by Bohtlingk is sufficient to
bring conviction without argument and some is well supported
by argument, but other parallels seem forced. Yet it is by no
means easy to see what use can be made of such evidence. It
does not in itself prove influence. Bohtlingk does not seek to
prove that Lessing made Shakespeare's art his own. True, he
quotes Otto Ludwig 's opinion : * ' dasz der Dramatiker Lessing der
Kunst Shakespeares, von alien unsern deutschen Dramatikern,
Goethe, Schiller und Kleist nicht ausgenommen, am nachsten
gekommen sei."7b But just previously he had summarized Lud-
wig's criticism: "der Verstand herrscht (i.e. in Lessing 's case),
die Verstandesarbeit iiberwiegt." Ludwig was aware that the
preponderance of * * Reflexion ' ' had been fatal to himself as a dra-
matist.. On the whole Ludwig contrasted rather than compared
Shakespeare and Lessing, and his conclusions do not greatly
differ from those of Gundolf, which will be quoted later.8 Boht-
lingk puts an incomparably higher estimate upon the concrete
similarities of motifs and characters than Ludwig and Gundolf.
The impression of Lessing which Bohtlingk leaves with us is that
of an artizan painfully patching together a mosaic out of divers
fragments from the workshop of an artist.

When Bohtlingk turns to the theme Goethe und Shakespeare
[514] he finds himself confronted with a problem that obviously

'7b Bohtlingk [549] 264.
s See SURVEY, p. 427.

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

407

will yield to no such method as that employed in his earlier
monograph. For, in the first place, Goethe was not given to bor-
rowing characters and situations from other poets ; he turned
into poetry, drama, or novel chiefly that which he had personally
experienced or seen. Furthermore Goethe could not rely on
Shakespeare for examples in dramatic technik, for he labored
under the delusion that Shakespeare's dramas were essentially
undramatic. This did not prevent him from using Shakespearean
technik in Gotz von Berlichingcn, but he did not write Gotz
primarily for the stage.

Bohtlingk's frank admission of these difficulties inspires some
confidence. He does not expect to be able to prove direct bor-
rowings of Goethe from Shakespeare. He holds rather that Gotz
is Shakespearean "durch die ganze Grundstimmung, die darin
zum Ausdruck kommende Gesinnung. ' '9 It is incomparably more
Shakespearean than Lessing's dramas, "und dies zwar durch die
Urspriinglichkeit, das Naturwiichsige, die schopferische Freiheit,
durch eben das, was Lessingen, nach eigenem Gestandnis, ab-
ging. ' '9a This liberal principle reminds one of Young's paradox :
"The less we imitate the ancients the more we shall be like
them;" and yet we find that after all Bohtlingk is planning to
compare Goethe 7s work with Shakespeare 's and to appraise their
value by paralleling the two.

True, there is sanction for such a procedure. Herder was
the first to draw Gotz into a comparison with the Shakespearean
drama, when he wrote to Goethe the sharp criticism: "Shake-
speare hat euch ganz verdorben. "10 Goethe himself regarded

» Bohtlingk [514] 45.

»a Ibid., p. 42.

10 Herder's letter containing this phrase has been lost. The phrase is
preserved only in Goethe's reply. Hence the connexion is not clear, nor
is the general tone of the letter a matter of certainty. Diintzer [510] 420
notes the long time that Goethe had to wait for the letter of acknowledg-
ment and criticism from Herder, i.e. from Nov. 20, to the beginning of
July. He believes that envy partly accounts for the tardy reply and
surmizes that the letter was "stark gepfeffert" (p. 422). Harnack [511],
who agrees with Diintzer on these points, justifies Herder by interpreting
the sentence as meaning that Goethe was not fitted to be an imitator,
that he could receive an impulse without but must needs proceed in
his own way.

408 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

his Gotz as Shakespearean because it presented an historical event
in all its complications and ramifications, because it pictured the
entire age as well as the entire life of an historical character,
and because he had developt his characters out of their milieu.
It was the power to do this that Goethe most admired in Shake-
speare. Minor and Sauer had made an extreme assertion in
regard to the relation of Gotz to Shakespeare 's plays : ' ' Gehen
wir den Ubereinstimmungen des Gotz mit Shakespeareschen
Stiicken bis ins einzelne nach und sehen zu, was Goethe an Mo-
tiven der Handlung und der Darstellung von Shakespeare ent-
lehnt haben kann, so begleitet uns der englische Dichter mit
geringen Pausen fast durch das ganze Stuck."11 They then
proceeded to make comparisons of Gotz with Romeo and Juliet,
Antony and Cleopatra, Macbeth, Lear, Hamlet, while for the
lighter elements of Gotz they found models in Shakespeare's
comedies. Bohtlingk discredits such comparisons as these and
holds that Gotz should be compared not with any of the major
plays of Shakespeare but rather with the historical ones.12 It
is well at this point to refer to the opinion of Gundolf , who says
that the chief influence of Shakespeare on Goethe as far as Gotz
was concerned was to lead Goethe to treat in a dramatic form a
theme of an essentially epic nature.13

When he takes up the subjects of Faust and Werther Boht-
lingk reverts to the method he employed in his Lessing mono-
graph. Goethe's Faust as originally conceived was comparable,
Bohtlingk says, with Shakespeare's Hamlet.14 Both these stu-
dents came to the appreciation of the fact that there were things
in heaven and earth not fathomed by the philosophy of the
schools and sot to penetrate the secrets of life by other means.
The ghost of Hamlet's father, however, Bohtlingk refrains from
comparing with the spirits summoned up by Faust : ' ' Hamlets

11 Minor and Sauer [507] 263.

12 Bohtlingk [514] 47.
is See SURVEY, p. 432.

14 Bohtlingk 's chapter on Hamlet and Werther may be here past over,
as Gundolf has brot out the connexion in more striking terms. See
SURVEY, p. 433f.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 409

Gespenst 1st welter nichts als das Erzeugnis der Gemiitsaufre-
gung der Danen iiberhaupt, der danischen Volksseele, und Ham-
lets, als des durch den Hingang des Vaters zunachst betrof-
fenen."15 In the case of Faust Goethe went to Shakespeare for
actual assistance, just as Lessing was accustomed to do, and this
is evident, Bohtlingk says, at many points. When Gretchen's
mind, like Ophelia's, becomes clouded as a result of her sufferings
she too sings a rude song that else had not crost her lips :

Meine Mutter, die Hur,
Die mich umgebracht hat!

Yet Gretchen is still conscious of her misdeeds and in phrases
that remind of Lady Macbeth she releases Faust 's hand with the
exclamation :

Ach! aber sie ist feucht.
Wische sie ab ! Wie mich deueht,
Ist Blut daran.
Ach Gott ! Was hast du getan !

The brothers of these victims cross blades with the recreant
lovers. The song that draws forth Valentine's sword is bor-
rowed from Shakespeare. Goethe demanded of Eckermann why
he should invent a new song when Shakespeare had provided
him with one so fitting.1511 Bohtlingk adds that the St. Valen-
tine's song of Ophelia apparently gave Gretchen's brother his
name. Bohtlingk is able elsewhere as well to connect Shake-
spearean songs with songs, scenes, and characters in Faust. Yet
this influence was entirely lacking on one most important side :

Hat derart der Einflusz des groszen Briten einzelnen Szenen drama-
tisches, theatralisch wirksames Geprage gegeben, so hat doch der Anschlusz
an Shakespeare, wie beim Gotz und Werther, auch bei der Konzeption des
Faust Goethen, wie er nun einmal zum groszen Briten stand, dem Theater
nicht zugefiihrt, sondern von demselben abgekehrt."

Bohtlingk [514] 63.

* Eckermann, Gesprache, p. Ill, under date of Jan. 18, 1825.
Bohtlingk [514] 67.

410 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Bohtlingk finds Egmont rather more closely related to Shake-
speare than Gotz.17 Schiller had called it a character tragedy
and compared it with Macbeth and Richard HI. All the other
events and actions are chiefly there to throw a stronger light
upon the main character. Shakespeare was the first to produce
such plays, and Goethe with his Gotz and Egmont was the next.
For Richard III and Macbeth Bohtlingk would substitute
Hamlet, to which the description tragedy is more applicable.
Hamlet is related to Egmont, he says, in form, soul, and sub-
stance. The Netherlands are Egmont 's Denmark, but both Ham-
let and Egmont perish at the dawn of their country's better
day. Bohtlingk finds Egmont 's sleep especially Shakespearean :
' ' Durch nichts wird Macbeth schwerer gestraf t, als dasz er durch
seine Untat um den Schlaf gekommen ist."18 Shakespeare con-
trasts the troubled dreams of Kichard with the fair dreams of
Richmond. There is sanction, too, in Shakespeare for the musi-
cal accompaniment which Schiller so severely criticized. Above
all Shakesperean was "die einzigartige Verschmelzung echtester
Volks- und hochster Kunstdichtung. "19

Bohtlingk goes so far as to say that Goethe 's attitude toward
Shakespeare is the theme of Wilhelm Meisters theatralische
Sendung. Wilhelm identifies himself with Hamlet, whose role
he later assumes. A Laertes is also in the company. The work
grew in the years 1776-1786, when Goethe was occupied with
the drama and theater in every capacity. Miedings Tod (1782)
is another fruit of this occupation, a "Sendung in Quintessenz. "
The Theatralische Sendung shows at least that Goethe was pos-
sest of the impulse to present Shakespeare in some form upon
the stage. This was a bold desire for one who had never seen
a Shakespearean play. The Weimar stage was, moreover, conse-
crated to the French taste. With Goethe's proposed adaptation
of Hamlet Bohtlingk is not at all in sympathy; he holds that

IT Harnack [511] in his comparison passes over Egmont without a
reference.

is Bohtlingk [514] 74
i» Ibid., p. 80.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 411

the blond, phlegmatic prince who was possest of no passion for
Ophelia is contrary to Shakespeare's intention and that Goethe
misconceived the whole theme of Hamlet. It was not that Ham-
let lackt the boldness to execute revenge, but rather that he
scorned any but poetic and effective revenge. With Goethe's
)roposed simplification of the historical background Bohtlingk

no better pleased : ' * Goethe hat, indem er dessen ' unvergleich-
lichen' Hamlet seinem eigenen Naturell und seiner Biihnenauf-
fassung entsprechend, — umzudichten unternahm, nur noch ein-

tl bewiesen, wie wenig er den Dramatiker und vollends den
Biihnendichter Shakespeare erfaszt hatte."20

Iphigenie and Tasso co-incide with the Hamlet plan in date
id tendency and show that Goethe was turning his back upon
the Shakespearean stage. Iphigenie is a Graeco-French drama,
while Tasso is, according to Bohtlingk, simply a French conven-
tional piece such as Racine might have written. Yet Shakespeare
was not forgotten during this period. In fact he was lookt upon
by Goethe as a guiding star. As such he is referred to in the
poem HmenOrU, dated the third of September 1783, and it was
of this period Goethe was thinking when he wrote in 1820 of
Shakespeare and Frau von Stein :

Einer Einzigen angehoren,
Einen Einzigen verehren,
Wie vereint es Herz und Sinn!
Lida! Gliick der nachsten Nahe,
William! Stern der schb'nsten Hb'he,
Euch verdank'ich, was ich bin;
Tag' und Jahre sind verschwunden,
Und doch ruht auf jenen Stunden
Meines Werthes Vollgewinn.so*

Goethe's Italian journey produced at least one northern fruit,
the "Hexenkiiche" scene in Faust. Goethe had brot with him to
Italy some roughly written, long untoucht pages of Faust. In

20 Ibid., p. 120. Bohtlingk quotes Tieck >s introduction to Lenz 's
Gesammelte Schriften (Berlin 1828), I Ixii in support of his opinion.
2oa Goethe, WerTce I 3, 45.

412 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Italy he took them again in hand and they suggested to him
again Shakespeare, this time Macbeth. Macbeth is, like Hamlet
and Prospero, a Faust nature. He too sold himself to the devil,
tho for a different purpose. Substitute the witch for Hekate,
likewise the Meerkater and Katzin for the witches, and the
Macbeth scene is closely reproduced in Faust: "So sehr das
'tolle Zauberwesen' Fausten widerstrebt, er gibt sich demselben
nicht weniger willig hin, als Macbeth, der Morder. . . . Viel
schlimmer, als der durch die Hexenkiiche hindurchgegangene
Faust, hat es auch Macbeth nicht treiben konnen."21

On his return from Italy Goethe took up the task of directing
the theater at "Weimar. Schiller at this time was not especially
interested in the drama ; since the writing of Don Carlos he had
turned away from the theater. Classic antiquity was the com-
mon ground of the two poets in the earliest days of their associ-
ation, and their preferred form of poetry was the epic and the
lyric. Goethe was writing on his Wilhelm Meister. He pro-
duced his Alexis und Dora and his Hermann und Dorothea, and
Schiller was planning to write Wallenstein as an epic.

But Schiller soon changed his plan. While at work on his
Wallenstein epic he was studying Greek literature and he chanced
to take up Shakespeare again. This led him to give Wallenstein
dramatic form. Goethe proposed (Jan. 6, 1798) : "Lassen Sie uns
sowohl wahrend der Arbeit (i.e. the dramatization of Wallen-
stein) , als auch hinterdrein die dramatischen Forderungen noch-
mals recht durcharbeiten ! ' ?22 In the course of their studies they
re-discovered what Lessing had proclaimed before, that Aristotle
and Shakespeare could be readily harmonized. They determined
"mit aller.Besonnenheit" to present Shakespeare on the Weimar
stage, a stage that had clung conservatively to the French-
Aristotelian traditions. This involved great sacrifices of the
specifically Shakespearean.

Independently of Schiller, Goethe had already presented King
John on the stage. The form of presentation is not known.

21 Bohtlingk [514] 185.

22 Goethe, Werke IV 13, 9.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 413

The chief record of it is Goethe's elegy Euphrosyne (1798). 23
Schiller's version of Macbeth, which was presented on May 14,
1800, showed only too clearly what was meant by Schiller's
phrase "mit aller Besonnenheit. " Julius Caesar was presented
by Goethe, apparently without essential deviation from the orig-
inal.24 Regarding the form in which Othello (1805) and King
Lear (1810) were staged nothing definite is known. It is to be
feared that no very great piety was shown toward the original
form, if one may draw inferences from Goethe's views in regard
to King Lear2** and his version of Romeo and Juliet (1812). 25
Moreover Goethe had to take into account his audience and the
talent of his theatrical company. Iffland as King Lear does not
inspire confidence.

Meanwhile Shakespeare's hold upon the public was being
undermined in another way. As a good antidote against the
prevailing naturalism of dramatic representation Goethe and
Schiller determined in 1800 to present Voltaire's Mahomet, not

23 The role of Prince Arthur was played by the fourteen-year-old
orphan daughter of the player Neumann. Goethe trained her personally
for the part, and she made a deep impression upon the Weimar circle.
Her death at the age of twenty-one was the occasion of Goethe's Elegie
(1823), in which the days of the rehearsal for King John are touchingly
recalled; cf. Goethe Werke I 1:1, 281.

24Bohtlingk [514] 201 says: "Im. August 1803 wragte es Goethe auch
mit dem Julius Cdsar. Wie es scheint ohne wesentliche Abanderungen.
. . . Schiller ward von der Auffiihrung ganz bewaltigt. Er nehme, schreibt
er an Goethe, da er am folgenden Tag nach Jena ging, einen groszen
Eindruck mit." Bohtlingk's dating is erroneous here. The letter of
Schiller which he quotes is dated Oct. 2, 1803; Schillers Brief e ed. Jonas
(Stuttgart 1896), VII 80. Julius Cdsar in SchlegePs translation first went
over the boards in Weimar, Oct. 1, 1803. See Goethe, Werlce IV 16, 314;
cf. Burkhardt [515] 49. The nature of the changes made is indicated by
Goethe in a letter to Schlegel dated Oct. 27, 1803; cf. Goethe, Werlce IV
16, 335-338.

2±a Goethe [707] 69 says that Schroder did right to omit the introduc-
tory scene in King Lear: "Er hat damit zwar den Charakter des ganzen
Stiicks aufgehoben. Aber er hatte doch recht. Denn in dieser Szene
erscheint Lear so absurd, dasz man seinen Tochtern in der Folge nicht
ganz unrecht geben kann. Der Alte jammert einen, aber Mitleid hat
man nicht mit ihm, und Mitleid wollte Schroder erregen, sowie Abscheu
gegen die zwei unnatiirlichen, aber doch nicht durchaus zu scheltenden
Tochter. ' ' Goethe '& failure to grasp the fundamental idea of the tragedy
doubtless throws some light on the version as presented on the Weimar
stage.

25 Goethe, Werlce I 9, 169ff.

414 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

so much for the sake of its content as its form. The two poets
knew that the public would be astonisht at such a course on their
part since they, not many years ago, had helpt Lessing dethrone
Voltaire and establish Shakespeare.25"1 Schiller determined, as he
exprest it, to wait for the public "mit geladener Flinte." Hence
arose his Geharnischte Stanzen afldrest to Goethe :

Du selbst, der uns von falschem Eegelzwange

Zu Wahrheit und Natur zuruckgefiihrt,

Der, in der Wiege schon ein Held, die Schlange

Erstickt, die unsern Genius umschniirt,

Du, den die Kunst, die gb'ttliche, schon lange

Mit ihrer reinen Priesterbinde ziert —

Du opferst auf zertriimmerten Altaren

Der Aftermuse, die wir nicht mehr ehren?26

However commendable the purpose, the means chosen were ill-
advised and A. "W. Schlegel was justified in characterizing
Goethe's translation of Mahomet as a work that ought never to
have been undertaken.27

Bohtlingk presents Goethe's Die naturliche Tochter as an
impressive example of the weakening of Goethe 's dramatic talent
as a result of his turning away from Shakespeare :

Dahin, in solche gestaltlose "hofische" Leere, war der Dichter des
Gotz, des Faust und des Egmont geraten, indem er sich den Klassikern der
franzb'sischen Hofdichtung wieder zuwandte und dadurch immer weiter
von jenem Shakespeare abkam, der ihm einst alles gewesen war, den er
indes in seiner Eigenschaft als Meister der Buhnendichtkunst nie erfaszt

An equally striking example of Goethe 's inability to feel with
Shakespeare at this time is his version of Romeo and Juliet. In
Straszburg, under the influence of Herder, he admired nothing
more in Shakespeare than "die urwiichsige, naturgemasze, un-
auflosliche Verwachsung der vorgefiihrten Begebenheit mit der

25* But cf. SURVEY, p. 377.

26 Schiller, Werlce I 199.

27 A. W. Schlegel, Vorlesungen uber dramatische Kunst und Literature
(Heidelberg 1817), IV 177; quoted by Bohtlingk [514] 208.

27" Bohtlingk [514] 219.

[

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 415

sie bedingenden Atmosphare und Lokalitat, "28 but now in his
Romeo and Juliet he omits the street scenes as irrelevant, and
weakens the psychology of Romeo as a character by casting aside
his " Vorgeschichte. " The further variations may be found in
Bohtlingk and elsewhere.29 The version was first presented Jan.
30, 1812, on the birthday of Herzogin Luise. It was received
with favor and often repeated. Goethe was quite satisfied with
his work: "Diese Arbeit war ein groszes Studium fur mich,
und ich habe wohl menials dem Shakespeare tiefer in sein Talent
hineingeblickt. Aber er, wie alles Letzte, bleibt denn doch uner-
griindlich. "30 Goethe nevertheless declined to have his version
printed. He wrote to Cotta, Feb. 21, 1812: "Fur den Druck
ist das Stuck nicht geeignet, auch mochte ich denen abgottischen
Ubersetzern und Conservatoren Shakespeares nicht gerne einen
Gegenstand hingeben, an dem sie ihren Diinkel auslassen kon-
nen. ' '31 But Schlegel, who was here alluded to, was able to judge
of the version perhaps on the basis of a presentation which he
had seen in Weimar, and he spoke with fitting severity :

Es ist iiberhaupt nur einem so groszen Dichter wie Goethe zu vergeben,
wenn er das Meisterwerk eines anderen so grausam behandelt, wie mit
diesem Trauerspiel wirklich geschehen ist, wo man vom Original so wenig
wiederfindet und selbst das, was noch dasteht, durch die sonderbare
Umstellung in einem ganz andern Lichte erscheint und seine wahre
Bedeutung verloren hat.32

28 Ibid., p. 221.

29 See especially BIBLIOGRAPHY nos. [524]-[527]. Hauschild's program
[526] is a work of textual criticism; it compares Goethe's Eomeo und
Julia with the original and the Schlegel translation and shows that
Goethe has improved on Schlegel at many points. Wendling's treatize
[527] deals with the esthetic problems and confirms the generally ac-
cepted belief that Goethe 's chief aim in his versions was to diminish the
number of minor plots and reduce the drama to what he took to be its
essentials. Daffis [520] relates that the Weimar version of Hamlet was
destroyed by fire in 1829. He supposes that the theater copy of Hamlet,
arranged soon after the fire and still in use, represents the older form.
If this be true Goethe did not actually carry out the proposals made in
Wilhelm Meister.

soKiemer, Mittheilungen uber Goethe (Berlin 1841), II 655f.

si Goethe, WerJce IV 22, 2. Goethe 's version of Eomeo and Juliet was
published apparently for the first time in the Weimar edition, I 9, 169ff.

32 Schlegel, Vorlesungen tiber dramatische Kunst und Literatur, quoted
by Bohtlingk [514] 228 without page reference.

416 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

When Goethe at the end of the century took up his Faust
again to complete the first part and then later proceeded to the
second, the theme once more brot with it Shakespeare. This
time it was The tempest that provided him with the needed aid
if not inspiration. Bohtlingk, like many other critics, interprets
The tempest allegorically. Prospero is Shakespeare, Ariel his
inspiration, Miranda his dramatic work. Ferdinand is the talent
of the player, that must be taught to serve the master faithfully
ere it can participate in his work. Caliban is his rude public
and at the same time the ruder themes that serve to entertain
the public. The King of Naples with his retainers and the usurp-
ing Duke of Milan are the opponents of the poet.

In this drama, presumably his last, Shakespeare has made
his own work his theme. This is what Goethe did in the second
part of Faust. The marriage of Faust with Helena is the most
striking proof of this purpose. Goethe also freed his mind in
regard to theater director and clown33 just as Shakespeare had
regarding his opponents and the public. Bohtlingk reinforces
these general comparisons by many parallels in detail. The
scenic backgrounds of the two plays are equally indefinite and
romantic: "Goethes Arkadien, die griechische Halbinsel, ist so
wenig reell wie Prosperos Insel eine wirklich vorhandene. ' ?34

Bohtlingk admits one essential difference between the two
works. Goethe associates his drama with classic antiquity, with
Homer and the epic. Faust II is, as a whole, epic and lyric
rather than dramatic. Yet he says: "Goethes dichterischer
Genius hat sich nie unmittelbarer mit dem Shakespeareschen
beriihrt, als da ihm fur seinen Faust als Dichter-Priester dessen
Sturm vorbildlich wurde."35

The views of Goethe regarding Shakespeare need not be
derived from his dramas alone ; they are clearly exprest in his
theoretic works, especially in his Shakespeare und kein Ende

33 The Vorspiel auf dem Theater, tho placed before the first part, was
not written before 1797.
s* Bohtlingk [514] 284.
35 Ibid., p. 286.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 417

[707]. The work was called out in 1813 by the attacks of the
romanticists upon his version of Romeo and Juliet. The last
part was not completed until 1823. The essay appeared in Uber
Kunst und Altertum and consists of three parts: 1. Shakespeare
als Dichter iiberhaupt ; 2. Shakespeare, verglichen mit den Alten
und den Neuesten ; 3. Shakespeare als Theaterdichter.

In the first part Goethe emphasized Shakespeare's insight
into the human soul but said his works were not intended for
the bodily eye: ' * Shakespeare spricht durchaus an unsern in-
nern Sinn."30 Hamlet's ghost and Macbeth 's witches were better
so perceived than on the stage. There was no higher pleasure
than that of listening with closed eyes to Shakespeare's plays
well read.

The second part particularly is directed against the roman-
ticists, for here Goethe emphasizes the fact that Shakespeare's
interest was for the actualities of this world and not for the
hidden mysteries behind it, as the romanticists held :

Denn wenn auch Wahrsagung und Wahnsinn, Traume, Ahnungen,
Wumlerzeichen, Feen und Gnomen, Gespenster, Unholde und Zauberer
ein magisches Element bilden, das zur rechten Zeit seine Dichtungen
durchschwebt, so sind doch jene Truggestalten keineswegs Hauptingre-.
dienzien seiner Werke, sondern die Wahrheit und Tiichtigkeit seines
Lebens ist die grosze Base, worauf sie ruhen; deszhalb uns alles, was
sich von ihm herschreibt, so echt und kernhaft erscheint.s?

The third part directly confirms Bohtlingk's main thesis,
that Goethe regarded Shakespeare as a great poet but not as a
practical model for the theatrical writer: "Sein (Shakespeares)
groszes Talent ist das eines Epitomators, und da der Dichter
iiberhaupt als Epitomator der Natur erscheint, so miissen wir
auch hier Shakespeares groszes Verdienst anerkennen, nur laug-
nen wir dabei und zwar zu seinen Ehren, dasz die Biihne ein
wiirdiger Raum fur sein Genie gewesen."38

so Goethe [707] 54.

ST Ibid., p. 57 f .

ss Ibid., p. 67. To Eckermann Goethe said (Dec. 25, 1825) of Shake-
speare: "An die Biihne hat er nie gedacht, sie war seinem groszen
Geiste viel zu enge, ja selbst die ganze sichtbare Welt war ihm zu enge. ' '
Eckermann, Gespraclie, p. 133.

418 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

In his last years Goethe spoke apologetically of his Shake-
spearean adaptations: In his discussion of Tieck's Dramatur-
gische Blatter (1829) he said:

Wo ich Tieck ferner auch sehr gerne antreffe, 1st, wenn er als Eiferer
fiir die Einheit, Untheilbarkeit, Unantastbarkeit Shakespeares auftritt
und ihn olme Kedaktion und Modifikation von Anfang bis zu Ende auf
das Theater gebracht wissen will. Wenn ich vor zehn Jahren der ent-
gegengesetzten Meinung war und mehr als einen Versuch machte, nur
das eigentlich Wirkende aus den Shakespeareschen Stiicken auszuwahlen,
das Storende aber und Umherschweifende abzulehnen, so hatte ich, als
einem Theater vorgesetzt, ganz recht. . . . Nun (aber) sind Schauspieler
so gut wie Dichter und Leser in dem Falle, nach Shakespeare htuzu-
blicken und durch ein Bemiihen nach dem Unerreichbaren ihre eigenen
inneren, wahrhaft natiirlichen Fahigkeiten aufzuschlieszen.39

The romanticists were at one time inclined to rate Tieck as
a greater poet than Goethe. Goethe frankly exprest to Ecker-
mann a contrary opinion : * l Ich kann dies gerade heraussagen,
denn was geht es mich an, ich habe mich nicht gemacht. Es
ware ebenso, wenn ich mich mit Shakespeare vergleichen wollte,
der sich auch nicht gemacht hat und der doch ein Wesen hoherer
Art ist, zu dem ich hinaufblicke, und das ich zu verehren
habe."40 Byron, Goethe said, could rival Shakespeare in poetic
power: "In Auffassung des Auszeren und klarem Durchblick
vergangener Zustande ist er so grosz als Shakespeare, aber Shake-
speare ist als reines Individuum iiberwiegend. ' ' It was for this
reason, Goethe held, that Byron made no attempt to rival Shake-
speare41 and it had been imprudent for Goethe himself to do so :
"Er (Shakespeare) ist gar zu reich und zu gewaltig. Eine pro-
duktive Natur darf alle Jahre nur ein Stuck von ihm lesen, wenn
sie nicht an ihm zugrunde gehen will. Ich that wohl, dasz ich
durch meinen Gotz von Berlichingen und Egmont ihn mir vom
Halse schaffte. ' '42 Goethe is here speaking only of his conscious
imitation of Shakespeare, and the statement in no wise contra-
dicts the acknowledgment to Frau von Stein and Shakespeare:
* ' Euch verdank ich, was ich bin. ' '

39 Quoted by Bohtlingk [514] 302 without page reference.

40 Eckermann, Gespraehe, p. 85, under date of Mar. 30, 1824.

41 Ibid., p. 118 and 119, under date of Feb. 24, 1825.

42 Ibid., p. 133.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 419

Bohtlingk's conclusion is as follows:

Je hoher wir Goethes Weltanschauung und Dichtung werten, desto
mehr haben wir Ursache, nicht zu vergessen, dasz er, nach semem ejgenen
Gestandnisse, auf der Hb'he seines Greisenalters, im Eiickblick anf den
Werdegang und die Ernte seines ganzen Lebens, William Shakespeare
verdaukte, was er geworden war. Die ganze Tragweite dieses seines
Bekenntnisses haben wir deutlich ermessen konnen an dem Gewichte
seiner einzelnen Dichterwerke: erst seitdem er mit dem englischen Dich-
terkonige in engste Fiihlung gekommen und nur soweit und so lange
dies der Fall war, ist er jener Goethe, in welchem wir Deutsche unsern
Diehterfiirsten verehren.

With this judgment many admirers of Goethe will disagree,
particularly with the implied disparagement of Tasso and
Iphigenie. Bohtlingk treatize will not be construed otherwise
than as a maximum statement of the case. He has isolated
Goethe and Shakespeare too much in his picture. Thus the
influence of Hamlet and The tempest on Faust are treated ex-
haustively, but there is no mention of Marlowe's Faust.*3 In
some cases Bohtlingk has new interpretations of Shakespeare's
plays upon which he bases his discoveries of resemblances. Of
these discoveries in regard to Goethe not so much is new as
Bohtlingk seems to think. He has not read all the previous liter-
ature on the subject.44 Nevertheless his work is a convenient
one to take in hand because it presents clearly if somewhat one-
sidedly the facts in the case. Gundolf 's judgment, on the other
hand,45 is founded on a total view of the subject but presupposes
a knowledge of most of the essential facts.46

43 Goethe did not know Marlowe's Faust in the original but in the
translation of Wilhelm Miiller (1818) according to Koch, ES XVII (1892)
242. Against this view see Heller [221].

44 See the valuable review of Jahn. in ShJ XLVI (1910) 279-282.

45 See next chapter of SURVEY.

46 Chubb 's essay [513] contains little that has not been included in
some form in this SURVEY. Leo's article [508] has two purposes: 1. to
correct a common belief that Goethe regarded Shakespeare as a rival
and was jealous of his popularity; 2. to show that Goethe had a deep
understanding of Shakespeare's work. His interpretation of Hamlet in
Wilhelm Meister is the leading evidence presented. The article does not
increase our knowledge regarding the relation of Goethe to Shakespeare,
but quotations are brot together in a convenient fashion. Wagener's dis-
sertation [509], as shown by Koch's review, does not advance knowledge
on its theme but confuses the whole matter by inaccurate and misleading
statements. Green's article [512] was not at my command.

420 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Bohtlingk 's Schiller und Shakespeare [565] is the most ex-
tensive and perhaps the least stimulating of his three mono-
graphs.47 He mentions specifically as his predecessors in this
theme only Kiihnemann and Otto Ludwig, defending the latter
against Kiihnemann 's criticism. When Ludwig constantly coin-
pares Schiller with Shakespeare to Schiller's disadvantage he is
in reality echoing Schiller's own avowal that Shakespeare was a
naive, himself a sentimental poet.

The greater part of his discoveries Bohtlingk seems to claim
as new. Schiller had himself acknowledged his indebtedness to
Shakespeare in his Rduber and specifically to Hamlet in his Don
Carlos. Echoes of Shakespeare had been noted in Fiesco, Wal-
lenstein, and Wilhelm Tell, and that was all. But the findings
even here could be supplemented. Bohtlingk goes beyond Kiihne-
mann when he shows that not only Lear and Richard III but
also Othello and Hamlet have left their traces in the Rduber.
The relation of Titus Andronicus to Fiesco, Hamlet and Othello
to Kabale und Liebe, and of The tempest, King Lear, and Hamlet
to the Menschenfcind had also past unnoticed. The relation of
Schiller's historical plays to Shakespeare's had never been
thoroly discust:

Was werden die Herren vom "Fach" vollends fiir Augen machen bei
dem Nachweis, dasz der Maria Stuart Shakespeares Konig Johann zugrunde
liegt? Oder dazu, dasz Schillers Jung f ran geradezu einer Nachbildung
gleichkommt von Shakespeares Pucelle, wie man den ersten Teil Hein-
rich VI. iiberschreiben konnte, und dabei zugleich den Aufbau von Shake-
speares Konig Lear zur Grundlage hat?48

It will be seen that the greater part of this work of Bohtlingk
is made up of parallel passages, parallel motifs, and other as-
serted borrowings and therefore cannot be reduced to a formula.
Elsewhere in this SURVEY Gundolf is quoted, who defines the
essential difference between Schiller and Shakespeare and shows
the dynamic effect of Schiller's interpretation of Shakespeare in

47 BIBLIOGRAPHY [514], [549], [565].

48 Bohtlingk [565] xiii.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 421

Germany.40 It will be sufficient here to indicate the degree of
Schiller's adhesion to Shakespeare at various stages in his career,
as defined by Bohtlingk.

It was Professor Abel of the Karlsschule who first made
Shakespeare known to Schiller, and this same teacher has left a
record of the event :

Noch immer erinnere ich mich jener Szene. Ich war gewohnt bei
Erkliirung psychologischer Begriffe Stellen aus Dichtern vorzulesen, urn
das Vorgelesene anschaulicher und interessanter zu machen; dieses tat
ieh insbesondere auch, als ich den Kampf der Pflicht mit der Leidenschaft
oder einer Leidenschaft mit einer andern Leidenschaft erklarte, welchen
anschaulicher zu machen ich einige der schonsten, hierher passenden
Stellen aus Shakespeares Othello nach der Wielandschen tibersetzung
vorlas. Schiller war ganz Ohr. Alle Ziige seines Geistes driickten die
Gefiihle aus, von denen er durchdrungen war, und kaum war die Verle-
sung vollendet, so begehrte er das Buch von mir und von nun an las und
studierte er dasselbe mit ununterbiochenem Eifer.50

One is loath to discredit that other anecdote according to
which Schiller purchast Wieland's Shakespeare from a boarding-
school companion, relinquishing to him his share of certain favor-
ite dishes in return; but this story is contradicted by the fact
that Schiller, after his appointment as regimental surgeon .at
the monthly salary of 18 florins, bot the Wieland translation for
the sum of 14 florins. Regarding his early attitude toward
Shakespeare Schiller has given testimony in his essay Uber naive
und sentimentalische Dichtung-'

Als ich in einem sehr friihen Alter (Shakespeare) zuerst kennen lernte,
emporte mich seine Kalte, seine Unempfindlichkeit, die ihm erlaubte, im
hochsten Pathos zuscherzen, die herzzerschneidenden Auftritte im Hamlet,
im Konig Lear, im Macbeth u. s. f. durch einen Narren zu stb'ren, der ihn
bald da festhielt, wo meine Empfindung forteilte, bald da kaltherzig
fortrisz, wo das Herz so gern still gestanderi ware. Durch die Bekannt-
schaft mit neueren Poeten verleitet, in dem Werke den Dichter zuerst
aufzusuchen, seinem Herzen zu begegnen, mit ihm gemeinschaftlich iiber
seinen Gegenstand zu reflektieren, kurz, das Objekt in dem Subjekt
anzuschauen, war es mir unertraglich, dasz der Poet sich hier gar nirgends
fassen liesz und mir nirgends Rede stehen wollte. Mehrere Jahre hatte

« See SURVEY, p. 438f.

50 Quoted by Bohtlingk [565] 2 without reference.

422 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

er schon meine ganze Verehrung und war mein Studium, ehe ich sein
Individuum lieb gewinnen lernte. Ich war noch nicht fahig, die Natur
aus der ersten Hand zu verstehen. Nur ihr durch den Verstand refiek-
tiertes und durch die Kegel zurechtgelegtes Bild konnte ich ertragen, und
dazu waren die sentimentalischen Dichter der Franzosen und auch der
Deutschen, von den Jahren 1750 bis etwa 1780, gerade die rechten Sub-
jekte. tibrigens schame ich mich dieses Kinderurteils nicht, da die be-
jahrte Kritik ein ahnliches fallte und naiv genug war, es in die Welt
hinauszuschreiben.si

Schiller's first opportunity to see Shakespeare on the stage
came in the year 1778, when the actor Schikaneder came to Stutt-
gart with his troupe and played Richard III, Romeo and Juliet,
Hamlet, and Lear. All other models dropt into the background,
and Schiller thot only of Shakespeare. Die Rauber shows the
Shakespearean influence rather more completely than Lessing's
Minna and with rather less affectation than Goethe's Gotz for
the reason that Schiller had no previously acquired French
technik to overcome. In an introduction to Die Rauber (1781)
Schiller calls his work "einen dramatischen Roman," thus
freeing himself from certain restrictions, as Goethe had with his
dramatized story of. Got z. Schiller thus claims Goethe's sanction
for the form he adopted, yet in reality he no doubt thot of
Die R'duber as a play when he declaimed it to his companions.

Fiesco's supposed borrowings from Shakespeare have been
referred to. In general it marks a turning away from Shake-
speare as far as form is concerned, and a turning toward Les-
sing's Emilia Galotti to much the same extent as Die Raiiber
turned toward Gotz; while for Kabale und Liebe, Miss Sara
Sampson and Emilia Galotti with their Shakespearean prede-
cessors served as models. When Schiller left the sphere of the
middle-class drama and with his Don Carlos attempted the high
historical tragedy, he naturally adopted a nobler diction and a
verse form, thus approaching the French classicists, whom he
then began to study for the first time.52 This corresponds to the
change that Goethe past thru when he wrote Iphigenie and Tasso,

si Schiller, Werke XII 184.
52 See Bohtlingk [565] 138.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 423

and Lessing when he wrote his Nathan. Bohtlingk accounts for
the long pause after Don Carlos by Schiller 's feeling that Shake-
speare was for him unattainable. The uncompleted Menschen-
feind serves to confirm Bohtlingk in this view. Then came the
period of his historical studies with Goethe, his study of the
Greeks, Aristotle among them, his plan of the Wallenstein epic,
his reading of the Shakespeare histories at the same time, and
the communication to Goethe of the discovery that Shakespeare
after all followed Aristotle in the essentials.53 The Wallenstein
plan was too far advanced to be much affected by the re-discov-
ered Shakespeare, but Bohtlingk finds Maria Stuart and Die
Jungfrau von Orleans predominantly Shakespearean in subject-
matter.

Having concluded Die Jungfrau von Orleans Schiller con-
templated a Warbeck, which would have been a continuation of
Shakespeare's histories, particularly of Richard III; but his in-
terest in classic subjects led him instead to his Braut von Messina,
in which only the most general Shakespearean traits are dis-
coverable. Bohtlingk calls Schiller's Tell "von seinen Dramen
nach Grundrisz, Aufbau, Zusammenspiel weitaus das schwachste,
fliichtigste, unhaltbarste. "54 Nevertheless it was an historical*
drama, and as such it brot Schiller into contact with Shake-
speare. It happened that just as Schiller was at work upon his
Tell he witnest Goethe 's production of Julius Caesar. Referring
to this in a letter to Goethe (Oct. 2, 1803) Schiller wrote : "Fur
meinen Tell ist mir das Stuck von unschatzbarem Werth, mein
Schifflein wird auch dadurch gehoben. Es hat mich gleich ge-
stern in die thatigste Stimmung gesetzt."54* This would seem to
verify the echoes of Caesar which Bohtlingk and others have
thot to hear.55

It may be well finally to propose some reservations with
which the findings of Bohtlingk in regard to Lessing, Goethe,

ss See supra, p. 412.

54 Bohtlingk [565] 446.

5*a See footnote 24 of this chapter.

55 Of. BIBLIOGRAPHY [568]-[570].

424 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

and Schiller may be accepted. Lessing never accepted the form
of Shakespeare's drama without modification. He always em-
phasized the intellectual element in poetic creation. His own
dramas were created to a certain extent to demonstrate theses.
He was a liberal borrower of motifs, and Shakespeare was a
principal source with him, but his actual poetic indebtedness to
Shakespeare went little further than this. The prime source of
Goethe ?s poetry was his experience. The experiences of life were
the more important ones, but he had literary experiences as well,
and among these the most important was Shakespeare. Shake-
speare became a part of Goethe's life before he became a part
of his poetry. In other words, Shakespeare influenced Goethe
and influenced him deeply and by this influence Goethe gained
rather than lost literary independence. Schiller lookt upon
Shakespeare as a master, and there is sufficient evidence that he
used him as a model, but there is little evidence that Schiller
was ever made more Shakespearean by his contact with Shake-
speare. The utterly opposite philosophies of life precluded such
a possibility. The opposition between Schiller and Shakespeare
has been generally felt but has nowhere been better defined than
by Gundolf in his Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist, the next
work to come under discussion.

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

425

CHAPTER 17
GUNDOLF 'S SHAKESPEARE UND DEE DEUTSCHE GEIST

Of the hundreds of contributions dealing with Shakespeare
Germany the larger number discuss borrowings of material,
theme, or character. Even the more extensive works devote an
undue share of attention to these definite phases ; but a literary
influence must be, to some extent, the communication of a per-

mality thru the written word, and a personality is something
indefinite. There was need of such a work as Gundolf 's Shake-
speare und der deittsche Geist, which should direct attention to
that more essential and less tangible concept, Shakespeare 's liter-
ary personality, and should attempt to show how certain Ger-
man periods and certain German personalities responded to the
vibrations that were set in motion by Shakespeare. The figure
>d here is one of Gundolf 's own. Such a work must neces-

irily result in a close characterization not only of the subject
but also of the object in question.

In Gundolf 's hands the study of literary influences gains a
finer precision. He divides his subject matter into three parts :
"Shakespeare als Stoff," "Shakespeare als Form," and "Shake-
speare als Gehalt."1 The first part deals especially with the
seventeenth century, during which time Shakespeare's works
were used as a store-house of dramatic character, scene, and inci-
dent. The body of his works was plundered systematically, and
no part of the soul necessarily accompanied it. This period has
already been discust in the chapter on the English comedians
(chapter two) and need not concern us again here, the less so in
view of the fact that Gundolf does not consider such plundering
as any sign of influence.

1 See introduction to SURVEY, p. 121.

426 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The rationalists were the first in Germany to reason about
Shakespeare's works in their entirety and to bring them into
contact with their own preconceptions of dramatic form. Some
of them, like Gottsched, condemned Shakespeare's dramas ut-
terly, others condoned their shortcomings, while it was reserved
for Lessing to try to reconcile them with the rationalistic dra-
matic theory.

Regarding Lessing 's services in this direction Gundolf says
little that is new, tho he often gives a new value to accepted facts
by his pictorial clarity of statement. If Shakespeare were to
be fully accepted in Germany it was necessary that " breaches
should be made in the wall of rationalism from the inside. ' ' And
this is what Lessing accomplisht by his reconsideration of the
Aristotelian rules.

Alle iiberlieferten Gesetze wurden ihm zunachst einmal zu Problemen,
alle Muster zu Materialien. . . . Er ging den ganzen Weg vom tiberlie-
f erten bis zu seiner Entstehung zuriick, iiberraschte das Denken in seinem
Werden, verwandelte uberkommene Zustande in Handlung. Alle seine
Gedanken sind Aktionen, wie die seiner Vorganger Inhalte waren. So
ist er der Griinder der historischen Aesthetik geworden, und es schmalert
sein Verdienst nicht, dasz er aus den historisch gewonnenen Einsichten
neue Dogmatik bauen wollte. Er hat gelehrt, wie Regeln entstehen, wo
man bisher nur Kegeln befolgen gelehrt hatte.1"

As a counter model to the masters of the pseudo-classic school
of the French and of Gottsched it was an absolute necessity to
Lessing to find a Shakespeare.

Die Entdeckung Shakespeares durch die Schweizer war zunachst ein
Zufall, von der durch Lessing unterschieden wie die erste Entdeckung
Amerikas durch verschlagene Seefahrer vom planmaszigen Zug des Ko-
lumbus. Wie Kolumbus auszog, um das altersehnte Indien zu suchen, und
einen neuen Weltteil fand, so ging es Lessing. Er zog aus, um einen
verniinftigen Dichter, um die wahre Theatervernunft zu entdecken, und
fand einen neuen Komplex von Leben — und wie Kolumbus starb er, ohne
die ganze Tragweite seiner Entdeckung zu ahnen.2

Some suspicion of the revolutionary effect of his discovery cer-
tainly cast its shadow on Lessing 's mind, as Gundolf elsewhere

ia Gundolf [416] 124f.
2 Ibid., p. 106.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences^Survey 427

concedes. In testing Shakespeare by the real rules, as against
the conventionally accepted ones, and finding him not wanting,
Lessing unintentionally aroused a suspicion of all rules founded
on "Wirkung" and "Mittel": "Es ging ihm ahnlich wie dem
verwandten Revolutionar Luther, der durch den Sturz der
damaligen Autoritat den Sturz aller Autoritaten vorbereitete. "3
Gundolf here seems to express an opinion harmonizing with that
of Witkowski.4

That Shakespeare actually influenced Lessing in his dramas
Gundolf holds to be impossible. Some knowledge of the English
drama and its freedom from all assumption, its ' * Familiaritat, "
was the necessary presupposition to his dramas; but "eine Pa-
rallele zwischen Lessings und Shakespeares Dramen imiszte ins
Bodenlose fiihren, denn sie haben iiberhaupt nichts Gemeinsames.
Sie haben so wenig miteinander zu tun, wie eine Maschine, wo
ein Rad kliiglich ins andere greift, mit einem lebendigen Ge-
wachs. Lessings Dramen sind gemacht. Shakespeares "Werke
sind Geburten."5

Lessing recognized fully his own limitations and therefore,
Gundolf says, intentionally refrained from imitation of Shake-
speare in Minna von Barnhelm and Emilia Galotti. By its verse
form and f oren coloring Nathan challenges to comparison. These
similarities, however, are entirely superficial. Local color in
Lessing 's dramas is a mere matter of convenience, in Shakespeare
it is a necessity. The southern background of Othello forms a
part of the dramatic atmosphere, and the wintry heath heightens
the tragedy of King Lear. Nathan, on the other hand, would lose
nothing essential if it were placed in Berlin ; but the ring fable
was oriental, and in Jerusalem three religions could be readily
brot together, so it seemed fitting to let Nathan don the turban,
tho he says nothing but what Mendelssohn might have said.

The romantic background, once determined on, tended to
bring with it the verse form, but Gundolf contrasts in a striking

3 Ibid., p. 140.

4 Cf. SURVEY, p. 376.
s Gundolf [416] 143.

428 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

•

fashion the verse of the two dramatists. In the monolog " To be
or not to be" each sucessive thot bears with it a suggestion that
rolls into the next wave of thot, yet all of them heighten the
effect of the ground swell of emotion. For Lessing the monolog
of the Tempelherr is characteristic. He seems to dissect each
thot into its parts and rejoin their parts in the fashion of one
debating with himself or an opponent.

Lessing 's tendency to reason about the laws of art had led
him to Shakespeare; Wieland 's impressionability exposed him
to Shakespeare's influence. Lessing found Shakespeare because
he needed him; Wieland happened upon Shakespeare and was
delighted with his find, but he would have mist nothing in life
if he had never found him. Having found Shakespeare, Lessing
felt compelled to reconcile him with the Greeks; Wieland was
content, in dilettante fashion, to enjoy both without troubling
himself as to apparent contradictions. Wieland began by trans-
lating the dramas that pleased him most, Midsummer night's
dream and The tempest. The work became burdensome to him
and he was content to let another finish it. He never understood
Shakespeare as an author. He did not translate him as an
author but as a "complex of passages,"6 and the passages that
appealed to him most were those least essentially Shakespearean :

Wenn wir Shakespeares sprachliche Welt unter dem Bilde einer Kugel
sehen, worin vom innersten Herzen die Sprachkrafte ausstrahlen, so
werden wir dem Zentrum zunachst die Sphare der eigentlichen Leiden-
schaft, der Tragodien finden, wo die Sprache noch ganz gliiht, wallt und
zittert von der innersten Erschiitterung des Werdens; das ist die Sprache
des Hamlet und des Othello, des Macbeth und Coriolanus, des Lear und
Antonius, der Sonette. Dieser zentralen Schicht, der Shakespeare heute
seinen hochsten Euhm dankt, vorgelagert ist die, welche wir die
rhetorische nennen mochten. Immer noch angestrahlt und gespeist von
den Gluten der Mitte, aber schon gelockert und mehr gemischt mit Ele-
menten, die nicht Shakespeares Erschiitterung angehoren, sondern den
Sprachkonventionen der Zeit, freilich auch sie vollig umgeschmolzen und
verarbeitet in dem Shakespearschen Pathos zum Shakespeareschen Ryth-
mus gezwungen. Die Hauptzeugnisse dieser Schicht sind die Historien.
Die auszerste, gewissermaszen schon abgekiihlte, minder kernhafte, lok-

Ibid., p. 171.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 429

kerste, spielende, flimmernde Schicht bilclet die Diktion der Komodien, die
wohl noch immer das innere Feuer ahnen laszt, aber nur in leichten,
lichten Schwingungen, in farbige Luft verwandelt . . . Von den drei
dichterischen Spharen Shakespeares, die sich sprachlich auszerten, war
dem Empfinden Wielands eine einzige zuganglich, die oberste, diinnste,
die Sphare der Laune, des Spiels, der Komantik. In sie drang er ein, sie
zu erleben war er vorbereitet, einmal durch sein eigenes, spielendes, lau-
nisches Temperament und dann auch durch die Theorie der Schweizer,
von denen-er herkam, die Aesthetik des Wunderbaren, die sich wesentlich
auf die romantischen Stiicke bezog.6ft

t Wieland's opinions of Shakespeare are often self-contra-
dictory. His notes to the translation especially contradict opin-
ions privately exprest in his correspondence. Wieland's critical
notes have been unjustly compared with the notes in Pope's
edition, in which faults are criticized and beauties commented
upon. In reality the notes of Wieland are, as one critic says,
" Stimmungsausbriiche " showing Wieland's impatience over the
fact that Shakespeare yields himself so incompletely to a render-
ing. But when not in the midst of his labors, Wieland appreci-
ated Shakespeare more broadly, "wie ein Bergsteiger wahrend
der miihseligen Erkletterung eines Gipfels ein minder freund-
liches Verhaltnis zu ihm hat, als wenn er nach iiberstandener
Miihsal ihn vom Tale aus wieder ragen sieht. ' '7 Yet even grant-
ing that these notes were not portions of a total critical view of
Shakespeare as a whole, they nevertheless represent the limitation
of Wieland's taste, as do also the passages that he omitted or
glost over. Wieland's omissions have a different significance
from Schlegel's: "Wenn Schlegel Shakespear-Stellen schwachte
oder wegliesz, so war dies ein stillschweigendes Gestandnis, dasz
. das Publikum zu dumm dafiir sei. Wenn Wieland weglaszt
oder kommentiert ... so gibt er immer zu, dasz Shakespeare zu
schlecht sei fur das Publikum."8

Tho Wieland was susceptible only to an external phase of
Shakespeare's world, his Don Sylvio von Rosalva is the first
German piece of literature in which Shakespeare is genuinely

e* Ibid., p. 176.
7 Ibid., p. 178.
s Ibid., p. 170.

430 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

effective, "die erste Dichtung, in die er nicht nur als Rohstoff
iibernommen ist, sondern als seelische Substanz spiirbar bis in
Tonfalle hinein. Die Sprache schleppt nicht mehr ihre Inhalte,
sondern wird von ihnen getragen. . . . Die Satze sind leicht und
gleitend, wie das wovon sie reden."9 A Shakespearean atmo-
sphere prevails, altho Gundolf is forced to admit : "In die Son-
nenstaubehen ist mancher Puderstaub und Stubenstaub ge-
mischt."9

In Oberon, too, the influence of Shakespeare is to be found
in the atmosphere and not in the motifs:10 "Nicht Feenmotive
sondern Feenluft, Elfenspiel, Mondscheinlandschaft und die sin-
nige Verkniipfung von Schicksal und Stimmung, von Sinnlich-
keit und Schicksal, die sprachliche Lockerheit, die sich den
sinnlichen Eindriicken anschmiegt und sie wiedergibt, . . . kurz
die Eroberung der deutschen Sprache als Klang und Ton fur
die Sinnlichkeit und fiir die Phantasie ; das ist hier Shakespeares
Einflusz."11

Thru the translation of Wieland, Shakespeare, or rather Wie-
land's Shakespeare, became the common property of Germany.
His Shakespeare was a power while the genuine Shakespeare was
as yet practically unknown. His prose Shakespeare is the one
that influenced Gotz and the other dramas of the "Sturm und
Drang" period, including even so late a work as Schiller's
Rduber. The Shakespeare constructed by Wieland was as much
a reality, that is to say a force, in German literature as the Ossian
invented by Macpherson.12

In Herder were united the characteristics of his predecessors.
He possest sensibility to a larger extent than Wieland and Gers-
tenberg. Like Lessing he laid stress upon the historical circum-
stances in which art developt. The determining influence for
Herder was, however, Hamann, who held that poetry was an
emanation of God's revelation, of which the poet was the uncon-
scious medium. According to that the poet must have no ends

» Ibid., p. 179.

10 Of. Koch [284].

11 Gundolf [416] 181.

12 Ibid., p. 188.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 431

of his own, must lay no restraint upon himself but write as it
was given him to do. Thus every age might have the revelation
intended for it.

With a little infusion of Lessing's logic, which harmonized
ill with the prevailing dithyrambic tone, Herder gave expression
to Hamann's feeling for the identity of poetry and the creative
process. His essay on Shakespeare in Von deutscher Art und
Kunst is the most impressive portrait we have to-day of Shake-
speare against the background of his age.

Lessing had held that since audiences of different races were
different they must be appealed to in different ways in order
that their elevation might be brot about. Herder ignored the
audience and denied that its elevation was an object : " Er hat
den entscheidenden Schritt getan : die Grundlagen der Aesthetik,
den Schwerpunkt des Schaffens, in den Schopfer zu legen statt
in den Aufnehmenden/'13 Where Lessing and Herder seemed
to write of the same ideas they were most at variance. For Less-
ing poetry was a means to an end (Zweck) . With Herder poetry
was itself * ' Zweck. " " Wenn sie von Genie reden, meint Lessing
iiberlegene Einsicht in die Normeii der Welt, Herder die Fahig-
keit Leben zu schaffen und zu fiihlen. Wenn sie von Natur
reden, meint Lessing ein Komplex werdender Dinge und bewegter
Krafte."14

To describe Shakespeare was for Herder not to give an ac-
count of his plots and the problems supposed to be involved, nor
to show how he produced certain effects. Herder described
Shakespeare by reproducing the very atmosphere, life, and rithm
of King Lear and Macbeth.^ It was Herder who first presented
Shakespeare in his totality to the German people after Lessing,
Gerstenberg, and Wieland had presented certain sides: "Er
hat der Zentralsonne die Ausstrahlung nach alien Seiten ermog-
licht. Dies hatte die vollige Umwandlung der Atmosphare zur
Folge."16

13 ibid., p. 205.

i* Ibid., p. 200 and 106f.

is Ibid., p. 209.

16 Ibid., p. 213.

432 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

It was Herder's susceptibility to emotion that brot him into
contact with Shakespeare. With Wieland it was his sense of the
beautiful; with Lessing it was his constructive criticism; with
Goethe finally it was his creative instinct. "Was fruchtbar allein
ist wahr ' ' was Goethe 's view, and Shakespeare was such a verity
to Goethe. Goethe's feeling toward Shakespeare was always a
personal one. Herder's Shakespeare-Aufsatz was an attempt to
estimate Shakespeare's importance; Goethe's Shakespeare-Rede
was a personal confession. Gundolf holds that Goethe read his
own thots into Shakespeare from the first. When Goethe says:
' l Seine Stiicke drehen sich alle urn den geheimen Punkt, ... in
dem das Eigenthumliche unseres Ichs, die pratendirte Freiheit
unsres Willens mit dem nothwendigen Gang des Ganzen zusam-
menstoszt, ' '16a he is thinking of his own Gotz, his Casar, Sokrates,
Mahomet, and Prometheus. The dramatic form in which these
heroes are treated was perhaps due to Shakespeare's influence,
or, as Gundolf says, " Verf iihrung. " Gotz should have been
treated in an epic, Prometheus and Mahomet in a dithyrambic
style. Not the real Shakespeare but rather the Wieland version
of Shakespeare could give sanction to Goethe's Gotz. There
were three characteristics of Shakespeare's style as transmitted
by Wieland that made an impression on the young "Sturmer
und D ranger : ' ' first, the rudeness in the scenes in which the
common people appear ; second, the puns and play with the lan-
guage ; third, the pictorial language. The first of these was not
especially Shakespearean, the second was merely a fad of the
Elizabethan age, the third feature alone was important, but its
influence was limited. Especially in his riper years Shakespeare
thot unconsciously in figures, while Goethe uses figures con-
sciously in order to express an idea more clearly. In the struc-
ture and in the language, then, of Goethe's early dramas Gun-
dolf finds little Shakespearean influence. With concrete motifs
he does not concern himself. They would not be significant,
he says, even if found.

Goethe, WerTce I 37, 133.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 433

Yet Goethe was after all indebted to Shakespeare for
something elusive but essential: he was indebted to him for
atmosphere.

Shakespeare lehrte ihn die ganze auszere Welt, vor allem die Menschen-
welt als ein beseeltes, bewegtes und unerschopfliches Ganze, dichterisch
sehen und durchfiihlen. Die Ideen von Mensch, Schicksal, Sehaffen,
Zeugen, Leidenschaft, die der Eationalisraus beseitigt und Herder wieder
in die Betrachtung eingefiihrt hatte, waren fiir Goethe als Ersten pro-
duktive Machte des eigenen Lebens und Schaffens geworden. . . . Diese
allgemeine Atmosphare durchdrang Goethes Sehaffen, je weniger er daran
dachte.i?

Gundolf regards Goethe's lyric poetry of the Straszburg
period as the first product of his new feeling for human fate,
for his own soul, and for external nature.

Werther is the second product in which Shakespeare's in-
fluence became conspicuous. Hamlet was the first work which
made full use of the poetic possibilities of the renaissance, "das
erste Werk, worin der Einzelmensch als sein eigener Inhalt, sein
eigener Sinn und sein eigenes Schicksal der Welt gegeniiber
tritt. "18 Werther was its immediate successor for Werther too
was a being who because of over-sensitiveness and too great full-
ness of the inner life was destined to be unhappy in his relations
with the world. "Zwischen Hamlet und Werther," Gundolf
says, "ist kein Werk geschrieben worden mit diesem spezifischeii
Problem und diesem spezifischem Menschengef iihl. "18

Werther is not a mere love story. Love is but the occasion
for Werther 's inner conflict, as revenge is for Hamlet 's. In both
cases it is the struggle with self that is essential. In breadth
and depth Werther is not comparable with Hamlet for the ample
renaissance is the stage of Hamlet, the narrow middle-class
society that of Werther; but Gundolf . counts it as a merit that
Goethe was able to introduce such pathos into the middle-class
sphere. Gundolf groups Tasso and Iphigenie with Werther:
"An Tasso ist nichts Shakespearisches, als was daran gesteigerter

Gundolf [416] 243.
Ibid., p. 2451

434 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Werther 1st. Das gleiche gilt von Orest in der Iphigenie."19
Werther, Iphigenie, Tasso, Faust form, according to Gundolf, a
series of works in which Goethe, always more or less unconsciously
under the influence of Shakespeare, sot to give form to the con-
flicts of the inner life. Faust is a work which occupies the same
position in the " Bildungszeitalter " as Hamlet did in the renais-
sance. The tragic element in Faust arises accordingly out of
striving, in Hamlet out of simple being; for the aim of the
"Bildungszeitalter" was to realize an ideal, the aim of the renais-
sance was to be in control of the realities. Hamlet was the product
of court life, Faust of pulpit and study. This Gundolf attributes
to differences of nationality rather than of age. Faust has a
pedagogic tendency lacking in Hamlet. Gundolf reckons this to
Shakespeare 's advantage. Goethe was the teacher his age needed,
but "Shakespeare steht zu hoch liber den Menschen, um in eine
padagogische Beziehung zu ihnen zu treten."20

As Werther, Tasso, Iphigenie, Faust represent man's inner
conflicts, so Gotz, Egmont, Wilhelm Meister, Faust represent man
in his conflict with the outer world. To this latter series Shake-
speare's historical plays were related. The first two were less
successful than Shakespeare 's histories : ' ' Die Geschichte ist bei
Goethe Zufall, bei Shakespeare Notwendigkeit. Darum hat die
eine Tendenz Goethes: die auszere Weltbreite in symbolische
Bilder zu formen (Gotz, Egmont), ihre Erfiillung nicht in ge-
schichtlichen Symbolen finden konnen, sondern erst im groszen
Bildungsroman, im Wilhelm Meister. "^

In the history of Shakespeare in Germany Gundolf attributes
a particular significance to Wilhelm Meister. Here Hamlet is
treated as a mythical personage existing quite independently of
Shakespeare. He is a being who can be discust for his own sake.
This fact is a symbol that the struggle regarding the justifica-
tion of Shakespeare is over. As Wilhelm Meister was a self-
confession on Goethe's part, the prominence of Shakespeare is
also justified, for there had been four main elements in Goethe 's

i» Ibid., p. 312.

20 Ibid., p. 250.

21 Ibid., p. 315.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 435

education: middle-class society, aristocratic society, women, and
the theater ; and the last was not the least important.

In spite of all these apparent concessions Gundolf is not
inclined to recognize any fundamental enduring influence of
Shakespeare on Goethe. Shakespeare did not stand as model for
the form of Egmont; Lessing's Nathan and Schiller's Don Carlos
were written in prose and later recast in verse, but in the case
of Egmont the verse and rithm forced themselves in. Shake-
speare 's influence is not evident in Goethe 's conception of men ;
there is almost nothing specifically Shakespearean in Tasso and
Orestes for Goethe's aim was not to depict mankind on his
canvas but a simple event. Nature in Goethe was not the same
as in Shakespeare: "Die Natur als Chaos, Element, Atmo-
sphare, wie sie noch im Gotz waltet, Zeit und Raum kiihn aufhe-
bend oder mischend, die Shakespearische Natur, ist in Tasso und
Iphigeme verschwunden. Die Kultur, ja die Gesittung, der Hof
hat sich den Raum geschaffen, Hain und Garten."21* Goethe's
representation of the people is different from Shakespeare's:
"die einzelnen Burger (in Egmont) wirken nicht als Masse: sie
reprasentieren, jeder fur sich, eine bestimmte Sorte Mensch, die
massenweise"vorkommt."21b "Das Individuum, das Shakespeare
auf die Biihne stellt, ist eben nicht der einzelne Sprecher, sondern
der Pobel, das Volk."21b Finally, as already indicated, history
is for Goethe a matter of accident, for Shakespeare a matter of
necessity.

The thread of the Goethe discussion may be dropt for a
moment here in order that we may heed chronology and give
a resume of Gundolf ?s views in regard to Goethe's colleags of
the "Sturm und Drang" period and also in regard to Schiller.
As usual without reference to previous literature on the subject
and without statement of concrete facts Gundolf renders a well-
considered judgment of the relation of these writers to Shake-
speare, or rather to Wieland's Shakespeare, for the latter he
regards as their model.

21° Ibid., p. 313.
2iblbid., p. 314.

436 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Leisewitz210 was rather loosely connected with the group.
Lessing was his starting point rather than Herder's theory and
Goethe's practice, but even so he learned to bid defiance to rule
almost as much as Herder 's pupils and to give heed alone to the
dictates of nature, life, and freedom.

Most of the "Sturmer und Dranger" in their attempt to
imitate Shakespeare only succeeded in vulgarizing him. Such
was the case with Wagner :22 * ' Er sah als Plebejer vor allem
das 'Natiirliche' und verstand darunter das Gemeine. Seine
Kindsmdrderin . . . hat von Goethe und Shakespeare nichts
geholt, als die Erlaubnis, sich nicht zu genieren. Was in Goethes
Drama Symbol ist (die Gretchen-Tragodie), das benutzt Wagner
als Kohstoff."23

Lenz24 resembled Wagner in his imitation of Goethe and in
his conception of ' ' Natiirlichkeit. ' ' Sex problems offered him the
best opportunity to express the latter. Gundolf distinguishes
between Natur and Natiirlichkeit. ' * Von Lillo und Diderot iiber
Lenz und Wagner zu Schroder, Iffland, Kotzebue bis Sudermann
und Hauptmann : immer hielt man das f iir Natur und Wirklich-
keit, was gerade die Zeitgenossen am meisten beschaftigte. . . .
Ein Literat halt das fiir das Natiirlichste, was ihm am leichtesten
fallt, das fiir das Wirklichste, was er zuerst sieht, und das
fiir das Lebendigste, was am meisten Larm macht, eben die
Aktualitaten."24*

Lenz did not become acquainted with Shakespeare without
intermediaries. This is clearly shown by the confusion of ideas
in his Anmerkungen uber das Theater, some of them derived from

2ic Leisewitz, Job. Anton (1752-1806); Julius von Tarent, ein Trauer-
spiel (Leipzig 1776); also in Sammtliche Schriften (Braunschweig 1838),
in DLD XXXII (1889) with an introduction by K. M. Werner, and in
DNL LXXIX (1883).

22 Wagner, Heinrich Leopold (1747-1779); Die Kindesmorderin, ein
Trauerspiel (Leipzig 1776). Also in DLD XIII (1883), and in DNL LXXX
.(1883) with bibliography of Wagner by Sauer, p. 282.

23 Gundolf [416] 253.

24 Lenz, Joh. Mich. Eeinhold (1751-1792) ; his works were first col-
lected by Tieck, Berlin 1828, and most recently by Blei, Miinchen 1910.
Cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY [536]-[541].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 437

Lessing, some of them from Herder, others quite his own. It
was the misunderstood Shakespeare, Wieland's Shakespeare,
"der Dichter, der sich gehen liesz, der Shakespeare, in dem
Derbheiten, Gemeinheiten und Pobel vorkamen"24" who stood as
Lenz's model. The misunderstood Shakespeare may also have
strengthened him in his eccentricity and arbitrariness, otherwise
there is scarcely any sign of direct influence. Reference to
parallel passages and motifs Gundolf avoids as usual.

Characteristic of Klinger25 is the determination to work him-
self into a passion at whatever cost. The various characters in
Sturm und Drang (1776) represent different stages of madness:
' ' Schwermut, Groszenwahn, Verf olgungswahn, Hysteric usw. ' '25a
His attempts to fasten Shakespearean passion upon his little
heroes would correspond to an artist 's attempt to endow his life-
sized figures with the muscles of a statue of Michael Angelo.

Maler Miiller26 was advantageously affected by Shakespeare.
As he was an artist by nature, it was Shakespeare's coloring
that appealed to him. In Gotz this was but a means to an end,
for Maler Miiller it was an end in itself. He further extended
Wieland's supremacy over the romantic element of the forest,
over the realm of elves and fairies. In his case it is not a mere
appreciation of the supernatural; he succeeds in giving a soul
to nature: "Dieser Teil von Shakespeares Welt, Sturm und
Sommernachstraum, hat vor allem auf Miiller gewirkt, und-zwar
als Luft, nicht als Muster."27

Between the adherents of Schiller and of Shakespeare there
has always been a line of demarcation in Germany.28 Gundolf

24* Gundolf [416] 255,

25 Klinger, Friedrich Maximilian (1752-1831) -.Theater (Eiga 1786-
1787), (Konigsberg 1809-1816), (Stuttgart 3842). The dramas Sturm und
Drang, Die Z willing e, and others are in DNL LXXIX (1883). Eegarding
Shakespeare's influence on Klinger see Jacobowski [535].

25* Gundolf [416] 259.

26 Miiller, Friedrich (1749-1825) ; WerJce (Heidelberg 1811). Selections
in DNL LXXXI (1884?) with bibliography and in Bibliothek der deutschen
Nationallit. d. 18. u. 19. Jh. X-XI (Leipzig 1868).

27 Gundolf [416] 267.

28 Cf. Ludwig [564]. The rivalry of Schiller and Shakespeare for
public favor in the nineteenth century is the main theme of this work.

438 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

shows himself clearly to be an adherent of Shakespeare. * ' Er, ' '
(Schiller) he says, "verwandelte alles, was (bei Shakespeare)
Urkraft oder Gestalt war, in Ideen, in ein Mittelding zwischen
Leben und Denken. ' '28a It was this which brot Shakespeare part
way down to the level of the people and elevated the people part
way up to Shakespeare 's height :

Was Goethes Gote nicht vermocht, geschweige Herders Werben, noch
Lessings Fackel noch Wielands und Eschenburgs Dolmetschung noch
Schroders entgegenkommende Verstiimmelung : das haben Schillers Draraen
vermocht. Durch Schiller haben erst die Deutschen in ihrer Gesamtheit
Licht und Warme der dramatischen Zentralsonne empfangen.29

The great German dramatists interpreted Shakespeare in
accordance with their own personalities. Lessing interpreted
him as "ein Vernunf tganzes, " Goethe as "ein Naturganzes, "
and Schiller as "ein Moralganzes. "30 For Schiller the world
was primarily an arena in which the moral forces strove to assert
themselves. Schiller's interpretation of Shakespeare was funda-
mentally incorrect, and it had the most wide-reaching and un-
fortunate effects upon German esthetics, dramatics, ethics, and
philosophy of life.

Gundolf feels called upon to define in summary Shakespeare 's
view of the world and Schiller's interpretation of that view.
Shakespeare accepts the world as it is. Its meaning lies within
itself. Schiller understands Shakespeare to agree with him that
the things of this earth are but the counterparts of a higher
world-order. Herein he was in error :

Shakespeares Menschen sind . . . Geschopfe, die aus ihrer Wirklichkeit
heraus leidenschaftlich wollen . . . und dadurch mit andern Teilen der
Wirklichkeit in Widerstreit geraten. Dieser Widerstreit ist ihr Sehicksal.
Die Menschen von Schillers Shakespeare sind isolierte Geschopfe, die
entweder gegen oder fiir jene moralische Weltordnung . . . wollen und
handeln und dadurch in Schuld oder Unschuld treten . . . Bei Shake-
speare ist die Weltgeschichte ein Komplex der Taten, Leiden und Geschicke.
Nach Schiller ware sie das Weltgericht31

2«a Gundolf [416] 286.
29 Ibid., p. 288.
so Ibid., p. 289.
si Ibid., p. 291.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 439

The latter was not the case with Shakespeare.

Shakespeare sah im Untergang keinen Kichterspruch, auch kannte er
kein Gut und Bose fur alle Falle. . . . Die Moral 1st fur Shakespeare
eine cler Wirklichkeiten der Welt wie andere auch, und nicht immer
siegreich. Dummheit, Bosheit, Genie, Schonheit, Kraft usw. sind oft
gerade so machtig oder machtiger. . . . Seine Figuren siegen oder fallen
nie, um dem oder jenem Sittengesetz zu geniigen, sondern weil der Kampf
zwischen Wirklichkeiten ein erschiitterndes, erhebendes oder erheiterndes
Schauspiel ist fur den Gott. . . . Man musz schon vollig durch Schil-
lerische Aesthetik verbildet, unbefangenen Gefiihls beraubt sein, wenn
man am Schlusz des Casar, des Antonius, des Lear statt der tragischen
Erhebung oder Erschiitterung iiber die Groszheit, Gewalt und Furcht-
barkeit des Weltgeschehens ein moralisches Behagen empfindet iiber die
gottliche Gerechtigkeit. . . . Doch Schiller las alle diese Stiicke in dem
Sinn als handle es sich um einen Prozess zwischen Gut und Bose, der vor
dem Eichterstuhl der sittlichen Nemesis sich abspiele.32

Actual borrowings by Schiller from Shakespeare are appar-
ently in Gundolf ' s opinion comparatively rare. He borrowed the
colors for his moral pictures from his misunderstood Shake-
speare ; not the characters themselves, but their actions and de-
meanors. To this extent he made use of lago, Richard, Macbeth,
Regan, and Edmund. Schiller's language was as unlike Shake-
speare's as possible. Schiller's comparisons are not disburden*
ings of the fancy, they are conscious endeavors to make clearer
the moral lesson. As a striking example of Schiller's moral in-
terpretation of Shakespeare Gundolf cites his Macbeth "Bear-
beitung :

Mit welcher Meisterschaf t hat es Schiller fertig gebracht, durch kleine
Driicker die gesamte Diktion des Stiickes zu versittlichen. Es ist eine
Mustersammlung geworden, um die wesentlichen Unterschiede zwischen
Schillers und Shakespeares Sprache zu vergegenwiirtigen. Nirgends
ergeht sich Schillers Trieb, alles was bei Shakespeare Leidenschaft ist,
als Moral zu lesen, was Ausdruck von Wesen ist, zur Beziehung auf das
Ideal umzumiinzen, freier und wohlgefalliger.33

Having suffered a varied fate in Germany at the hands of
opponents (Gottsched and his school), apologists (Schlegel and

32 Ibid., p. 293f .

33 Ibid., p. 308; cf. [574] ff., especially Koster [580].

440 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Bodmer), defenders (Lessing and Nicolai), panegyricists (Her-
der and Gerstenberg), and enthusiasts (Sturmer und Draiiger),
Shakespeare was now an accepted fact in German literature;
but even so he was interpreted in two distinct fashions by two
groups, the classicists and the romanticists. These two schools
were at bottom allies. They represented the forces that had
overcome rationalism. For the romanticists Shakespeare was the
typical romantic poet. He appealed to them in three ways: to
use Gundolf's terms, "als der universale Phantast, als der uni-
versale Denker und Ironiker, als der Sprachmeister schlechthin. "
In the first role he appealed to Tieck, in the second to Friedrich
Schlegel, in the third to August Wilhelm Schlegel.

Tieck completed the work begun by Wieland and continued
by Maler Miiller. His predecessors had pointed out the exist-
ence of the realm of fancy. Tieck brot it home to a generation
of his countrymen.

It was as a thinker that Shakespeare appealed to Lessing as
well as to Friedrich Schlegel, but Schlegel was the first to inter-
pret Shakespeare 's dramas as a portion of cosmic thot : ' * Shake-
speares Werke sind fur Schlegel in dem Sinn fleischgewordenes
Denken, wie die "Welt selbst Gottes Gedanke ist. Wenn Gott
denkt, entsteht Schopfung. Wenn Shakespeare denkt, entsteht
Dichtung. ' '3* It was this that brot Goethe to the point of taking
issue with the romanticists, practically in his version of Romeo
and Juliet, theoretically in his Shakespeare und kein Ende. The
issue is not clearly shown in his Romeo und Julia, for here he
was acting not only as a commentator but also as a theater
director.

To the Grecian-minded Goethe7man could not be subordinated
to cosmic thot. Man was himself the measure of all things:
"Von welcher Seite man den Aufsatz (Shakespeare und kein
Ende) liest, sein Zweck ist, Grenzen aufzurichten gegen das
Grenzenlose, Gestalt zu schaffen gegeniiber dem nur Bewegten,
Masz zu setzen wider das Maszlose."33

34 ibid., p. 340.

ss Ibid., p. 350.

1920] Price: Englisli> German Literary Influences — Survey 441

Gundolf 's explanation of August Wilhelm Schlegel's success
as a translator is to such an extent a summary of his monograph
that it can scarcely be omitted here. According to him, in order
that an approximately adequate translation could come into
being certain conditions had first to be fulfilled :

1. Der deutsche Geist muszte genug erlebt haben, genug Schicksale
haben, um in seiner Sprache die Seelenwerte auszubilden, welche denen
Shakespeares nach Tiefe und Umfang entsprachen. Wir haben diesen
Prozess von Lessing her verf olgt, wie hauptsachlich an Shakespeare selber
solche Seelenwerte sich ausbildeten und Sprachwerte wurden durch un-
sere Klassiker und ihre Gesellen, wie Sinnlichkeit, Leidenschaft, Natur
usw. Schritt fiir Schritt erlebbar und sprachfahig wurden. In Goethe
endlich war eine so umfassende Seele erstanden, dasz sie die ganze Breite
und Tiefe der deutschen Sprache mit ihrem Leben durchdyang, ihre starre
Vergangenheit wieder lebendig machte und ihr eine grenzenlose Zukunft
verbiirgte. Jetzt erst hatte der deutsche Geist einen Dichter, dessen
Sprache mit der Shakespeares wetteifern konnte und den ganzen Umfang
der Seelenwerte des Briten wenn nicht nachschaffen so doch nachleben.
Doch diese Sprache verbrauchte Goethe zum Ausdruck seiner eigenen
weltweiten und welttiefen Erlebnisse und Erkenntnisse. Damit die durch
ihn geschaffenen Sprachmogliehkeiten, das durch ihn gehobene Sprach-
wissen frei werde, bedurfte es also

2. eines Geschlechts, das die Sprache (d. h. eben den ausdruck-
gewordenen Geist), die Goethe ganz in Gestaltungen gebannt hatte, rein
als Bewegung erlebte und als Bewegung , verwertete. Dies war die
Eomantik. Kam nun

3. ein Mensch dazu, der mit dieser umfassenden Sprachbewegung
weder eigenes Erleben zu gestalten und auszudriicken suchte, wie Goethe,
noch sie rein als Spiel und Funktion ungestalt walten liesz, wie Tieck,
sondern mit ihr dem umfassendsten, in einer anderen Sprache d. h. einem
andern Seelenstoff verkb'rperten Lebenskomplex nachging, ihn in deutsche
Sprachbewegung verwandelte und ihm dadurch zugleich eine deutsche
Sprachgestalt gab, so ward die Mdglichkeit einer deutschen Shakespeare-
tibertragung verwirklicht, worin der deutsche Geist und die Seele Shake-
speares durch ein gemeinsames Medium sich ausdriickten, worin Shake-
speare wirklich deutsche Sprache geworden war. Dieser Mann ist August
Wilhelm Schlegel. Durch Goethe ward die deutsche Sprache erst reich
genug, Shakespeare auszudriicken, durch die romantische Bewegung frei
genug, durch Schlegel entsagend genug.35*

Gundolf does not believe, however, that the Schlegel trans-
lation of Shakespeare will always be unsurpast, and he points

35" Ibid., p. 352.

442 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

out Schlegel colored his translation a little with "das Gute"
( Schiller ) , " das Schone ' ' ( griechische ) , " das Wahre ' ' ( Bildungs-
elemente). "Das alles fallt bei Schlegel nicht so auf wie bei
seinen Epigonen. "36

Gundolf excuses himself from continuing his history into the
nineteenth century. He admits that the influence of Shakespeare
continues :

Die Produktion im neunzehnten Jahrhundert wird fast vb'llig beherrscht
von Schlegels Shakespeare, von Schillers Ideal, von Goethes Natur und
Bildung, wozu spater noch Byrons und Heines seelische und soziale
Aktualitaten kamen.38

But new interpretations of Shakespeare were entirely absent :

Man schamt sich fiir den deutschen Geist, wenn man nach Herders
Shakespeare nach Goethes Shakespeare und Tcein Ende, nach Schlegels
Vorlesungen auch die besten, etwa Vischer oder gar Gervinus, zur Hand
nimmt. Welche Verflachung, welche Verengung nicht nur der Personen
sondern des Zeitgeistes!39

Nietzsche appears to have been the first whose coming, accord-
ing to Gundolf 's opinion, heralded the dawn of a new reality
with new organs for its appreciation, bringing with it the neces-
sity of a new interpretation of Shakespeare. Doubtless Gundolf
feels that his own Shakespeare translation37 and interpretation is
in accord with this new conception.

As for Kleist and Hebbel, Gundolf only mentions them in
passing. They were "heroische Kauze," but "Shakespeare hat
in ihnen nicht Geschichte gemacht."38 Shakespeare was merely
a part of their biography. "In Kleist allein hat vielleicht die
durch Schlegel gehobene Verssprache Shakespeares einen pro-
duktiven Nachfolger gefunden. ' '38 This parallels in a weak-
ened form the assertion already made by Wetz: "Dank Hein-
rich von Kleist hatten unsere Dichtersprache und unser drama-
tischer Vers eine weitere Ausbildung erfahren und konnten nun

se ibid., p. 358f.

37 Eeviewed in ShJ XLV (1909) 364-369.

ss Gundolf [416] 357.

39 Ibid., p. 356.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 443

ils ein adaquateres Ausdrucksmittel fur Shakespeare gelten als
Beginn der neunziger Jahre."40

* ••*•.'*..•••*•••

If any one work has demonstrated by means of literary
phenomena fundamental differences between the English and the
German intellect it is this work of Gundolf 's. In it he makes
many comparisons which generally fall to the disadvantage of
the German side: Shakespeare's dramas are living organisms,
Lessing's are well-fabricated machines; Shakespeare's atmo-
sphere is that of the free out-of-doors, Wieland mingles salon
atmosphere therewith ; Hamlet is filled with the invigorating life
of the renaissance, Faust with the study-atmosphere of the * ' Bil-
dungszeitalter ; " Shakespeare's theme is the fullness of human
life, Schiller's the moral that can be read into life; and finally
the German spirit has grappled with Shakespeare for centuries
and has as yet encompast him but partially. Yet on maturer
deliberation it would be clearly unsafe to generalize as to na-
tional traits from such comparisons as these, for while successive
German periods form one part of the inequation it is always
Shakespeare who forms the other ; thus we have a comparison of
age with age rather than of race with race.41 At one point, to
be sure, Gundolf verges on a contrast. In justification of his
disregard of the average view that led to such productions as
Schroder's dramatic versions and Eschenburg's translation he
says:

Die Schopfer der Bewegung haben in Deutschland me etwas vom
Publikum geistig empfangen und im Theater nie etwas anderes denn ein
Mittel gesehen. . . . (Werke wie) Werther, Gotz, Die Eauber entstanden
in einer ahnungslosen Einsamkeit. . . . Deutsches Publikum ist bestenfalls
geschaffen worden, Groszes hat es niemals schaffen helfen. Es nmszte
zu allem gezwungen, behext oder iiberredet werden. So wie Racine von
der franzosischeii Gesellschaft, Sophokles von der Polis, selbst Shake-
speare von der agonalen Luft seines elizabethanischen Englands ist nie
ein neuerer deutscher Autor von der aktuellen deutschen Umwelt im
guten Sinne beeinfluszt worden.4ia

4o\Vetz [713] 345.

41 An apparent exception occurs in Gundolf s comparison of Hamlet
with Faust (see above).
4i° Gundolf [416] 280f .

444 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Whether this harsh criticism is true or not may be left un-
decided, but it is a striking fact that several German critics have
found the gulf between author and public wider in Germany
than elsewhere. Some, like Resewitz in the eighteenth century42
and Schmidt and Freytag in the nineteenth,43 blame the author
for not seeking contact with the people thru labor, while a few,
no doubt, like Gundolf blame the public; for the Nietzscheian
Gundolf believes in an aristocracy of intellect and despises the
sheep-like passivity of the average man. If the public in reality
is to the poet less stimulating in Germany than elsewhere it
might be argued that the remedy is not some impossible rebirth
of the German soul but rather a thoro reorganization of the
German literary republic. Gundolf 's strictures seek to prove no
actual qualitative difference as to "Geist" between the average
German and the average Englishman and no such difference can
be deduced from them.

42 Quoted in SURVEY, p. 298.

43 Quoted in SURVEY, p. 514.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

445

CHAPTER 18

SHAKESPEARE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

In Chapter 14 is recorded the fact that those best informed
in regard to the matter no longer attribute Shakespeare's recog-
nition in the eighteenth century to the Germans rather than the
English. It is in order here to emphasize the real service of
the Germans in regard to Shakespeare. Since the middle of the
eighteenth century they have probably done more than any other
nation to preserve Shakespeare as a vital factor of modern life.
In Germany the study of Shakespeare is most ardently prose-
cuted. There his dramas are most widely read by people of
varying degrees of education. There his plays are ' most fre-
quently produced, and generally before appreciative and critical
spectators. Scarcely another race has produced such notable
adherents of Shakespeare as Herder, Goethe, and Schiller, nor
has Shakespeare at any time or place more nearly establisht a
cult than with the ' ' Sturmer und Dranger ' ' and the romanticists.
The influence of the efforts of the German appreciators of Shake-
speare have extended beyond the confines of Germany. It has
been said for example that the Italians have seen Shakespeare
thru German rather than English eyes,1 and perhaps the same
is true of the Hungarians.2 The passion for Shakespeare has
always glowed in Germany with a fervor unaffected by any
nationalistic considerations. This was shown most clearly by
the dramatic presentations, the commemorative addresses, and
the mass of scientific, critical, and ephemeral literature called
out in 1916 by the three hundredth anniversary of his death.

The course of Shakespearean interpretation in the nineteenth
century has been largely dominated by the program of the ro-
manticists. Their program has been amply set forth by Joachimi-

iSee Robertson in MLR XVI (1919) 436.
2 See Rozsa in.ShJ LII (1917) 127.

446 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Dege [479] in the second and more valuable half of her study.
The greater part of the work of the romanticists, she reminds
us, was intended for the elite, but the Shakespeare effort formed
a notable exception. Shakespeare was to be rendered accessible
to the entire people, who were thus to be lifted out of the com-
monplaceness that characterized the life of the time. The efforts
of the romanticists were successful : Shakespeare 's sayings have
become proverbs in Germany as in England;3 his words and
themes have been utilized by German composers ;4 and especially
since the time of the romanticists he has appeared as a figure
in German novels, stories, and dramas.5

In order to establish their views regarding Shakespeare, the
romanticists were compelled to fight a battle simultaneously on
three fronts: against the rationalists, who saw in Shakespeare
the typification of formlessness, against the adherents of the
' ' Sturm und Drang ' ' movement, who declined to recognize Shake-
speare as a conscious artist, and against the classicists. The last
named contest was the important one, for in the two former
cases the romanticists were fighting tendencies already on the
way to extinction.

Joachimi-Dege points out that the translation of Shakespeare
was but the foundation of a great work, part of which the ro-
manticists completed and part of which occupied the attention
of their successors thruout the nineteenth century. They planned
a philological and critical edition of Shakespeare anticipating
Delius, and a literary-historical edition anticipating Ulrici ; they
planned a study of Shakespeare's time in order to understand
him better, and they undertook a study of his life in order to

3 See Leo [419a].

4 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [423], [424], [424x], [528x], [529].

5 Ludwig [419ax] mentions only five dramatists who attempted to bring
Shakespeare in person on the stage before the appearance of Tieck's two
"Novellen," Ein Dichterleben (1825) and Der Dichter und sein FreunA
(1829). He notes over thirty attempts since then, chiefly by less known
dramatists. Among the dramas by better known dramatists were Die
Sommemacht, a fragment by Tieck (1789), first publisht in 1853; Shake-
speare in der Heimat oder die Freunde by Holtei (1840); William Shake-
speare by Lindner (1864); Christoph Marlow by Wildenbruch (1884); and
ShaTcespeare by Bleibtreu (1907).

1920] Price:, English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 447

derive therefrom a picture of his development as an artist and
to determine, if possible, the sequence of his works. Still more
important to them was the esthetic interpretation of Shake-
speare. As an ultimate goal they sot to arrive at conclusions
in regard to his philosophy.

They neglected no means to carry out their program. In
the journals they conducted a campain against their German
opponents and against the incapable English commentators and
editors. They sot to control Shakespearean production on the
stage in order that the stage should be adapted to Shakespeare,
not Shakespeare to the stage. They criticized stage decoration,
actors, and costumes, not withholding praise where it was due.
They gained the universities for their cause, without much effort,
but with the stage and the people they were only partially suc-
cessful. To compensate for this they held Shakespeare evenings
in which Shakespeare was read to the people in unabbreviated,
unrevised form.

Before considering the result of their endeavors it may be
well to set forth the external history of the Schlegel-Tieck-
Baudissin translation6 and of its more notable successors. Be-
tween the completion of the Wieland prose translation in 1766
and the beginning of the Schlegel translation in 1797 much had
occurred to render a poetic translation of Shakespeare possible.
Wetz has pointed out :

Wie namentlich der Blankvers durch den Don Carlos, durch Iphigenie
und Tasso gesehmeidigt worden war. Herder hatte auch fur seine Stimmen
der VolJcer einiges aus Shakespeare metrisch iibertragen, darimter manches
wie den groszen Monolog Othellos und die Worte Lorenzos aus dem
Kaufmann von Venedig iiber die Harmonic der Spharen, auszerst gliicklichj

The beginnings of Schickel's translation of Shakespeare date
back to 1789, when Schlegel as a student at Gottingen was a
close friend of Burger, then a professor there. The two met

6 The more accurate designation is here substituted for the traditional
one. The justification appears in the course of the discussion; it is more-
over generally conceded.

7 Wetz [713] 344.

448 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

often and workt together upon a metrical translation of Shake-
speare's Midsummer night's dream. Burger's actual contribu-
tions to the translation seem to have been small, but they served
as a model for Schlegel.8 In the introduction to the first volume
of his translation (1797) Schlegel specifically states that no
part of Burger's translation was carried into the present one.9
Furthermore, Schlegel discarded his own previous work as well,
for he had formed independent ideas since then of the nature
of Shakespeare and the proper form of translation.

The first volume of Schlegel's translation (1797) contained
Sommernachtstraum and Romeo und Julia, the second (1797)
Julius Cdsar and Was ihr ivollt, the third (1798) Sturm and
Hamlet, the fourth and fifth (1799) Der Kaufmann von Venedig,
Wie es euch gefdllt, Konig Johann, and Richard II, the sixth
(1800) Heinrich IV, and the seventh and eighth (1801) Hein-
rich V and Heinrich VI. Schlegel then let eight years pass be-
fore the next half volume was completed with Richard III. He
informed his publisher by letter, about eight years later, that a
continuation of the work was not to be expected from him. In
this letter he refers to the unpleasant fact that competitors had
entered the lists:

Unterdessen erfahre ich durch meinen Bruder, . . . der alte Vosz
wolle mit seinem Sohn (sic) Johann Hinrich und Abraham, vermuthlich
auch mit seinen Schwiegersb'hnen, Enkeln, gebohrnen und ungebohrneii,
mit Einem Worte der ganzen tibersetzungs-Schmiede-Sippschaft, auch
die von mir schon iibersetzten Stiicke neu iibersetzen. Dies ist freylich
eine grosze Impertinenz : allein wir haben kein ausschlieszendes Privilegium ;
es kommt darauf an, wie das Publicum die Sache nimmt.10

As early as 1806 Vosz and his son had translated Othello
and King Lear. Schiller encouraged them to the former work,
as he wisht to see it produced in Weimar. It was the first
intention to translate only such works as Schlegel had left un-
toucht, but during the years 1818 to 1829 the translation grew

s von Wurzbach, G. A. Burger (Leipzig 1900), p. 265f.

»Bernays [493] 111.

10 Genee [716] 12-14 reproduces this interesting letter.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 449

to completion. It was not, however, received with any great
favor by the public.

Schlegel had reason to be gratified when Tieck in the year
1819 indicated his readiness to take up the work where his asso-
ciates had dropt it.11 Tieck called to his assistance almost im-
mediately his daughter Dorothea, who set herself to work on
Macbeth. When the work of translation a few years later lagged
again and came to a standstill another helper was called in, Graf
Wolf von Baudissin, who had already translated Henry VIII
in 1818. In the division of the work Coriolanus, Two gentlemen
of Verona, Timon of Athens, The winter's tale, Cymbeline, and
Macbeth fell to the share of Dorothea Tieck, who also translated
the lyric passages in Love's labor's lost and some of the other
plays. To Graf Baudissin 's lot fell Love's labor's lost, Much
ado about nothing, Taming of the shrew, Henry VIII, Measure
for measure, Antony and Cleopatra, Titus Andronicus, Comedy
of errors, Troilus and Cressida, The merry wives of Windsor,
Othello, and King Lear. These translations appeared 1830-1833.

In a concluding word to the edition Tieck conveyed the im-
pression that his share in the work of translation was an onerous
one; but from the manuscripts and correspondence still extant
it is evident that Graf Baudissin prepared the original draft of
all plays assigned to him and that Tieck 's participation consisted
in criticizing afterwards, making a few improvements, and in
some cases imposing upon Baudissin, against the latter 's better
judgment, a less desirable rendering of a passage.12 Only in
one place do we find the actual phrasing of Tieck. This is in
the beginning of Love's labor's lost. It had been planned as
early as 1800 that Tieck should help Schlegel to the extent of
translating this drama.13 Some time during the years 1800-1809
he translated the first three acts of the play, but they were never
publisht. Now they served Baudissin as the foundation for the

11 Re the details of this transaction see Liideke [730bx] 2.

i2Wetz [713] 322. Genee [716] 17, on the other hand, rates Tieck 's
services highly. Bernays [711] 551 gives many examples of Tieck 's
unfortunate attempts to better the Baudissin translations.

is See letter of Tieck to Schlegel, March 26, 1825; in Liideke [730bx] 3.

450 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

corresponding portions of his translation. He adopted a large
part without any revision and much of the rest with but minor
changes.13"

Gustav Freytag compared the Baudissin renderings favor-
ably with Schlegel's. Wetz finds that Heyse, Heyne, Herwegh,
Kaufmann, Kurz, Simrock, and Wilbrandt frequently surpass
Baudissin,12 and he quotes with approval the opinion of Vischer
regarding the latter 's translations: "Sie behandeln die Sprache
so hart, dasz es ein richtig organisiertes Ohr kaum vertragt.
Die Konsonantenhaufungen sind ungenieszbar. Vieles ist iiber-
dies ganz dunkel ausgedriickt, und es kommen auch Verstosze
gegen den Bau der deutschne Sprache vor."13b

Of Dorothea Tieck 's translation Wetz says: "Als sie die
Arbeit begann, war sie in die Sprache, aus der sie iibersetzte,
und die sie hauptsachlich zum Zwecke dieser Ubersetzung gelernt
hatte, noch nicht sehr tief eingedrungen. " He quotes from a
letter of Dorothea Tieck to a friend describing the hours of
joint labor. She wrote: "Auch bei den Stiicken, die Baudissin
iibersetzt hat, habe ich fast immer den Korrigierstunden beige-
wohnt und dadurch viel Englisch gelernt, besonders Shakespeares
Sprache."130 Genee maintains, however: "Dorothea Tieck be-
sasz fur fremde Sprachen, wie auch fur poetische Formen, eine
hervorragende Begabung. ' '13d Conceding this, it is none the less
clear that her Macbeth translation has notably failed to satisfy
the demands of readers, editors, critics, or actors. Many trans-
lators have undertaken to compete against her with a new version
of this tragedy.

Ludwig Tieck fully deserves to be mentioned as one of the
producers of the Shakespeare translation even tho his share of
actual creative work thereon was small. Liideke summarizes his
services as follows :

Der jiingere Dichter (Tieck) brachte von Anfang an dem Werke des
alteren eine Anteilnahme und fordernde Begeisterung entgegen, die der-

i3» Liideke [730bx] 28.
is" Vischer [414] I 205.
is'Wetz [713] 353.
i»d Genee [716] 16.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 451

jenigen Schlegels kaum je nachstand und sie um viele Jahre iiberlebte.
Dieser treuen und neidlosen Hingabe Tiecks an eine grosze Sache haben
wir es zu verdanken, dasz das groszte Werk der Eomantik iiberhaupt
fertig wurde. Nachdem Schlegel ihm mit seinem Borneo und Julie zuvor-
kam, brachte ihm Tieck bereitwillig seine Hilfe dar, beriet mit ihm
einzelne Stellen schriftlich und miindlich, plante als paralleles Werk eine
tibersetzung Ben Jonsons, ubernahm spater die tibersetzung der zweifel-
haften Dramen, die Schlegel auf Tiecks Eat in den Rahmen des ganzen
Werkes einbezogen hatte, und ging dann schlieszlich, als er merkte, dasz
Schlegel alle Lust an der Arbeit verloren und die Absicht, sie zu vollen-
den, aufgegeben hatte, so weit, dem Unger'schen Verlag seine eigenen
Dienste zu diesem Zwecke anzubieten.is6

Some -of the more notable revisions of the Schlegel-Tieck-
Baudissin translations and some of the new translations may be
here mentioned. About the year 1865 three new German Shake-
speares were publisht. Ulrici publisht for the newly founded
"Shakespeare-Gesellschaft" a Schlegel edition in which obvious
errors were removed and omissions made good. The Baudissin-
Tieck portion of the translation was improved in part and partly
supplanted by entirely new rendering. Simultaneously Boden-
stedt was preparing a new German Shakespeare for Brockhaus
with the aid of Gildemeister, Paul Heyse, Hermann Kurz, and
Adolf Wilbrandt ; and Dingelstedt was preparing a similar edi-
tion for the "Bibliographisches Institut" with the help of W.
Jordan, L. Seeger, K. Simrock, H. Viehoff, and F. A. Gelbcke.
Had all these forces united in a single endeavor a better edition
than any previous one might have been produced. As it was, the
Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin translation maintained its place in pub-
lic favor, the superiority of the Schlegel portions more than coun-
terbalancing the deficiencies of the continuation. At that time
the Schlegel translation was still protected by copyright and com-
petitors were compelled to avoid Schlegel 's way of translating,
even when it was the most obvious and best. Since 1865 this
restriction has been removed, but on the other hand the cheap-
ness of the Schlegel edition in reprint makes it difficult for later
rivals to compete with it in popularity. Under these conditions,
past and present, it is obvious that comparative book sales are

[730bx] 2f.

452 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

an inadequate test of the popularity of the translation of
Schlegel, to say nothing of his less successful co-workers.

In his edition of Shakespeare prepared for the Cottascke
BMiothek der Weltliteratur Max Koch supplemented Schlegel
with Kaufmann, and, in case of necessity, with Abraham and
Heinrich Vosz. Koch at the same time revised Schlegel rather
freely. The eclectic plan is still in favor, combined sometimes,
as by Gundolf, with some entirely new translation.

An earnest debate has been carried on in Germany regarding
the justification of revision. To some scholars Schlegel's Shake-
speare is an inviolable classic, whose phraseology has become a
part of the common cultural possessions of the Germans, and
which should be as little exposed to meddlers as the works of
Homer or of Goethe. This extreme position can be maintained
only with the greatest difficulty in view of what has been learned
in regard to the history of the Schlegel translation. A large
number of manuscripts came to light about 1870 which afford
an insight into the history of the Schlegel translation ; they are
now preserved in the Konigliche Bibliothek in Dresden. They
have been studied and interpreted by Bernays [709] and [711],
Genee [710] and [716], and Conrad [717], the interpretations
varying, however, according to the predilections of the investiga-
tors. Even Bernays and Genee, who hold that the original form
must be treated with piety, must admit frequent errors on the
part of the printer and some actual errors on Schlegel's part.131
Schlegel engaged himself to correct these in the new edition of
1838, but had hardly begun the work of revision before he dropt
it. The latest and apparently the best grounded study of the
Dresden manuscripts by Conrad makes one skeptical regard-
ing the sacredness of the original print. It is generally agreed
that these sheets, mostly in Schlegel's handwriting, represent
neither the first draft nor the last. They were not the ones
sent to the printer. After having written the ruf draft Schlegel
copied it on these sheets. Thereon are suggested in several

!3f Tieck undertook in 1824 the embarrassing task of making the
needful corrections in Schlegel's translation. See letter of Tieck to
Schlegel, March 26, 1825, reproduced in Liideke [730bx] 2f.

1920] Price: English^> German Literary Influences — Survey 453

instances many possible translations, the preferred one fre-
quently not being indicated. Karoline Schlegel prepared the
printer's copy from this. Schlegel left her free to choose, as
she often did, the worst of his proposed translations or to alter
whatever did not please her. Schlegel never even corrected the
printer's proofs. Conrad records that in the printed dramas,
Cdsar and Was ihr wollt (1797) , Sturm and Hamlet (1798) , there
are hundreds of renderings not found in Schlegel 's manuscript.
Only in the case of Henry VI and Richard III does the printed
form presumably correspond to that intended by Schlegel, for
in the year 1801 he and Karoline separated. He sent his own
copy to the printer, retaining no duplicate. His copy was appar-
ently destroyed or never returned. At any rate these plays are
lacking from the Dresden collection of manuscripts. 13g Conrad
discusses Karoline ?s mistreatment of Schlegel's manuscript, giv-
ing an abundance of examples, under the captions " (1) Sprach-
fehler, (2) Denkfehler, (3) Kichtige Ubersetzungen der Hand-
schrift falsch in der ersten Ausgabe, (4) Gute Fassungen des
Manuskripts verschlimbessert in der ersten Ausgabe, (5) Man-
gelhafte Auswahl bei mehrfachen Fassungen Schlegels, (6) Un-
verstandliche kleine Anderungen des Manuskripts, (7) Auslas-
sungen aus dem Manuskript, (8) Schlegels Ubersetzungsfehler
unverbessert. ' ' After a 58-page exposition of the frequency and
variety of Karoline 's offences Conrad is able to devote four pages
to topic nine, "Wirkliche Besserungen von Karolinens Hand."
In the four dramas investigated Conrad finds about thirty im-
provements made by Karoline and about 331 instances in which
she chose unwisely or altered for the worse. He is able to
show that Bernays's edition of Schlegel's Shakespeare (1st edi-
tion 1870-71; new edition 1891), which professes to be based
upon a thoro comparison of the earliest edition and the Dresden
manuscripts, is in reality based upon a very superficial com-
parison of the two, combined with too high an estimate of the
conscientiousness of August Wilhelm and of Karoline Schlegel.

i3« Conrad [717] 8.

454 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Shakespeare's importance to posterity is not demonstrated
so much by the abundance of translations and editions as by the
manner in which he imprest his personality upon creative tal-
ents. Many of the most notable dramatists of the nineteenth
century have been compelled to assume a position toward him.
Kleist vied with him, Grabbe challenged him, Otto Ludwig made
himself subservient to him, and Grillparzer consciously avoided
his influence. Hebbel, however, was preserved from his tyranny
by a philosophy of life incompatible with his.

Soon after Kleist made the decision to devote himself to a
career of letters he found himself in Switzerland with Zschokke
and the young Wieland.

Wahrend Zschokke sich vornehmlich von Schillers Pathos warm
ergriffen fiihlte, war Goethe der Abgott des jungen Wieland, nachst dem
er die Briider Schlegel und Tieck am hochsten schatzte. Hierin stimmte
Kleist in der Hauptsache mit ihm iiberein . . . Zum Drama zog ihn sein
poetischer Genius, und hier ward ihm Shakespeares gewaltige Gestalt
durch Schlegels tibersetzung, die gerade in diesen Jahren erschien, naher
geriickt.i*

It was Kleist 's aim to unite the qualities of the classic and
antik drama or, to use the definition of Wilbrandt, "die vol-
lendete Form mit der starren Treue gegen die Natur, den Zauber
der Schonheit mit alien Schrecken der damonischen Tragik des
Menschendaseins zu vereinigen. ' ns There is Shakespearean form,
atmosphere, and diction in Die Familie Schroffenstein. With
its hostile houses that might have been reconciled by the love
of their youngest members it resembles most Romeo and Juliet,
but there are strong reminiscences of Lear and of Macbeth as
well. Kleist was entirely dissatisfied with his first dramatic
accomplishment and wrote to his sister of another play where-
with he would wrest the laurel wreath from Goethe 's brow. The
elder Wieland alone had an adequate opportunity to judge of
the success of Kleist 's efforts. Fully a year after he had per-
suaded Kleist to recite to him a part of Robert Guiskard Wieland
wrote : " Wenn die Geister des Aeschylus, Sophokles und Shake-

i4Muncker in Kleist, WerTce (Stuttgart 1880-1884), I xiii.
is Wilbrandt, Heinrich von Kleist (Nordlingen 1863), p. 186.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 455

speares sich vereinigten, eine Tragodie zu schaffen, sie wiirde
das sein, was Kleists Tod Guiskards des Normannen, sofern das
Ganze demjenigen entsprache, was er mich damals horen liesz."30
Later generations agree with Wieland, basing their judgment on
the single fragment that escaped Kleist's despairing, destructive
hand.

After his mental crisis and his gradual summoning of
strength to a normal development of literary power Kleist no
longer sot to wrest the laurels from the brows of his rivals ; but
the influence of Shakespeare remained. His artistic taste was
much like Shakespeare's. Like him he did not sacrifice veracity
to finicky notions about beauty; he did not fear the picturing
of the grotesk or even the horrible where it belonged, and was
satisfied when the total work was beautiful. Especially in
Kathchen von Heilbronn, Die Hermannsschlacht, and Der Prinz
von Homburg can Shakespearean traits be readily recognized.17
but Kleist's dramatic work was un-Shakespearean for a reason
lying beyond himself. Shakespeare's dramas are unthinkable
without the inspiring age of Elizabeth as a background, while
Kleist lived and wrote in one of Prussia's darkest periods; his
environment was disheartening, intolerable ; he ended his life
at the age of thirty-four. At that age Goethe had publisht no
important dramas excepting Gotz, Clavigo, and Stella; Lessing
had written nothing more significant than Miss Sara Sampson;
and Schiller had brot his work to a temporary close with Don
Carlos. Shakespeare himself at that age had probably written
his comedies and historical dramas, but presumably not Caesar,
Hamlet, Othello, King Lear, Macbeth, or The tempest.

The tragic struggle of Shakespeare's greatest characters is
that of self with self, of Grillparzer 's that of man with the world.
His tragedy is based, to use Volkelt's term, "auf einer dem Leben
nicht gewachsenen Innerlichkeit."38 Usually Grillparzer drew

ie von Biilow, Heinrich von Kleists Leben und Brief e (Berlin 1848),
p. 36.

"Hense [410] 95.

ls Volkelt, Grillparzer als Dichter des Tragischen (Nordlingen 1883);
quoted by Grosz [674a] 27.

456 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

wavering, problematic characters, following his own subjective
inclination and the model of Lope de Vega. A few exceptional
characters are "mannliche Vollnaturen in Shakespeare 'schem
Sinne, ' ' as Grosz calls them.19 To the latter class belong Ottokar
and Rudolf von Hapsburg. Emil Reich holds Konig Ottokars
Gluck und Ende to be the most Shakespearean of Grillparzer 's
dramas.20 The exposition is especially Shakespearean : ' ' Shake-
speare selbst wiirde vor dem ersten Akt des Ottokar die Miitze
geliiftet haben," Hebbel said.21 If in other respects Grillparzer
learned much from Lope de Vega, he learned the art of expo-
sition in the historical drama from Shakespeare.

In the library of his father Grillparzer found of Shake-
speare's works only Hamlet and King Lear, both in Schroder's
stage edition.218 In his earliest productive years Grillparzer lookt
upon Schiller as a model, but articles by Josef Schreyvogel in the
Sonntagsblatt called his attention to Shakespeare. As private
teacher in the house of Graf Seilern (1812) he had at his dis-
posal a complete Shakespeare, in Theobald's edition. His com-
mand of English at this time, however, was too meagre to permit
of reading with much profit; his first real acquaintance with
Shakespeare dates from the reading of the Schlegel translations,
while he was an assistant in the library at Vienna in 1813. A
part of the money earned by Die Ahnfrau was invested in a
Shakespeare edition.

In spite of Grillparzer 's protestations Die Ahnfrau will
doubtless always be classt as a fate tragedy. Grillparzer de-
fended it from this charge, saying that he had not invented a
new system of fatalism but had only endeavored to make use
of the superstitious notions of an unenlightened age for a poetic
purpose.22 Grosz calls attention to the fact that this was the

lo Grosz [674a] 27.

20 Reich, Franz Grillparzers Dramen (Leipzig 1894), p. 110.

21 Quoted by Grosz [674a] 28.
2ia Of. SURVEY, p. 385.

22 Grillparzer, WerTce ed. Necker (Leipzig 1903), III 21; quoted by
Grosz [674a] 26.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 457

same defence as that made by Grillparzer for the witch scenes
in Macbeth.23

After the publication of the Ahnfrau Grillparzer began to
study Shakespeare more intently, until a fear came upon him
which he confest:

(Shakespeare) tyrannisiert meinen Geist, und ich will frei bleiben. Ich
danke Gott, dasz er da 1st, und dasz mir das Gliick ward, ihn zu lesen
und wieder zu lesen und aufzunehmen in mich. Nun aber geht mein
Streben dahin, ihn zu vergessen. Die Alten starken mich, die Spanier
regen mich zur Produktion an; aber die ersteren stehen zu feme, die
letzteren sind zu rein menschlich mit ihren Fehlern mitten unter den
groszten Schb'nheiten, mit ihrer haufig nur gar zu weit getriebenen
Manier, als dasz sie den echten Quell des wahren Dichters: die Natur,
die eigene Anschauungsart, das Individuelle der Auffassung, irgend im
Gemiite beeintrachtigen sollten. Der Eiese Shakespeare aber setzt sich
selbst an die Stelle der Natur, deren herrliches Organ er war, und wer
sich ihm ergibt, dem wird jede Frage, an sie gestellt, ewig nur er beant-
worten. Nichts mehr von Shakespeare!24

Grillparzer had the opportunity of seeing many of Shake-
speare's plays presented on the stage at Vienna before he gave
up attending the theater entirely. In the year 1836 he visited
London and saw Julius Caesar, Macbeth, Romeo and Juliet, and .
Richard HI played at the Drury Lane Theater and Covent
Garden. The method of presentation was disappointing to him.
He also attended one of Ludwig Tieck's Shakespeare evenings
and later heard Karl von Holtei's recitation of Julius Casar in
Vienna in 1841.

Hamlet made the strongest personal appeal to Grillparzer 's
melancholy nature but he held Macbeth to be Shakespeare's
truest, if not his greatest, work. Grosz finds Shakespearean
echoes in Grillparzer 's Blanka von Kastilien and in his dramatic
fragments Spartakus, Pazzi, and Alfred der Grosze. In his more
mature works, however, Shakespearean influence showed itself
no longer in such concrete forms: "Fremde Einfliisse offen-
baren sich nicht mehr als direkte Entlehnungen und Anklange,

23 Ibid., XII 58, XIV 218ff., and XV 179ff.; quoted by Grosz [674a] 18.

24 Ibid., XVI 51ff.; quoted by Grosz [674a] 5.

458 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

sondern werden zu Einfliissen des Geistes. Ein Problem, eine
Stimmung, wohl auch ein Charakter wirken auf seine eigene
Produktion als Mitschopfer, nicht als Yorbild," Grosz says.248
Such influence of a more general nature Grosz finds in Konig
Ottokar, as already indicated, and in the expository scenes of
Ein treuer Diener seines Herrn. He makes general comparisons
also between Romeo and Juliet and Des Meeres und der Liebe
Wellen.

Grosz finally contrasts Grillparzer 's relation to Shakespeare
with Hebbel's. Hebbel felt that it was his mission in the world
to elevate tragedy to a higher stage, to bring it beyond the point
where Shakespeare had left it. Grillparzer was a poet for the
sake of poetry : * ' Ohne um das Wie und Warum zu f ragen . . .
will er weder Shakespeare in der Form des Tragischen nachah-
men, noch iiber ihn hinaus gehen ; er hat nur die eine Sehnsucht,
Dichter zu sein. ' '25

Hebbel 's philosophy was so different from Shakespeare 's that
Albert's study [677] does little more than present clearly an
interesting contrast. Goethe's words regarding Shakespeare
might form a convenient starting point for such a contrast:
{ ' Seine Stiicke, drehen sich alle um den geheimen Punckt, in dem
das Eigentiimliche unseres Ichs, die pratendierte Freyheit unsres
"Wollens, mit dem notwendigen Gang des Ganzen zusammen
stoszt."25* We may well doubt with Gundolf25b whether this cor-
rectly characterizes Shakespeare ; but it is as if coined for Hebbel.
The scene of the conflict of Shakespeare 's heroes is laid in their
own breasts. They are free beings and can choose their course.
Hebbel 's representatives of humanity in its development partici-
pate involuntarily in the evolutionary struggle of humanity.
They may fight valiantly or endure serenely, but the stand they
take is predetermined by their environment (Maria Magdalena),
by their mere being (Agnes Bernauer), or by their responsi-

24» Grosz [674a] 25.

25 Ibid., p. 33.

25* Goethe, Werlce I 37, 133.

25b See SURVEY, p. 432.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 459

bilities (Herzog Ernst). Thus Alberts is able to show how
similar situations fail to develop parallel courses of action.
Brutus 's situation resembles Judith's, but Brutus is free to
choose while Judith's course is dictated to her by Jehovah.
Angelo in Measure for measure is guilty in much the same way
as is Golo in Genoveva; but Shakespeare aims to show Angelo
struggling to make a decision; Hebbel tries to show that Golo
could not do otherwise than he did, thus denying his moral
responsibility.

Hebbel's dramas harmonize in a higher unity the drama of
the Greeks and of Shakespeare. With the Greeks fate must
conquer and is so overpowering as to crush individual will.
With Shakespeare will is triumphant. With Hebbel both man
and evolutionary progress (Hebbel's substitute for fate) are un-
conquerable and are pitted against each other in a never-ending
struggle. Almost to the same extent as Shakespeare Hebbel
developt the tragedy out of the character of his heroes, while
with the Greeks the tragic heroes have the character given them
by the myth, but little individuality beyond that.

Hebbel once planned to write an extensive critical work on
Shakespeare, perhaps after the manner of Ludwig;26 but he
refrained from doing so apparently in the belief that too much
had already been written about Shakespeare in Germany.27 Had
Hebbel carried out his intention he would doubtless have under-
taken to show wherein he himself had brot the drama into a
more advanced stage of development than Shakespeare : * i Das
Neue (bei Hebbel) liegt in dem Bestreben, iiber das individuelle
Charakter drama Shakespeares hinauszukommen. Er will den
Widerspruch in den iiberindividuellen Lebensmachten nach-
weisen. ' '28

Unlike most German dramatists Hebbel regarded not Hamlet
but King Lear as Shakespeare's greatest creation, for Hebbel,
as Alberts says,29 was no friend of "Weltschmerzpoesie."

20 Alberts [677] 1.

27 Hebbel, Werlce ed. Werner (Berlin 1902), XII 29f.

28 Alberts [677] 31.

29 Ibid., p. 15. •

460 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

"Hamlet 1st wie im Grabe geschrieben, "30 he wrote, while he
called King Lear a triumph over sorrow. As might be surmized,
Hebbel was most interested in Shakespeare's historical plays.
Alberts is able to point out a few material borrowings from
Shakespeare in Hebbel's works31 but admits their slight import-
ance: "Sie verschwinden geradezu in dem gewaltigen Lebens-
werk des Dichters. "3ia Yet Shakespeare's influence upon
Hebbel was strong and healthful: "Diese Gestalt in ihren gi-
gantischen Umrissen hat Hebbel immer wieder vor der Seele
gestanden. Er bedurfte ihrer lebenspendenden Kraft schon als
Gegengewicht gegen das starke reflektierende Element in seinem
Innern."3ia Hebbel once said of Goethe and Schiller: "Sie
haben sich im Einzelnen von Shakespeare so fern wie moglich
gehalten, ihn im Ganzen aber nie aus den Augen verloren;"
and the same description, Alberts says in conclusion, can be
fortunately applied to Hebbel's relation to Shakespeare.

Hebbel's Maria Magdalena and Ludwig's Erbforster mark
the turning away from the dramatic type of the eighteenth cen-
tury toward the Ibsen drama of the nineteenth century. On the
theoretic side Ludwig's Shakcspeare-Studien (1855ff.) have a
similar significance. As Meyer has said:

Sowohl in der Auswahl der ausgebeuteten Stucke wie der beleuchteten
Seiten laszt der geniale Griibler sich mehr von seinem Bediirfnis leiten,
als von dem Streben nach vollkommenem wissenschaftlichen Durchar-
beiten des Stoffes. Was Ludwig giebt, ist weniger eine Schilderung von
Shakespeares Dramaturgic, als eine Verkiindigung derjenigen Ibsens und
seiner Schule. Hier viel mehr als in den Dramen des groszen Briten
findet sich das breit realistische, bewuszt urn die Hauptlinie sich herum-
schlangelnde Gesprach, hier die indirekte Charakteristik in strengster
Durchfiihrung, hier die sorgfaltige Niiancierung des Grundtons, der
Szenenstimmungen, der Einzelreden. . . . Was er suchte, legte er in
Shakespeare.32

His proof of this assertion Meyer gives in the Shakespeare-
Jalirbuck, of 1901 [696]. Here Ludwig's views are classified,

30 Hebbel, TageMcher II 261.

31 Alberts [677] 74-77.
si" Ibid., p. 77.

32 Meyer, Die deutsche Literatur des 19. Jh.* (Berlin 1900), p. 327.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 461

ordered, and rendered more accessible.328 Again and again Meyer
is able to make the point that Ibsen was the model Ludwig was
searching for. Is Ludwig describing Shakespeare or Ibsen, Meyer
asks,32b when he says: "Der Stoff ist unter den andern der
gliicklichste fiir die Bearbeitung, der am meisten Stetigkeit hat,
der immer dieselbe Anzahl von Personen im engsten Raume zu-
sammenhalt und mit ruhiger Bewegung seinem Abschlusse entge-
gengeht."320 This describes Hamlet and Othello not so well as
Ghosts, Nora,, Rosmersholm. Similarly when Ludwig says, "em
gutes Stuck ist nichts als eine Katastrophe, "32d it is, according
to Meyer, a defence of Nora but not of Shakespeare's dramas.

This simple, clear-cut formulation of the genesis of Ludwig 's
dramatic theory by an authority so esteemed is particularly cap-
tivating, but it has fortunately not past unchallenged. Adams
[697] , in reviewing the question, asserts at the outset that Meyer
causes a misunderstanding of Ludwig 's meaning by disconnecting
the quotations from the contexts ; he then restores the context of
the passages quoted by Meyer and comes to conclusions diamet-
rically opposed to his:

Es ist natiirlich nicht zu bestreiten, dasz manche der dramaturgischen
Forderungen Ludwigs in Ibsens Dramen sich vorfinden, aber zum groszen*
Teile mit nicht groszerem Kecht wie in den Tragodien mancher anderen
bedeutenden Dramatiker. Die meisten dieser Forderungen lassen sich
indessen gerade in Shakespeares Dramen in hoher Vollendung nachweisen.
Der Dramatik des Ibsens der Gesellschaftsdramen und seiner Schule
widersprechen hingegen manche der wichtigsten Forderungen Ludwigs,
die f reie englische Kompositionsform und damit der reiche Szenenwechsel
und die Monologe, die absoluten Forderungen der Charakter- und be-
sonders der Leidenschaftstragodie, die Anwendung historischer Stoffe, in
einiger Hinsicht sein Begriff des Tragischen, seine unbedingte Forderung
des Typischen und sein dramatischer Stil. Diesen wesentlichen Forde-
rungen ist die Dramatik der letzten Jahrzehnte nur selten und auch dann
nie in vollem Umfange gerecht geworden. Wir konnen aus alien ange-
fiihrten Griinden in Ludwig keinen Propheten des Dramas Ibsens und
seiner Schule erkennen. Uns scheint, dasz Ludwigs dramaturgische Forde-
rungen weit weniger in die Zukunft, auf die Dramatik der letzten Jahr-

32«Scherer [695], on the other hand, does little to that end.

32b Meyer [696] 83.

3^c Ludwig, Schriften V 94.

32* Ibid., V 413.

462 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

zehnte weisen, sondern in den meisten Punkten in die Vergangenheit,
zuriick zu Shakespeare, in dem Ludwig mit einigen Abweichungen, die
wir. erwahnt haben, das Heil einer gesunden Dramatik erblickt. Die
ideals Tragodie Ludwigs ist darum in vielen Punkten die Tragodie Shake-
speares, in einigen sein eigenes Werk.326

It may finally be observed that Ludwig 's unconditional sur-
render to Shakespeare as a dramatic master is not wholly to be
accounted for by a study of the psychology of the artist Ludwig,
but that outer influences come also into consideration. In ac-
cepting Shakespearean art as the source from which dramatic
law was to be derived Ludwig fell in with the trend of his time.
A. Ludwig, in the sixth chapter of his Schiller und die deutsche
Nachivelt [564], has shown how the criticism of Robert Prutz,
Hermann Hettner, Julian Schmidt, Heinrich Kurz, and Fried-
rich Theodor Vischer so paved the way for Otto Ludwig, that
his Shakespcare-Studien appear to a large extent as the concrete
application of their generalizations.

Richard Wagner was another dramatist who knew his Shake-
speare well and pondered deeply upon him, but without ever
losing his own poetic freedom thereby. Shakespeare was appar-
ently the first English poet whom Wagner knew, in fact he
learned English in order to be able to read him in the original.
Wagner's attention was called to Shakespeare very early, from
two sides. His uncle, Adolf Wagner, was a writer on modern
literature and a critic of Shakespeare,33 and his sister Rosalie
was a much admired player of Shakespearean roles. While still
a youth Wagner produced the dramatic monstrosity Leubald und
Adelaide which shows the influence of Romeo and Juliet, King
Lear, Hamlet, and Macbeth. He read apparently most of Shake-
speare's dramas as a young man and re-read them frequently.
He attended naturally many performances in Germany and a
few in London. .

3Ze Adams [697] 92.

33 Adglf Wagner, Zwei Epochen der modernen Poesie in Dante, Petrarca.
Boccaccio, Goethe, Schiller und Wieland dargestellt (Leipzig 1806). Wagner
also translated in 1834 Mrs. Jamieson's essay, Shakespeare's female
characters.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 463

Wagner made three visits to London under greatly differing
circumstances. As Reichelt says: "1839 war Wagner nur ein
armer, stellungsloser Kapellmeister, 1855 erschien er der groszen
Menge vor allem als Feind des in England vergotterten Mendels-
sohn, 1877 drangte sich dagegen alles zu ihm, was nur in dem
damaligen London auf Beachtung von seiten des Bayreuther
Meisters hoffen konnte."33*

Wagner 's exprest views regarding Shakespeare taken together
constitute a well-rounded system. They have been collected and
uncritically listed by Speck [734] and have been systematically
arranged by Reichelt [853] in his second chapter. Shakespeare
and Beethoven, Reichelt says,34 formed the focal point of Wag-
ner's artistic endeavors. Wagner agreed essentially with Herder
in the interpretation of Shakespeare and sot to explain him in
the light of his times, not to estimate him by laws derived from
the practice of the Greeks. Wagner's bete noire in Shake-
spearean criticism was the moral application of Gervinus. In
his abhorrence of this he agreed with Liszt, Gottfried Keller, and
Grillparzer.

Wagner's Shakespeare studies stand in markt contrast to
Ludwig's. Ludwig scrutinized minutely every detail of Shake.-
speare's technik in order to derive therefrom infallible rules to
be followed. Wagner viewed Shakespeare in his entirety and as
a part of his age. Nor did he believe that Shakespeare's works
represented the highest point attainable in dramatic art. The
greatest drama was "das Drama der Zukunft:" "Wie der
Karren des Thespis in dem geringen Zeitumfange der atheni-
schen Kunstbliite sich zu der Biihne des Aschylos und Sophokles
verhalt, so verhalt sich die Biihne Shakespeares in dem unge-
messenen Zeitraum der allgemeinsamen menschlichen Kunstbliite
zu dem Theater der Zukunft."35

Grabbe also succeeded by dint of imitation, protestation, and
emulation in connecting his name with Shakespeare's. In his

33» Reichelt [852] 15.

a* Ibid., p. 25.

35 Wagner, WerTce ed. Golther (Berlin n. d.) Ill 110.

464 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Herzog Theodar von Gotland he followed his model Titus An-
dronicus rather slavishly. The idea of the extinction of an entire
family as a means of revenge appealed strongly to his particular
poetic temperament. The two Moors, Aaron and Berdoa, in the
two plays in question are in many respects similar. Verbal
parallels are not lacking.36 Both seek to make others the instru-
ments of revenge while apparently keeping their own hands free
from crime. Seduction is a method employed in both instances.
Hoch has shown also a large number of parallels of motive and
phrasing between Coriolanus and Grabbers Marius mid Sulla.3'
Don Juan und Faust, Napoleon, and Die Hermannsscklacht
represent an attempt to pass beyond the stage of ignoble imita-
tion. This statement can be supported by Grabbe ?s own assertion
in his Shakespearo-Manie.* After criticizing the Shakespeare
imitators Grabbe says:

Nachahmung 1st iiberall verwerflich und schickt sich nur fur gedan-
kenlose Kinder und Affen. Der Deutsche fiihlt das, er laszt sich daher
nicht gerne Nachahmer schelten, und sucht fast immerdar die Nachah-
mungen durch tibertreibung zu verstecken. . . .

Wir wiinschen und hoffen Dichter, welche es nicht bei der Neben-
buhlerei des Shakespeare beruhen lassen, sondern indem sie alle Fort-
schritte der Zeit in sich aufnehmen, ihn iiberbieten. Hat sich ein solches
Talent noch immer nicht gezeigt, so ist das kein Beweis, dasz es nicht
noch kommen kann, und in mehrerer Hinsicht hat Goethes Erscheinuug
hier bereits unsern Wunsch erfiillt.

Mit Shakespeare, das heiszt, durch Streben in dessen Manier, erwirbt
sich kein Dichter Originalitat; bei jetzigem Stande der Biihne wird er
beinahe schon dadurch ein Original, dasz er Shakespeares Fehler ver-
meidet.38

Grabbe was now inspired by the ambition not to equal but
to surpass Shakespeare. With his Hohenstaufen dramas he sot
to outdo Shakespeare in his historical dramas "Bin ich nicht
ein Bischen Sackermenter ? Den Sir Shakespeare wollen wir doch
wohl unterkriegen. Fur sein bestes historisches Stuck gebe ich
nicht einmal den Barbarossa."39 As the subject matter is dif-

SG Hoch F6731 26-31.

37 Ibid., p. 37-45.

38 Grabbe [404a] 466f.

so Quoted by Hoch f673] 17.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 465

ferent, a paralleling of motifs is rare ; it occurs, however, some-
times by accident. Thus Shakespeare 's King John and Grabbe 's
Heinrich VI are both excommunicated; here Grabbe 's Heinrich
replies to the message of the Pope in phrases rather closely
resembling those of Shakespeare's King John.40

The most interesting side 'of Grabbe 's relation to Shakespeare
develops from a comparison of the Merchant of Venice and
Aschenbrodel. It certainly required no mean skill to blend motifs
from Shakespeare's drama with this fairy tale and thus make
out of the two an entirely new drama ; but the task was success-
fully accomplisht. As there are two plots in the Merchant of
Venice, so there are two in Aschenbrodel. The Jew plot in
Grabbe 's drama corresponds to that in Shakespeare's, and the
role of Aschenbrodel corresponds to that of Portia. The simi-
larity may be traced into details, as Hoch has shown.41

There was after all nothing Shakespearean in Grabbe 's career.
Out of his vulgar surroundings he could not hope to produce
such works as were fostered by the stimulating Elizabethan at-
mosphere. Like the "Sturm und Drang'7 dramatists he could
imitate Shakespeare only in his ruder aspects. At any rate
Grabbe ?s tirades are better sustained, fuller chested than the.
explosions of temper in Klinger's Sturm und Drang, and there
are signs of greater force than was possest by any of the
"Genies" of the previous century. Moreover this strength is
sometimes paired with a certain fineness that his predecessors
had lackt. In emulation of Marlowe at least Grabbe might have
acquitted himself with credit.

Shakespeare has cast his spell not on the German dramatists
alone in the nineteenth century, but on other German poets as
well, tho in the latter cases evidences of influence are rarer.

40 Hoch [673] 49.

41 Ibid., p. 56-67. Hoch 's dissertation is undated but appeared after
Bartmann's work [672]; cf. footnote [673] 16. Hoch gives no indication
of the extent to which he has paralleled his predecessor in his investi-
gation or as to where he has gone beyond him. One might wish that an
American dissertation which competed with an already existent German
one might have equalled the average American product at least in point
of style.

4i" See BIBLIOGRAPHY [405].

466 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Heine's expressions of opinion regarding Shakespeare are inter-
esting because of the light they shed upon the critic rather than
the criticized. Heine has treated of Shakespeare in a connected
fashion in his Shakespeares Mddchen und Frauen.^* A series of
mediocre steel-engravings of some of these characters was to
be reproduced, and a good sum of money was offered to Heine
for a text that should accompany the pictures. He accepted the
offer partly lest it should be made to Tieck in case he declined.
The text of the book consists of three parts. The first deals
with the history of Shakespeare's fame in England and in Ger-
many; the second deals with the women represented in the
accompanying pictures; and the third and least valuable part
deals with Shakespeare in France.

In the first part, which alone concerns us, Heine shows that
he is well read in the literature of Shakespeare criticism. He
was of course familiar with the contemporary writings of the
romanticists, but he agreed rather with Goethe. Goethe 's earliest
expression of opinion regarding Shakespeare, his Rede zum
Shakespeare-Tage, was unknown to him, as it had not yet been
publisht, and he knew nothing of Gerstenberg and the Schles-
wigsche Literaturbriefe. But otherwise his equipment was nearly
complete/ In accordance with the erroneous opinion of his time
he held to the belief that Shakespeare was neglected by the
England of the seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Simi-
larly he lookt upon Lessing as the critic who almost single-
handed won a place for Shakespeare in the esteem of the Ger-
mans; and he made an assertion, the incorrectness of which has
been sufficiently demonstrated:42 "Man konnte behaupten, die
ganze Lessingsche Dramaturgic sei im Interesse Shakespeares
geschrieben. ' H2a

Heine's division of mankind into the two groups, Greeks and
Nazarenes, is wTell known. Shakespeare defied such classification
and Heine was constrained to admit that he was a synthesis of
the two.

42 See SURVEY, p. 376.

42* Heine, Werke VIII 171.

1920J Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 467

The tendency of the poets to find in Shakespeare what is in
themselves has been commented upon. This is essentially what
Goethe did in his Rede zum Shakespeare-Tag, and according to
Meyer it is what Ludwig did in his Shakespeare-Studien.42b What
appealed to Heine perhaps most strongly in Shakespeare was
the violent contrasts, the * ' Stimmungsbrechungen, ' ' for he says :

Das Leben 1st im Grunde so fatal ernsthaft, dasz es nicht zn ertragen
ware ohne solche Verbindung des Pathetischen mit dem Komischen. Das
wissen unsere Poeten. Die grauenhaftesten Bilder des menschlichen
Wahnsinns zeigt uns Aristophanes nur im lachenden Spiegel des Witzes,
den groszen Denkerschmerz, der seine eigene Nichtigkeit begreift, wagt
Goethe nur in den Knittelversen eines Puppenspiels auszusprechen, und
die todlichste Klage iiber den Jammer der Welt legt Shakespeare in den
Mund eines Narren, wahrend er dessen Schellenkappe angstlich schuttelt.
Sie habens alle dem groszen Urpoeten abgesehen, der in seiner tausend-
aktigen Welttragodie den Humor aufs hochste zu treiben weisz.«

To a similar purport Heine expresses himself in a personal
letter :

Das Ungeheuerste, das Entsetzlichste, das Schaudervollste, wenn es
nicht unpoetisch werden soil, kann man auch nur in dem buntscheckigen
Gewande des Lacherlichen darstellen, gleichsam versohnend, darum hat
auch Shakespeare das Graszlichste im Lear durch den Narren sagen lassen,
darum hat auch Goethe zu dem furchtbarsten Stoffe, zum Faust, die Pup-
penspielform gewahlt, darum hat auch der noch groszere Poet, namlich
unser Herrgott, alien Schreckensszenen dieses Lebens eine gute Dosis
Spaszhaftigkeit beigemischt.44

The temperamentality which elsewhere characterizes Heine's
criticism of England and the English is absent in his Shake-
spearean criticism. His admiration for Shakespeare is constant.
His views regarding the English have often been collected but
they have ever defied systematizatibn. A good collection of
them is to be found at the opening of Schalles's work [680].
This is followed by a statement of Heine's opinion of certain
of Shakespeare's lesser countrymen. Much of the English lyric
poetry appealed strongly to him, especially that of Shelley,
Byron, and of Percy's Reliques. Of the novelists he admired

42b See SURVEY, pp. 432 and 460.

43 Heine, Werke IV 180.

44 Ibid. IV 512; letter to Friederike Robert, Oct. 12, 1825.

468 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

most Scott, Swift, Fielding, Sterne, and Goldsmith; but he
thoroly hated the prudish Richardson. In respect to the novel-
ists his opinions coincided largely with Gutzkow's.45

Of other German men of letters of the past century in their
relation to Shakespeare Nietzsche presents the most interesting
problem. Nietzsche and a school friend of his first read Byron
and Shakespeare at Pforta at the beginning of the year 1862.
One of his shrewd relatives attributed his sudden nagging of
interest in humdrum studies to the impressions he received from
these poets. Nietzsche and his young friend forthwith declared
their previous writings to be milk and water sentimentality, and
a period of imitation began at least on Nietzsche's part which
he later declared to be loathsome and childish. It was in this
period that Nietzsche wrote the poem Nachtgedanken (1863-
1864), in which he represented himself in a Faustic pose among
his books, saying:

Du gabst mir Trost, du gabst mir Wein und Brot,

Mein Shakespeare, als mich Schmerzen niederzwangen.46

Elizabeth Forster-Nietzsche, his sister, says:

These two spirits (Byron and Shakespeare) workt upon him with the
whole power of their art, and may be it was as early as this period that
he began to feel that admiration for strong and free men about which
he wrote to me twenty-two years later as follows: "Every form of
strength is in itself refreshing and delightful to behold. Eead Shake-
speare: He presents you with a crowd of such strong men — rough, bold,
mighty men of granite. It is precisely in these men that our age is so
poor. ' '47

In the year 1863 Nietzsche read before his school society a
paper in which he referred to Byron's heroes as "Ubermen-
schen," just as he described Shakespeare's heroes twenty years
later. His sister believes that Nietzsche thot of the "tiber-

45 See SURVEY, p. 493.

46 Goldschmidt [634a] 491.

46 Quoted in Meyer, Nietzsche (Miinchen 1913) 634.

47 Forster-Nietzsche, Life of Nietzsche, translated by H. Ludovici (N. Y.
1912), I 100.

JO] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 469

mensch" simply as the ideal being. The idea and name developt
long before the theories of Darwin were known. Furthermore
Nietzsche himself was always skeptical of those theories. In the
often quoted parable at the beginning of Also sprach Zarathustra
he makes use of it to be sure, but only as a simile to make clearer
his thot.48 At first the figure of the "Superman" appeared to
Nietzsche merely as an enchanting vision, but he later found
some real instances in the past, and among these he rankt Shake-
speare, Byron, Caesar, Napoleon, Goethe, and several of the
Greeks.49

In respect to form, however, Nietzsche could not commend
Shakespeare's works. This is true of Nietzsche's later years at
least. He once said : ' ' My artistic taste compels me not without
anger to vindicate the fair name of Moliere, Corneille, and Racine
as against a disorderly genius like Shakespeare."50

If Shakespeare represents to-day anything more than an
honored tradition to the learned and a never failing fount of
enjoyment to the cultivated public; if he is anywhere a living
and developing force, it is among the followers of Nietzsche.
This has already been intimated in connexion with the review of
Gundolf's Shakespearean work. Another Nietzschean critic,
Goldschmidt, despises equally the favor of the masses and con-
cerns himself only with the effect of Shakespeare on the elite.
He says :

Es ist wahr, dasz Shakespeare immer noch die Biihnenhauser fiillt und
als Kassenmagnet die Sudermanns und Philippis schlagt — aber das Hegt
teils an seinen wirklich unverwiistlichen Unterhaltungs-Qualitaten, teils
und vor allem an einer neuartigen und anreizenden Regie- und Schau-
spielkunst. Ob hieraus wirklich mehr als eine oberflachliche Beriihrung,
ein geklartes inneres Verhaltnis zu den Klassikern und insbesondere zu
Shakespeare gewonnen wird, ist natiirlich zweifelhaft. Nur eine Kom-

48 Ibid., II 199; but cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY [913] and [913x].

« Ibid., II 203; (ef. Forster-Nietzsche [849x] 151).

so Ibid., II 367. Cf. Meyer, Nietzsche, p. 600 (discussion of Ecce Homo) :
' ' Shakespeare ist f iir Nietzsche nur der komplizierte Geist, der den Hamlet
und den Typus Casar schuf, so wenig aber ein groszer Kiinstler, dasz
Nietzsche seine Dichtungen mit seltsamer Begriindung dem Lord Bacon
zuschreibt. ' '

470

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9

promisz- und Mischkultur aus Masseninstinkt und Xsthetizismus kann
sich mit der sogenannten kiinstlerischen Wiedergeburt Shakespeares zu-
frieden geben.si

Goldschmidt then propounds the question, "was und wie viel
Shakespeare ims noch gibt und geben kann?" Shakespeare,
he says, is in the first place a problem of style that the present
age has yet to solve. After writing Gotz Goethe wrote Die
naturliclie Tochter. Kleist went to pieces in the attempt to
unite the style of Aeschylus with that of Shakespeare. Ibsen
and Maeterlinck have succeeded in combining the fullness and
sensitiveness of modern life and modern feeling with the grand
fatalistic atmosphere of the ancients; but even their works fail
to sum up all the inherited and acquired characteristics of the
life of to-day : " (Es) fehlt nur noch ein Hauch shakespearischer
Blutwarme und Bildkraft, um aus dem Erbe der Jahrhunderte
die neue Form zu destillieren. "52

But Shakespeare can benefit the modern drama not only as
to form but also as to spirit. The modern tendency is toward
the drama of the inner life (Seelendrama) such as is produced
by Maeterlinck and Ibsen. This is due, Goldschmidt says, to
"die Verchristlichung des modernen Lebens, die Verbiirgerli-
chung der modernen Gesellschaft, die Yergeistigung unsres
Weltgefuhls. "53 But the less ethereal part of man cannot be
entirely shuffled off after all. There must still be a remnant
"von Instinkt, Aktion, Stofflichkeit und kampferischer Span-
nung,"53 and here, too, Shakespeare can be of help.

Finally, in spite of the difference in times, Shakespeare can
aid in finding the typical hero of to-day. Goldschmidt concedes :
"Zu jenem selbstherrlichen, unangekrankelten Lebensgefiihl der
Renaissance konnen wir nicht mehr zuriick — es ist fur uns nur
noch ein historischer, kein Zukunf tswert ; ' '54 but Shakespeare has
modern types as well and one of these is Hamlet. Hamlet, who

si Goldschmidt [634a] 491.

52 Ibid., p. 493.

53 Ibid., p. 494.

s* Ibid., p. 495; cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY [701]-[701]ff.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 471

finds the world out of joint and strives to set it right only to be
overcome by its brutal realities, is a typical Ibsen being. Another
drama of high import to-day is Shakespeare's Troilus and Cres-
sida, which rudely tears away the ' ' Lebensliige ' ' that supported
the heroic knight. The modern age has revolted from the hero,
whose success was a mere external one. But the period of hero
disparagement, too, is over. Goldschmidt says we believe no
longer in the like value of all souls. We recognize rather an
aristocracy of souls. A new hero must be created for the time,
and according to Goldschmidt 's description he is in a certain
sense an "Ubermensch." The Reinhardt representations of
Shakespeare, according to Goldschmidt, fall into line with this
new interpretation:

Das Zeitlose, das Ewig-Menschliche in Shakespeare entpuppt sieh bei
naherem Zusehen immer mehr als das zeitlich hochst bedingte "gute
Gewissen" der ungebrochenen Triebe und des naiven Egoismus, als das
selbstverstandliche Sich-Ausleben brutaler und strahlender Grand-Seigneur-
Naturen. Keinhardts die groszen Dichtergebilde jedenfalls an der Wurzel
packende Eegie hat uns in diesem Sinne den Kaufmann von Venedig als
Eenaissancekomodie verstehen gelehrt.54

So Goldschmidt is able to hold out a hope for the future :

Vielleicht, dasz das Drama der Zukunft mit jener Starkung des kamp-
ferisehen Personlichkeitsinstinkts sogar eine gewisse Wendung zur "Welt-
anschauung Shakespeares nehmen wird: zur spontanen Charaktertragik,
die freilich durch die Bereicherungen des Milieu-, Stimmungs- und
Seelendramas hindurchgegangen ist. Das ware dann in Stil, Inhalt und
kosmischen Horizonten die wahre Wiedergeburt Shakespeares.55

55 Ibid., p. 497.

472 . University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.

PART III

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY AND AFTER

(Shakespeare excluded)

CHAPTER 19
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY IN GENERAL

The opening of the nineteenth century found English liter-
ature occupying no such position of transcendence as thirty years
before. Then it stood at the height of its prestige and was
deemed by the leading German critics superior to its chief con-
temporary, the French literature; but in the seventies of the
eighteenth century Germany had acquired her literary inde-
pendence, and German poets, so far as they sot models at all,
could find them in their own literature, or in the classic liter-
atures, which had recently come into renewed authority. Goethe,
it is true, still contended for the pre-eminence of English liter-
ature among the moderns. When Eckermann regretted his inade-
quate training in the classic languages, Goethe advised him to
compensate himself by a study of the English writers, and after
mentioning among the great influences in the eighteenth century,
Goldsmith, Fielding, and Shakespeare, he added, "und noch
heut zu Tage, wo wollen Sie denn in Deutschland drey litera-
rische Helden finden, die dem Lord Byron, Moore und Walter
Scott an die Seite zu setzen waren?"1

Goethe's estimate of contemporary British literature was
almost too flattering. To-day one is tempted to answer
Goethe's question by proposing Goethe himself and Heine, and
is at a loss only to find a contemporary German equivalent for
Scott. Even the Germany of Goethe's declining years seemed
to disagree with him in regard to England 's pre-eminence. The
turn in the tide of travel is perhaps not without significance in

Eckermann, Gesprache, p. 101; Dec. 3, 1824; cf. SURVEY, p. 307.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 473

this connexion. The leading English men of letters in the eight-
eenth century went to the continent as a part of their education ;
sometimes Paris was their goal, sometimes Italy was included in
their journeys, but rarely, if ever, Germany. On the other hand
many Germans went to England.211 In the nineteenth century
the situation was reverst. A few political fugitives, it is true —
Freiligrath, Kinkel, and others — found a temporary home in
England; Piickler-Muskau, Raumer, Heine, Grillparzer, Hebbel,
Wagner paid visits to London ; and Fontane explored the re-
moter regions of Scotland and England with an interest and
insight which bore fruit in poetry. But in general the stream
of travel was in the other direction, and after Coleridge and
Wordsworth had set the example in 1799 it grew to be the custom
for English and American men of letters to become acquainted
with Germany. Such journeyings were in some instances of
little significance. Byron in 1816, Browning in 1838, and
Dickens in 1846 merely made the Rhine trip ; Scott past thru
Germany in his last days (1832) ; and Bulwer Lytton took the
water cure at Ems in 1848 ; but meanwhile the young Thackeray
had been hospitably received by the literary circles of Weimar
in 1830; about ten years later George Meredith, not yet sixteen
years of age, attended a Moravian school in Neuwied, receiving
impressions that did much to influence his future career ; George
Eliot and George Henry Lewes establisht literary relations in
Weimar and Berlin in 1854 ; and in 1868 Matthew Arnold studied
the school system of Prussia, returning to enlighten his country-
men in regard to the deficiencies of their own system.

But American men of letters began to form intellectual ties
with Germany at a much earlier date. Franklin visited Got-
tingen in 1766 to gain ideas that might help him in the founding
of the University of Pennsylvania;215 George Ticknor, Edward
Everett, and J. G. Cogswell matriculated at Gottingen in 1815 ;
George Bancroft took a degree there in 1820, becoming acquainted
with Alexander Humboldt and Goethe while in Germany ; Long-

s'1 See SURVEY, p. 165.

-b Sparks, Life and works of Benjamin Franklin (Philadelphia 1840) I
306.

474 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

fellow first studied in Gottingen in 1829 and John Lothrop Motley
in 1832 ;2° Cooper tarried in Dresden a short time in 1830 ; and
Bryant spent three months of study and observation in Miinchen
and four in Heidelberg in 1835 and 1836.

Of the older English influences many had been outlived in
Germany. This was especially true of lyric poetry. Pope,
Thomson, Milton, Young, and Ossian were no longer names to
conjure with, and Arnim and Brentano were providing Germany
with a Percy collection of its own. In the dramatic field Shake-
speare, it is true, was a power still to be reckoned with. We
have already seen how Kleist, Grillparzer, Grabbe, Hebbel, and
Ludwig were compelled to be regardful of him, but none of these
fell permanently under his spell. There was one branch of liter-
ature, however, in which the English still maintained their for-
mer transcendence; this was the novel. The English novel was
to vie with Goethe's Wilkelm Heist er for supremacy thruout a
large part of the nineteenth century.

Of the eighteenth-century novelistic influences Richardson's
was naturally the first to pass away. That it extended beyond
Goethe, "Wieland, and Sophie La Roche, however, and affected
the romantic school has been shown by Donner [968]. Tieck's
William Lovell (1795) corresponds with Retif de la Bretonne's
Le paysan perverti, but the more virtuous aims which Tieck
profest, "die Enthullung der Heuchelei, Weichlichkeit und
Liige,"2d were inspired by Richardson. Tieck admitted that he
studied "Kostiim, Art und Weise der Englander"26 before writ-
ing his novel. Richardson is spoken of admiringly more than
once in the text of William Lovell. In the letter form of Tieck's
novel there is further evidence of Richardson's direct influence.
Donner presents parallel passages to show how closely Tieck has
modeled after the style of Richardson's Clarissa. The two novels
have also many important motifs and many details in common,
tho they are essentially different in tone. "Tieck nimmt den
einen Richardsonschen Gedanken nach dem andern auf, aber er
laszt ihn sof ort wieder fallen ; er weisz nichts damit anzuf angen,

2° See Shumway, The American students of the University of Gottingen,
AG XII (1910) 173f.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 475

eben well seine "Weltansicht von der hohen Sittlichkeit Richard-
sons nicht getragen wird."3

Donner shows, on the other hand, that Arnim '& novel Armut,
Reichtum, Schuld und Busze der Grdfin Dolores (1810) resembles
Richardson's novels not merely, like Tieck's William Lovell, in
exterior details, but in its pervading spirit. He finds this view
easily reconcilable with Scherer's assertion that Grdfin Dolores
was inspired by Wilhelm Meister*

Unter alien Nachfolgern Richardsons zeigt sich der letzte, Arnim, als
der erste, der ihn verstanden hat. Die iibrigen, von Gellert und Hermes
bis Sophie La Roche, mb'gen wohl auch von seinem Geiste durchdrungen
sein, insofern sie gleich ihm eine moralische Besserung beabsichtigten,
aber von der einfachen Hoheit seiner Gesinnung ist bei ihnen keine Spur
zu finden. Des Gedankens einer Clarissa, die lieber stirbt, als ihren
Notziichtiger heiratet, waren sie nicht machtig. Statt der Festhaltung
eines einfachen Grundgedankens, wie Richardson ihn in seinen Romanen
angebracht hat, ergingen sie sich in der Erzahlung der unsinnigsten Aben-
teuer, die ihre Helden und Heldinnen befallen, und welche weit mehr an
den deutschen Roman des 17. Jahrhunderts erinnern, als an die Empfin-
dungsweise und die Komposition Richardsons, dessen Stil und technische
Mittel wiederum nach reichstem Maszstabe zur Geltung gebracht wurden.

Eine Grundidee im Sinne Richardsons hat aber erst Arnim wieder
aufgenommen. Dies ware aber auch unmb'glich gewesen, wenn er sich
nicht von Grun.d aus dem Wesen Richardsons verwandt gefiihlt hatte.
Diese Verwandtschaft besteht in der bei beiden Schriftstellern vorherr-
schenden und lebendigen ernsten moralischen Weltansicht, in dem Glauben
beider an die Moglichkeit, diese ernste moralische Weltansicht in einem
menschlichen Einzelwesen verkorpert und alle seine Taten lenkend an-
zutreffen, ohne dasz dies Einzelwesen darum die Freude am Dasein
aufgeben rnusz, kurz gesagt, in dem Glauben beider an vollkommene
Charaktere.5

This Donner finds illustrated especially in the characters of
Charles Grandison and Graf Karl:

Dieser Charakter (Graf Karl) ist es, der dem ganzen eine so wunderbare
Richardsonsche Stimmung giebt, die leichter zu f iihlen als zu beschreiben
ist, eine Stimmung von Reinheit, von Glauben an Tugend, die zur Geniige
sagt, dasz man die Gefilde Richardsons betreten hat. Und in der Tat:
in der ganzen zwischen Richardson und Arnim liegenden Reihe von
Romanen findet sich nichts im dem Grade Ahnliches.6

s Donner [968] 7.

4 Scherer, Geschichte der deutschen Literature (Berlin 1885) 669.

s Donner [968] 10-11.

6 Ibid., p. 15.

476 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Dormer points out furthermore that these similar lofty ideas
are exemplified by a similar novelistic scheme. In Arnim's novel
we have, as in Richardson's, several virtuous characters who
demonstrate in various ways the same thot, and a profligate who
serves at once as a foil and a means of bringing about the con-
flict. Neither Goethe's Wilhelm Heist er nor the novels of Ar-
nim's fellow romanticists are organized in this way. Donner,
however, calls especial attention to the fact that Arnim's work
differs in one important respect from that of his predecessors:
"Arnim fangt es mit fertigen Charakteren wenigstens durchge-
hends nicht an, sondern gerade inbetreff der Hauptpersonen
(i. e. Karl and Dolores) mit erst werdenden."7

The subtler influence of Sterne permeated the novels of the
romanticists more generally, and its traces can be readily recog-
nized in the works of their successors, the Young Germans.
Czerny [346] has traced the influence of Sterne on Hippel and
Jean Paul ; Kerr [345] brings the account down to the romantic
school. He recognizes Cervantes as a predecessor of the entire
group: "Will die Forschung die Quellen der romantischen
Ironie genauer verfolgen so wird sie zwischen Cervantes und
Jean Paul Halt machen bei Laurence Sterne. . . . Wie Sterne
den Cervantes, so bewundert Jean Paul den Sterne."8 In
Siebenkas Jean Paul admits that it was Sterne who showed him
"die rechten Wege des Scherzes."9

Between Sterne and Richter Kerr recognizes chiefly quanti-
tative differences: "Bei Sterne erscheinen die empfindsamen
Elemente als Zutaten zum Humor; bei Jean Paul erscheint der
Humor als Zutat zu den empfindsamen Blementen. Immerhin
auch bei dem Englander wird der Leser aus dem Dampfbade der
Riihrung in das Kiihlbad der frostigen Satire getrieben. ' '10

The technik of Sterne's humor and of Jean Paul's is similar.
The most frequent device is "das aus dem Stuck Fallen," as it

7 Ibid., p. 12.

s Kerr [345] 72-73.

9 Jean Paul, Siebenxas Kap. XXIII S. 427, so cited by Kerr [345] 130.

10 Kerr [345] 73.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 477

is called, whereby the author destroys the illusion by talking of
the book within the book. Sterne tells the reader he is deter-
mined to finish his chapter before going to bed. Jean Paul says
that his manuscript is now so large that his sister uses it to sit
upon when playing the piano.11 Brentano remarks in his Godwi:
1 ' Dies ist der Teich, in den ich Seite 266 im ersten Band f alle, ' 'lla
and elsewhere : ' ' Dies war also der Godwi von dem ich so viel
geschrieben habe. . . . Ich hatte ihn mir ganz anders vorge-
stellt."11"

What the Schlegels and Tieck chiefly valued in Jean Paul
was his "Willkiirlichkeit" and his * ' Phantasie. " In the Athe-
ndum Jean Paul was rated more highly than Sterne "um seiner
Phantasie willen, die weit kranklicher, also weit wunderlicher
und phantastischer sei/'12 Under the guidance of Schlegel and
Tieck Brentano was led to take Jean Paul as a model. Bren-
tano did not plan his Godwi (1801) as a humorous work. He
was by nature sentimental and morbid but was gifted with a
saving sense of self -mockery. In the course of writing he found
his Godwi becoming too sentimental and so anticipated the re-
vulsion of the reader by ridiculing the characters he had just
created. Kerr does not lay stress upon the direct influences of
Sterne on Brentano, but rather upon indirect influence thru
Jean Paul.

A little later in the nineteenth century Sterne found a kin-
dred spirit in Heine. Yet there was a markt difference between
the two authors, as shown by their writings. Tho lacking in
unity of form, Sterne's works, as Vacano points out, have a
musical unity: "Jede Stimmung Sternes hat zwei konstante
Dominanten, den Humor und die Empfindsamkeit, die bald in
f riedlicher Verschmelzung, bald in interessanten und haufig be-
lustigenden Kontrasten auftreten." Heine had similar but
stronger characteristics : ' ' Seine Empfindsamkeit ist allzuof t zu

n Jean Paul, Hesperus I 332 "Leipziger Neudruck; " so cited by Kerr
[345] 129.

118 Quoted by Kerr [345] 78 without reference.
llb Quoted by Kerr [345] 71 without reference.
12 Kerr [345] 65.

478 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

wildem Schmerz gesteigert. . . . Der Humor 1st scharfer . . .
er erscheint mit Vorliebe als sarkastischer Witz und bittere
Ironie."13 And unlike Sterne's compositions Heine's end fre-
quently in a dissonance (Stimmungsbrechung).

The similarity of their natures explains why Heine so readily
fell under Sterne's spell and why he remained under it so long.
Vacano is able to show by quotations from Heine that the latter
knew Sterne in the original, was well informed regarding his
literary position in England, and intentionally imitated him.
The influence, however, was not equally strong in all the three
groups of his works which Vacano distinguishes thus :

1. Harzreise, Nordseebilder III, Das Buch Le Grand, Englische Frag-
mente: Es sind dies Werke aus jener Zeit, die durch den Beginn der
Beschaftigung mit Sterne und die oben besprochenen Briefe begrenzt
wird. Bei ihnen liegt lediglich die Vermutung nahe, dasz Sternescher
Einflusz obwalte. 2. Italienische Eeisebilder: Hier ist der Einflusz Sternes
von vornherein bewiesen. 3. Die letzte Gruppe: Sie umfaszt alle nach
und neben den italienischen Eeisebildern geschriebenen Prosawerke.14

The testimony of all the special investigators tends to con-
firm the earlier assertion of Julian Schmidt: "Der triibselige
Humor, der heuer bei unsern Asthetikern allein Gnade findet
hat seinen Vater in Sterne. Dieser Humor besteht aus einem
bestandigen, mit Lacheln und Thranen gewiirzten Kopfschiitteln
iiber das Thema Hamlets : ' Es gibt mehr Ding im Himmel und
auf Erden als eure Schulweisheit sich traumt. ' Unsere deutschen
Humoristen sind alle von diesem Vorbild inspiriert. "15 This
type of humor, Schmidt says, has exerted a baneful influence
upon the works of Hippel, Hamann, Jean Paul, Arnim, and
Brentano. In Hoffmann it is exhibited in a state of complete
decay. His is not a mingling of contradictory elements but
merely a juxtaposition thereof, and the same is true of Immer-
mann's Munchhausen. of much of Heine's work, and of a great

is Vacano [995] 16.

14 Vacano [995] 33f. Eansmeier [996] investigated the relations of
Heine and Sterne before Vacano publisht his monograph. Vacano 's dis-
cussion, however, appeared first in print. The two investigations present
much the same evidence and arrive at the same conclusions. Eansmeier
treats with greater detail the first two periods defined by Vacano, but
does not touch upon the last.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 479

part of the most recent German literature (ca. 1851 ).15 As
against these unhealthy tendencies Schmidt recognized a healthy
reaction in Dickens, whose humor he compared with that of the
Vicar of Wakefield and of Vosz's Siebzigster Geburtstag.™ The
humor of this latter class of writers, in contrast to the "triibse-
liger Humor ' ' of the former, consisted in deriving yet undiscov-
ered pleasure out of the common things of daily life. This is
criticism of a more discriminating type than that which pre-
vailed in the eighteenth century.17

Having thus taken account of the eighteenth-century English
influences that continued into the nineteenth, it might seem a
simple task to summarize the new English influences that came
into Germany during the last hundred and twenty years. That
such is not the case is due to the extremely complicated nature
of literary history in the nineteenth century.

It was the era of "Weltliteratur" as Goethe used the term.
We have no longer to do with simple influences but with recip-
rocal relations. That Goethe was susceptible to the trends of
English thot is a fact that will presently be emphasized, yet his
own influence upon English and American literature, largely
thru the advocacy of Carlyle, Emerson, and Margaret Fuller, is
of greater importance.18 Walter Scott, the first of the popular
English novelists of the century, owed a debt to German liter-
ature. Transplanting and acclimatization on a new soil is often
healthful for a literary form. Werther and La nouvelle

is Grenzboten 1851 I 167f.

is Ibid., p. 164.

17 See SURVEY, chapter 12.

is In his address of 1896 Kellner [911] combats the prevailing belief
regarding Carlyle 's importance as an advocate of Goethe's works in
England. Carlyle 's views of Goethe as exprest in the Goethe-Carlyle
correspondence, he says, should be constantly compared with his opinion
of Goethe frankly exprest in private correspondence. Sartor Eesartus
indicates that Carlyle 's spiritual recovery came from France rather than
Germany. The Goethe-Carlyle correspondence indicates that Goethe and
Carlyle were writing at cross purposes. Carlyle 's criticisms of Goethe's
works are one-sided. Many of the most important have heretofore been
disregarded. "Die verbreitete Ansicht, dasz erst mit Carlyle die eigent-
liche Kenntnis Goethes in England begann, ist auch falsch." Since there
is no suggestion that Goethe owed to Carlyle any literary inspiration
extensive data are not called for in the bibliography.

480 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Heloise attest this fact, while Wilhelm Meister is a product of
a mingling of the native stock with the foren. Goethe's Gotz
evoked in Germany nothing better than a sequence of mediocre
"Raubritterromane"and"Ritterstucke." Walter Scott read Gotz
and translated it in his early years. It was perhaps one of
the chief agencies that called forth his epic work in poetry and
prose. In sending his novels into Germany Scott was repaying
a literary debt. Bulwer Lytton, who succeeded Walter Scott as
prime favorite in Germany, was also well acquainted with Ger-
man literature. His Falkland shows clearly the influence of
Werther, and his Maltravers of Wilhelm Meister.19 Bulwer often
acknowledged his indebtedness to German literature and dedi-
cated one of his works to the German people. He was feted
on his visit to Germany; in honoring him the Germans inci-
dentally honored themselves. In the case of Byron we have
not to do with a specifically British influence. Contemporary
British society would have hesitated to claim Byron as its liter-
ary representative abroad. He was the personification of a spirit
abroad in Europe at the time, and he chanced to have been born
in the British Isles; but the whole romantic movement was evi-
dence of the fact that literature had now resolved itself into
international movements to such a degree that one could speak
only with the greatest caution of the influence of one national
literature upon another.

At the head of the conscious movement toward a world liter-
ature stood Mme. de Stael,20 Goethe, and Carlyle. The corre-
spondence between the latter two21 began June 24, 1824, when
Carlyle sent Goethe his translation of Wilhelm Meister, which

19 Goldhahn, A. H., uber die EinwirJcung des Goetheschen Werthers und
Wilhelm Meisters auf die Entwicklung Eduard Bulwers. Diss., Leipzig 1895.

20 It was apparently thru Mme. de Stael that Carlyle first learned
about the work of Goethe. Kegarding Mme. de Stael 's international
literary position see Whitford, R. C., Mme, de Stael's literary reputation
in England (Univ. of Illinois studies in language and literature IV 1
1918) ; 60 pp. Jaeck, E. G., Mme. de Stael and the spread of German
literature (N. Y. 1915) ; 358 pp. Kphler, P., Mme. de Stael et la Suisse
(Lausanne and Paris 1916) ; 720+ PP- Wickman, J., Mme. de Stael och
Sverige etc. (Lund 1911) ; 154+ pp.

21 See Norton [906].

•

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 481

Goethe acknowledged. About three years later Caiiyle sent
Goethe a copy of his Life of Schiller, which Goethe also acknowl-
edged and warmly commended. On July 20th of the same year
he exprest himself to Carlyle equally heartily in favor of inter-
national interchange in matters literary. From now on the cor-
respondence quickened its pace. The two authors made it their
practice to send to each other their works. Carlyle also kept
Goethe informed as to the growing appreciation for German
literature in England. Goethe sent to Carlyle the volumes of
is correspondence with Schiller as fast as they appeared, and
sent him other works helpful to him in his studies on German
literature. He also procured for Carlyle an election as hon-
orary member of a society for foren literature in Berlin. Carlyle
distributed personal souvenirs from Goethe to the little group
of men who had done most to foster the appreciation of German
literature in England, and a group of fifteen English men of
letters, foremost among them Carlyle, sent an appreciative letter
to Goethe on his last birthday, accompanied by a commemorative
medal.

The society for foren literature had already undertaken to
publish a translation of Carlyle 's Life of Schiller and had re-
quested Goethe to write a preface thereto. Goethe had first to
ask Carlyle for some personal facts in regard to his past career
and present manner of life. Particularly he askt him for a
drawing of his home. Such a sketch was provided by Jane
Carlyle and reproduced in the German version of Carlyle 's Life
of Schiller, which was completed in October 1830. Goethe's
introduction contained a personal account of Carlyle and his
literary career as well as a plea for international comity in
literature.22

Goethe's support of such friendly relations served to benefit
directly not only Carlyle but also Burns. On the 25th of Sep-'
tember, 1828, Carlyle mentioned to Goethe that he was about to
publish an Essay on Burns. Burns, as Carlyle did not fail to
point out, was born in Schiller's birth year and died in the first

22 Goethe, Wer'ke I 42 : 1, 185ff.

482 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

year of the Goethe-Schiller friendship. In 1828 he was scarcely
known in Germany. In his reply to Carlyle several months later
(June 25, 1829) Goethe said:

Ihren Landsmann Burns, der, wenn er noch lebte, nunmehr Ihr Nach-
bar seyn wiirde, kenn ich so weit, um ihn zu schatzen; die Erwahnung
desselben in Ihrem Briefe veranlaszte mich, seine Gedichte wieder vor-
zunehnien,23 vor allem die Geschichte seines Lebens wieder durchzulesen,
welche freylich wie die Geschichte manches schonen Talents, hochst uner-
freulich ist.

Die poetische Gabe ist mit der Gabe, das Leben einzuleiten und irgend
einen Zustand zu bestatigen, gar selten verbunden.

An seinen Gedichten hab ich einen freyen Geist erkannt, der den
Augenblick kraftig anzufassen und ihm zugleich eine heitere Seite ab-
zugewinnen weisz. Leider konnt ich diesz nur von wenigen Stiicken
abnehmen, denn der schottische Dialect macht uns andere sogleich irre,
und zu einer Aufklarung iiber das Einzelne fehlt uns Zeit und Gelegenheit.'^

And indeed Goethe 's interest in Burns was by no means feigned
for the occasion, for as early as the 3rd of May, 1827, Goethe
had spoken enthusiastically to Eckermann of Burns.25 In the
before-mentioned introduction to the translation of Carlyle 's
Life of Schiller Goethe quoted from the Carlyle letter of Sep-
tember 25, 1828, the phrases commendatory of Burns, taking
occasion to add that since the Scot, Carlyle, had taken so much
interest in Schiller, it was fitting that some member of the society
for foren literature in Berlin should take the lead in a study of
Burns. He also included in his introduction a translation of
some significant passages from Carlyle 's Essay on Burns.26

Goethe informed Carlyle in a letter dated October 5th, 1830,
of his election to membership in the society for foren literature.
He was able to close this same letter with the announcement that
a translator of Burns had been found ; ' ' ein talentvoller junger
Mann und gliicklicher Ubersetzer beschaf tigt sich mit BurnS ; ich

23 The study of the life of Burns is noted in Goethe 's Tagebiicner
under date of Oct. 8, 1828: "Den Brief von Carlyle naher betrachtet.
. . . Leben von Burns und schottische Balladen. ' ' Goethe, Werke III 11,
288.

24 Goethe WerTce, IV 45, 304.

25 Eckermann, Gesprache, p. 500.
20 Goethe WerTce, I 42:1, 196ff.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 483

bin darauf sehr verlangend. "2;7 This translator was a certain
Philipp Kaufmann. In his next letter, October 23, 1830, Carlyle
expresses his hopes and misgivings regarding the success of the
Burns translator and adds : ' *' If he fail, beyond the due limits
of poetical and translatorial license, the highest kindness we
can do him here will be to forget him. ' '27a

Goethe seems to have been the prime mover in securing
Carlyle 's membership in the above-mentioned society. He was
the intermediary between the society and Carlyle, the first to
suggest the need of a German translator of Burns and to an-
nounce to Carlyle the finding of one. It would be no exagger-
ation, therefore, to designate him as the one who brot about the
earliest Burns translation.

Regarding the personality of Philipp Kaufmann little seems
to be known. He was not of the same family as Angelika Kauff-
mann. His complete translation was not publisht until 1840,
but translations of individual poems began to appear as early
as 1832.28 Almost simultaneously with the Kaufmann transla-
tion two others were publisht, one by Heinrich Julius Heintze,
the other by W. Gerhard.

Gerhard was a descendant of Paul Gerhard, the hymn writer
of the seventeenth century. He was a native of Weimar and
favorably known to Goethe. It is not inconceivable that his
translation of Burns was also stimulated in part by Goethe's
appeal in the introduction to the German translation of Carlyle 's
Life of Schiller, for he began to study Burns about three years
later, as the opening of his preface shows. In this preface he
apologizes for competing with Goethe 's chosen translator, saying :

Ich kenne das junge Mitglied einer hochachtbaren Gesellschaft nicht,
das von Goethe aufgefordert wurde den schottischen Volksdichter Kobert
Burns in Deutschland einzufiihren; aber ich lebe der bescheidenen Hoff-

27 Ibid., IV 47, 279.
27" Norton [906] 233.

28 The Museum of foreign literature, science, and art (Philadelphia) XX
(1832) 111 reproduces from the Englishman's magazine a one-page account
entitled Burns the poet, which contains a specimen of Kaufmann 's work.
See Goodnight [4] no. [883].

484 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

nung, dasz die Manen eines Meisters, dessen freundliche Worte mir bei
ahnlichem Falle, der Herausgabe meiner Serbischen Lieder, so schmeichel-
haft und ermuthigend gewesen, nicht auf mich ziirnen werden, wenn ich
mit ihm in die Schranken trete.28»

Gerhard's translation was preceded by an introduction of forty-
eight pages giving the main facts of Burns 's life as recorded by
James Currie, Walker, Lockhart, and Allan Cunningham.

After having waited so long for recognition in Germany
Burns was now to receive it in full measure. Translations and
reprints were frequent and past thru many editions.2815 It seems
safe to attribute the three reprints of the years 1831, 1834, and
1835 in part to Goethe's call for such works; the three of 1841,
1843, and 1846 were doubtless called into existence partly by
the translations of 1840. The democratic movement of 1848 was
also favorable to the appreciation of Burns in Germany, and
Freiligrath 's interest in Burns was but natural.

Thomas Moore attained only a moderate degree of popularity
despite the sponsorship of Goethe and of Byron as well. His
oriental poetry came first into prominence. Freiligrath later

w Robert Burns' Gedichte, deutsch von W. Gerhard (Leipzig 1840), p.
viii. For Goethe's favorable comment on Gerhard's translation of the
Serbian songs see Goethe, WerJce I 41:2, 228; cf. Eckermann, Gesprdche
p. 178.

28b The following list of translations and reprints was collected by
Hazel Katzenstein of the class of 1917 of the University of California:

I. Translations: W. Gerhard, Leipzig 1840; P. Kaufmann, Stuttgart
and Tubingen 1840; H. J. Heintze, Braunschweig 1840, 2. ed. Braun-
schweig 1846, 3. ed. 1859; A. von Winterfeld, Berlin 1857-1861; Pertz,
Leipzig 1859; Bartsch, Hildburghausen 1865-1868, neue Aufl. Leipzig 1886;
Silbergleit Robert Burns' Lieder und Balladen fur deutsche Leser ausgewdhlt
und frei bearbeitet, Leipzig (Reclam) 1868-1875 [accompanied by a five-
page account of Burns based on Allan Cunningham's biography; Carlyle's
and Goethe's exchange of compliments in regard to Burns and Schiller is
quoted on reverse of the title page; Laun, Berlin 1869 and 1877, Olden-
burg 1885; Corrodi, Burns' Lieder in das Schweizer Deutsch iibertragen,
Winterthur 1870; O. Baisch, Stuttgart 1883; K. Bartsch, Leipzig 1883;
Legerlotz, Leipzig 1889; Euete, Bremen 1890; Prinzhorn, Halle 1896.
Besides these extensive collections there were also numerous translations
of individual poems, especially by Freiligrath, whose Gedichte (1838)
contain thirteen of the poems of Burns.

II. Eeprints: Anspach 1831, 1834, Leipzig 1835, Berlin 1841, Niirnberg
1843, Leipzig 1846. There were furthermore many of Burns 's poems in
Freiligrath 's collection The rose, thistle, and shamrock, Stuttgart 1853.
Burns 's influence in Germany has recently become the object of investi-
gation. See BIBLIOGRAPHY [859]-[862].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 485

translated about twenty-eight of his minor poems and imitated
a few others. Lalla Rookh was the most popular of Moore's
poems, to judge by the translations. It was translated by
Fouque in 1822, by Oelkers in 1837, by Mencke in 1843, and by
Alexander Schmidt in 1857. Most of these translations past
into new editions after a few years.20 There were also reprints,
translations, and school editions of one of its best known cantos,
Paradise and the Peri. The earliest extensive translation of
Moore 's poems was that made by Oelkers in 1837 in four volumes.
This was followed by the smaller collection of F. B. (Friedrich
Bodenstedt?) in 1849.

Browning's poetry29"1 and Tennyson's have enjoyed a great
popularity in Germany.29" Oscar Wilde has apparently been

29 Of Fouque 's translation a "Nachdruck" is reported (Wien 1825)
and a "Neue unveranderte Auflage" (Berlin 1846); Oelker's translation
of Moore's poems in four volumes (Leipzig 1839) was extended to five
volumes in 1843. In 1846 a "Dritte durchgesehene Ausgabe" of his
Lalla Rukh was publisht in Leipzig by the Tauchnitz firm, which had
printed his earlier translations; Schmidt's translation of Lalla Rookh
(1857) did not reach its second edition until 1876, while of Mencke 's
apparently no second edition appeared. For this and other bibliograph-
ical information regarding Moore's poems in Germany I am indebted to
Ellen Deruchie of the class of 1918, University of California.

29* Phelps [855a] lists the following translations of Browning: Das
Fremdenbuch (The inn-album), Leo (1877) ; Anthologie der dbendldndischen
und morgenldndischen Dichtungen, Graf von Schack (1893) containing eight
of Browning's poems; Der Rattenf anger von Hameln, Schweikler (1893);
Ausgewdhlte Gedichte von Robert Browning, Euete (1894) containing thirty-
eight short poems; Der Handschuh und andere Gedichte, Euete (1897) con-
taining thirty poems; Mesmerism and In a gondola (in part), Spielhagen
(1897) ; Broivnings Leben und iibertrdgungen, Eoloff (1900) containing
translations of six poems; Pippa geht voruber, Heissler (1903) ; Die
Tragodie einer Seele, Gerden (1903) ; Paracelsus, Greve (1904) ; Brief e von
R. Browning und E. B. Browning, Greve (1905); Luria, Euete, (1910).
Albrecht [856] contains no information regarding Browning in Germany
and should not have been included in the BIBLIOGRAPHY.

-!)b Translations of selections of Tennyson 's poems were publisht by
Freiligrath (1846), Herzberg (1853), Fischer (1853), Strodtmann (1868),
von Bohlen (1874), and Harbou (1894); passages from In memoriam were
translated by von Hohenhausen in 1851 and the whole by Herzberg in
lS53;Enoch Arden was translated by Schellwien (1867), Weber (1869),
Waldmiiller-Duboc (1869), Feldmann (1870), Hessel (1873), Eichholz
(1881), Griebenow (1889), Mendheim (1892), Schroeter (1895), Prausnitz
(1901), Haase (1905); Idylls of the Tcing by Scholz (1867) and Feldmann
(1872); Aylmer's field by Weber (1870), Feldmann (1870), Griebenow
(1893), and Zenker (1893); LocJcsley hall by Feis (1888); and Maud by
Weber (1874). Busse [854] 6f; cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY [1000]-[1002] and [854].

486 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

more favorably received there than at home290 and possibly one
may say the same of Swinburne. It is reported that of Swin-
burne's last volume of poems six hundred copies were sold, of
which four hundred and eighty were bot in Germany and
the rest in England and elsewhere.29*1 It can hardly be asserted,
however, that any of these poets have exerted any determining
influence in Germany in the nineteenth century,299 tho something
of the pre-Raphaelitic atmosphere seems to prevail in the Stephan
George circle in Germany to-day, where art is cultivated for its
own sake, and the favor of the public is neither sot nor desired.
Stephan George himself translates only such poetry as expresses
his own moods and feelings, and he has included Bossetti and
Swinburne in his Zeitgenossiscke Dichter.29*

If in literature outside the novel and the Shakespearean
drama England no longer held an imposing place in the minds
of the Germans during the nineteenth century, such was not the
case with England politically considered. Now as in the eight-
eenth century she was the cynosure of the constitutionalists,29*
There is testimony from many sides to this effect and a quantity
of it has recently been gathered and arranged in Whyte 's Young
Germany in its relation to Britain [832] . Whyte has collected
the views of Borne and of the five German journalists denounced
in the famous decree of 1835. He takes up the different writers
individually and records their attitude in each case, first toward
British politics, second toward British literature, and third to-
ward the Briton. The political views are of the highest interest.

Borne held that the English system of government could
readily be applied to Germany but for political oppression. He
said of Raumer, one of his political opponents:

So oft er die englische Freiheit lobt, fiigt er hinzu: Die Freiheit in
England sei alt und aus historischem Boden gewachsen; in Deutschland
aber sei das Verhaltnis ganz anders. Das ist freilich sehr wahr und

2»c Cf. BIBLIOGRAPHY [1012]ff.

29d Hueffer, Ancient lights and certain new reflections (London 1911),
p. 39.

29e George, Zeitgenossische Dichter, 2 vols., Berlin 1905.

29* For such influences in the eighteenth century see SURVEY, pp. 161,
168, and 185ff.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 487

natiirlich, derm in Deutschland konnte die Freiheit nie> alt und zur
Geschichte werden, well man sie immer schon als Keim und im Entstehen
ausrottete.so

He prophesied a future conflict between the two democratic
countries, England and France, on the one side and reactionary
Germany on the other, and he cried out joyfully :

Es ware schon, wenn das wahr ware; dann ware es doch einmal dahin
gekommen, wohin es friiher oder spater kommen musz, zum strengen
Gegensatze der feindlichen Elemente: die Freiheit hier, die Despotic dort-
und jetzt schlagt Euch, ich sehe zu.si

Altho both Borne and Gutzkow made Paris, not London, their
political headquarters, both strongly indicated the belief that
England was the country that made certain, if sometimes slow,
progress toward political liberty.32 Gutzkow told his country-
men to keep their eyes on England; the gains there would find
their way around the world. "What the English won in the way
of liberty they would never yield up again.33 Even the Tories
he did not construe as the opponents of popular liberty ; rather
he looked upon Tories and Whigs as the necessary counterbal-
ances of a healthy government: "Denn was ist der Sieg des
Torysmus Anderes, als eine Chance des Fortschrittes, sich zusam-
menzunehmen, als ein Signalruf fur die zerstreuten Parteien,
welche in ihrer Liebe zum Volke nicht einig werden konnten ? ' '34

Heine's views regarding England are, like his other political
views, somewhat contradictory. A single characteristic passage
will suffice :

Der Englander liebt die Freiheit wie sein rechtmasziges Weib, er
besitzt sie, und wenn er sie a.uch nicht mit absonderlicher Zartlichkeit
behandelt, so weisz er sie doch im Notfall wie ein Mann zu verteidigen,
und wehe dem rotgerockten Burschen, der sich in ihr heiliges Schlafge-
mach drangt — sei es als Galant oder als Scherge. Der Franzose liebt

so ~Borne,Schriften VI 399.
si Ibid., VIII 113.
32 For Borne see Whyte [832] 2.

ss Gutzkow, Buhvers Zeitgenossen? (Pforzheim 1842), II 413-414; quoted
by Price [857] 400.

™ Gutzkow, Gesammelte Werke* (Jena n. d.), IX 83.

48 S University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

die Freiheit wie seine erwahlte Braut. Er gliiht fiir sie, er flammt, er
wirft sich zu ihren Fiiszen mit den iiberspanntesten Beteuerungen, er
schlagt sich fiir sie auf Tod und Leben, er begeht fiir sie tausenderlei
Torheiten. Der Deutsche liebt die Freiheit wie seine alte Groszmutter.35

Wienbarg has little to say regarding English political liberty,
but Laube and Mundt are emphatic in their expressions, and
Whyte 's collection controverts the common belief in the predomi-
nance of French political ideas in the Young German political
movement of the thirties. This belief had been denned by
Schoenemann [838] among others, who says:

Erst das Jahr 1850 stellt einen Weudepunkt in der seelischen Haltung
der Deutschen England gegeniiber dar; England als Ganzes wird jetzt
dem Deutschen auf einmal interessant, und zwar als geschichtliches
Wesen. . . . England ist Deutschlands letzte Liebe. Die erste war Frank-
reich, aber nach der groszen Revolution von 1789 mit ihren Greueln
begann das Erwachen. Doch die Julirevolution von 1830 und das tolle
Jahr 1848 zogen die Deutschen immer wieder in franzosische Kreise, bis
sich endlich Aller Augen nach England wandten. Dorthin waren die ver-
folgten deutschen Demokraten gefliichtet, und von dort aus ward dann
durch sie und ihre Nachfolger das neue Evangelium einer Demokratie
gepredigt, als deren Paradies natiirlich England erschien.36

Against this view we have the fact that Gutzkow joined with
Borne in 1839 in calling England "das einzige freie Land
Europas/'36* and in 1837 referred to France and Germany as
"Lander, die nie wahre Freiheit genossen haben."36b

Toward the Briton individually the Young Germans were
frankly antipathetic. Most of them were content to draw the
conventional pictures of the Englishman; but Mundt 's visit to
England convinced him that these were but caricatures. Tho he
dislikes the British sabbath he finds the British are not hypo-
crites, and he even has a good word to say for the traveling
Briton. Heine conceived, as is well known, a less favorable
impression of the English people; but as Schoenemann says:
1 1 Einige Urteile Heines iiber England sind der Ausflusz schlech-

35 Heine, Werfce V 80f.

ss Schoenemann [838] 661. Cf. Bloesch, Das junge Deutschland in
seinen Beziehungen zu Frankreich, UNSL I (1902).

36" Gutzkow, Gesammelte WerJce^ Jena n. d. XII 291.
seb Ibid., VIH 345.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 489

ter Laune."37 Schoenemann also points out that certain books
of travel determined to a large extent the views of the Young
Germans in regard to England. Notably influential were
Piickler-Muskau 's Briefe eines Verstorbenen (1830) and Rau-
mer's England im Jahre 1835 (1836).

Whyte is easily able to show a markt partiality on the part
of the Young Germans for Shakespeare, Byron, and Scott.37
Schoenemann expresses in striking terms the reasons for the
Byron enthusiasm on the part of the Young Germans:

Byron war ihr Held, well er aristokratisch-revolutionar, freiheitsbe-
geistert und ichsiichtig, gliicklich-ungliicklich, fanatisch und splienig zu-
gleich war, oder ihnen wenigstens so aussah. Und nicht zuletzt lebte er
sich unbekiimmert vor den Philistern aus, was die meisten Jungdeutschen
samt Publikum nur zu traumen wagten. So kommt es, dasz er taten-
schwachen Dichtern und Schb'nschreibern neben Napoleon als Poet der
Tat erscheint. Die geniale Freiheitspose iiber alles! Byron wurde hun-
dertmal mehr als Kiinstler denn als Englander angesehen. Nur ober-
flachlichere jungdeutsche Liebhaber der englischen Literatur nannten ihn
echt-englisch. Heine allein sagte, er sei unenglisch.ss

But the preference of the Young Germans for English liter-
ature had, as Schoenemann points out, a sound basis. All the
popular literary movements of modern Germany were essentially-
Germanic. This was true of the "Storm and stress" movement
and of much of the romantic movement. Poetic realism too was
essentially "germanisch, unromanisch, ja antif ranzosisch, " and
toward poetic realism the Young Germans were consciously or
unconsciously drifting.

Whyte 's investigations cover the period 1830—1840. Regard-
ing the attitude of the German publicists of the next decade
toward England we are nowhere well informed. A study of
the journals of that period would certainly be productive of
interesting results. Schoenemann calls attention especially to
Ruge's Halliscke Jahrbiicher and Prutz's Deutsckes Museum as
valuable sources of information.

37 Wienbarg here constitutes an exception, for he is unable to reconcile
an approval of Scott's historical fiction with his well-known politico-
literary principles.

38 Schoenemann in MLN XXXIII (1918) 170f.

490 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

As to the tendencies of the decade 1850ff. we have adequate
evidence. Few German critics of the nineteenth century have
been better read in English literature than Julian Schmidt, and
few have been guided by a surer instinct in connecting the
tendencies of life with the products of literature. His frequent
articles on English literature in the Grenzboten (1848-1862) and
his later collections of essays have a high value as contemporary
documents and his critical observations cover an interesting
period. New favorites were constantly rising up to maintain
England's primacy in the novelistic field, and Julian Schmidt
met them with a hearty welcome.

The German interest in things English had always been
bound up to a large extent with political liberalism; and even
after the humiliation of the Young Germans in 1835 and the
failure of constitutionalism in 1848 that interest did not cease
but merely sot a new direction. The literary articles of Schmidt
in the Grenzboten set in strongly just then. His colleag Gustav
Freytag said of him:

Als die Politik nicht mehr das ganze Interesse der Leser in Anspruch
nahm, begann Julian Schmidt literarische Artikel gegen die Jungdeutschen
und Romantiker. . . . Der Grund seines Unwillens war . . . der Hasz
gegen das Gemachte und Gleiszende, gegen ungesunde Weichliclikeit. . . .
Indem Schmidt verurteilte, was in unserer Literatur krank war, wies er
auch unablassig auf die Heilmittel hin, und wurde dadurch in Wahrheit
ein guter Lehrer fur die jiingeren, welche falschen Vorbildern, die in
unbekampftem Ansehen stehen, zu folgen bereit sind. . . . Er hatte an
allem wohl Gelungenen eine tiefinnige Freude. . . . Die Darstellungsweise
der englischen Dichter war ganz nach seinem Herzen; den Zauber der
wundervollen Farbung bei Dickens empfand er so voll, wie nur ein
Englander jener Zeit.39

An examination of the Grenzboten volumes during the period
in question confirms Freytag 's statement.40 Schmidt was most
unqualified in his commendation of Scott and contrasted Scott's
type of historical romanticism with that of the Germans, always
to the latter 's disadvantage. The poetry of the "lake school,"
of Shelley, Bailey, Browning was distasteful to him. Here he
saw the deplorable results of subjective idealism, of "Faustic"

so Freytag, WerTce I 162f.

1920]

Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey

491

tendencies and other maladies that had their origin in Germany.
Of the notable recent British poets he endeavored to defend
Byron alone. He was also wont to compare the English liberals,
the "Young English" writers, as he called them, Bulwer Lytton,
Thackeray, Charlotte Bronte, Charles Kingsley, Thomas Carlyle,
and others, with the Young Germans, always to the disadvantage
of the latter. The plans for social betterment devised by the
English group were more practical and sane and less phantastic
than those of their German competitors. Dickens signalized, in
Schmidt 's opinion, the return of English literature to soundness,
after it had indulged in certain vagaries under the spell of
Sterne. Dickens showed English life and character at its best,
with its " Gemutlichkeit, ? ' its humor, its pathos, and its hatred
of hypocrisy.

It would be easy to exaggerate Schmidt's influence upon his
time: Scott and Dickens would have gained and maintained
their popularity without his assistance; Gutzkow would have
declined in popularity as a novelist even without his constant
opposition ; and it may be freely admitted that any influence of
Schmidt upon such poetic realists as Auerbach, Ludwig, Reuter,
and Keller is highly problematical.41 Literary influence can be
proved only in the case of Freytag. The relation of the editors
to each other was well described by a contemporary observer,
Hermann Marggraff, who said:

Von Lessings dramatischen Produkten hat man wohl gesagt. dasz sie
gewissermaszen nur als Proben zu betrachten seien, die er gemacht habe,
um die Bichtigkeit seiner kritischen Kechenexempel zu prtifen. Aehn-
liches kann man von dem Eedaktionspersonal der bekannten kritischen
griinen Blatter in Leipzig behaupten, nur dasz die kritischen und pro-
duktiven Fahigkeiten ... an zwei Individuen verteilt sind.42

Marggraff 's assertion is well justified. A recent investigation
has shown that Freytag 's Soil und Hdben is, to a surprizingly

40 Of. Price [845].

41 Busse, A. JEGPh XVI (1917) 145 misquoted Price [845] as making
such a claim in regard to Hebbel, Ludwig, and Keller. Hebbel 's name
was not included in the original assertion. See [845] 102; cf. 108-109.
On p. 110 Schmidt is spoken of as an opponent of Hebbel.

42BLU 1885, p. 455.

492 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

large extent, a practical exemplification of Schmidt's literary
theory with its anglicizing tendencies.43

Julian Schmidt and his colleag traced the superiority of the
English novel back to its true cause, as Kesewitz had done in
the previous century.44 The English novelists, they said, partici-
pated in the affairs of life and embodied experience in their
novels. The German novelists wrote before they had experienced
anything worth recording and compounded their novels too
largely out of reflexions and conversations.

The influence of Dickens and Scott in Germany was so great
that it demands separate treatment in chapters to follow, and
the same is true of certain American influences. Not only
Dickens and Scott, however, but lesser authors such as Bulwer
Lytton, Charlotte Bronte, George Eliot, were more popular with
the German public than were the native novelists. Bulwer
Lytton succeeded to the popularity of Walter Scott soon after
the appearance of his Pelham (1828). Julian Schmidt wrote of
Bulwer :

Von den deutschen Schriftstellern war nicht einer, dessen Popularitat
gegen die seinige aufkam; nur etwa George Sand und Balzac konnten
mit ihm wetteifern. Das dauerte von den ersten dreisziger bis in die
Mitte der vierziger Jahre, bis Dickens, Eugene Sue und Thackeray ihn
ablosten.45

Julian Schmidt made some bold assertions regarding the
influence of Bulwer, the most sweeping of which referred to the
vogue of Pelham. He said: "Faszt man die Aristokratie ins
Auge, die in Gutzkows Romanen oder bei der Grafin Hahn-Hahn
auftritt, so erkennt man lauter verkleidete Pelhams, die neben
den Masken aus Jean Paul figurieren. "46 Regarding the just-
ness of this remark as far as the Grafin Hahn-Hahn is concerned
no critic has apparently ever undertaken to pass an opinion.
In view of Bulwer's extreme popularity in Germany it seems

43 Price [845]; cf. chapter V, "Soil und Haben and Freytag's partici-
pation in the Grenzboten movement."

44 Cf . SURVEY, p. 298f .
« Schmidt [856a] 268.
46 Ibid., p. 285.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 493

highly probable that he influenced German literature in some
way; but a recent investigation has demonstrated that Julian
Schmidt for polemic purposes greatly over-emphasized the
Bulwer-Gutzkow parallel.47 The investigation suggests that the
undoubted resemblances between Gutzkow and Bulwer Lytton
are better accounted for by their common literary ancestry in
Sterne. Incidentally the article goes further and endeavors to
define in Gutzkow 's own words his attitude toward represent-
ative English novels of the past and present. For Fielding,
Sterne, and Goldsmith Gutzkow had a high respect. Of Bulwer
Lytton and of George Eliot and the writers of the English
" Gouvernantenromane " he is disdainful.

Stage by stage the example of the English novel enlarged
the scope of the German novel in the nineteenth century. Walter
Scott began the movement by presenting even in his romantic
epics concrete and often accurate pictures of the historic past
that are not to be confused with the hazy abstractions of Uhland
and the German romanticists. When he turned to the historical
novel his artistic success won for him imitators in Germany.4711
In his steps followed Alexis and Spindler, Freytag and Scheffel,
Dahn and Ebers, and many others. Bulwer Lytton lifted for
curious eyes the veil that had shrouded high life, and the petty
aristocracy and "nouveaux riches" of Germany became leading
characters of the German novel. Then came Dickens, supported
by Victor Hugo, Balzac, and Eugene Sue, and new types, the
petty burgher class, the criminal, and the member of the prole-
tariat, became themes of novelistic treatment. Meanwhile the
literature of village life was not being neglected. To a large
even tho indeterminable degree Walter Scott fostered the de-
velopment of this genre, and thus his influence past down
thru Gotthelf, Auerbach, and Immermann thru Storm, Keller,
Ludwig, and Eaabe to Polenz and Zahn.47b In fact, wherever
in the German novel we find the outward look upon life instead

47 Price [857].

47" See SURVEY, p. 498f.

->'bSee SURVEY, p. 512, and Mielke [831a].

494 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

of the inward look upon self there is reason to suspect in the
last analysis some modicum of English influence. One might
say, it is true, that certain portions of Wilhelm Meister had
already indicated the new trend, but more than one critic has
intimated that Goethe received his new impulse in part from the
British novelists of the later eighteenth century.

The practical activities of English life imprest Goethe again
in his last years. Sarrazin [847] has recently shown in a strik-
ing way how much of this interest is embodied in the closing
scenes of Faust's life. Many surmizes have been offered regard-
ing the geographical background of his final acts but no con-
jecture seems better supported by evidence external and internal
than Sarrazin 's. He asserts that the lines :

Nur der verdient sich Freiheit wie das Leben,

Der taglich sie erobern musz;

Und so verbringt, umrungen von Gefahr

Hier Kindheit, Mann und Greis sein tiichtig Jahr.

Solch ein Gewimmel mb'cht' ich sehn,

Auf freiem Grund mit freiem Volke stehn,48

have a quite particular reference to the British Isles generally,
while Faust's final undertaking corresponds closely with a nine-
teenth century enterprize in Wales.49

Sarrazin relates some of the details of a great commercial
venture that was undertaken there about the year 1800. William
Alexander Madock diked in, on the coast of Wales, about 2000
acres and founded the village Tremadoc. Later he undertook
a larger operation that gave rise to the present town of Port-
mad ocr which has now about 5000 inhabitants. The completion
of this colossal undertaking required the services of two to three
hundred laborers for seven years. Piickler-Muskau told the
details in his Brief e eines Verstorbenen (1830). Goethe received
from Varnhagen in the summer of 1830 the work of Piickler-
Muskau. He spent three of the evenings between August 22nd

48 Goethe, Werlce I 15, 315ff.

40 Goebel [93] suggests that it was America Goethe had in mind when
he let his dying Faust proclaim as the highest goal the effort to establish
a free people in a free land.

Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey

495

and 25th reading the first volume, which contains the account of
the founding of Portmadoc.50 Then he wrote a review of the
entire work for Varnhagen.51 Sarrazin says : ' ' Hier haben wir
offenbar nicht nur die eigentliche Anregung zum fiinften Akt
des zweiten Teils, sondern auch die Grundziige der Szenerie, die
mit Hilfe von Karten und andern Reisebeschreibungen oder geo-
graphischen Werken sich leicht der Wirklichkeit entsprechend
erganzen lieszen."52 Sarrazin comments in conclusion upon
Goethe's interest in England and English affairs in the last
years of his life :

Goethe 1st in seinen letzten Lebensjahren zu seiner Jugendschwar-
merei fur England zuriickgekehrt. Vielleicht hat dabei mitgewirkt, dasz
er gerade in England manche begeisterte Verehrer gefunden hatte, mehr
wohl noch der Umstand, dasz seine sozialpolitischen und sozialethischen
Theorien ihn dem Volke wieder naher brachten, welches praktisches
Wirken mit poetischer Gestaltungsk'raft zu verbinden wuszte. Sicher
ist, dasz seine Lektiire in den letzten Lebensjahren mit besonderer Vor-
liebe sich nicht nur englischer Literatur von Shakespeare bis auf Walter
Scott sondern auch englischer Geschichte, Geographic und Sittenschil-
derung zuwandte.

Der Weltdichter, der so echt deutsch in seiner Bewunderung des
Auslandes war, der seine Phantasie bis nach dem fernen Orient hin hatte
schweifen lassen, der Italien heisz geliebt und das Land der Griechen mit^
der Seele gesucht hatte, wandte am Schlusz seines Lebens und Strebens
den Blick mit heimlicher Sehnsucht wieder nach dem Lande der Tat, nach
dem freien meerumspiilten Albion.

so Goethe, Werlce III 12, 292-294; cf. p. 296.
si Ibid., I 42 ; 1, 55-63.
52 Sarrazin [847] 121.

496 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 20
SCOTT

Einerlei welchen Maszstab wir anlegen, die Wirkung Walter Scotts
1st ungeheuer. Ja, ich nehme keinen Anstand, es auszusprechen: sie 1st
die groszte, die irgend ein Schriftsteller des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts
ausgeiibt. Der einzige, der mit ihm rivalisieren konnte (Goethe in seinen
wirksamen Schriften recline ich zum achtzehnten Jahrhundert), Lord
Byron, hat zwar schneller geziindet, aber das Feuer, das er erregt, ist
auch schneller voriibergegangen.i

So Julian Schmidt wrote in 1869. Julian Schmidt is, on the
whole, the most satisfactory authority regarding the influence of
Walter Scott in Germany. He. belonged to the generation that
devoured Walter Scott's novels in its youth, and in its maturity
saw Scott's influence producing its best results in Germany.
Schmidt was an omnivorous but critical reader with a natural
gift for tracing the connexions between literature and life. True,
much of his criticism was journalistic and polemic ; but his esti-
mates of Scott seem deliberate and unbiast. These estimates
are found in his essay on Walter Scott [972], in the various
editions of his Geschichte der deutschen Literatur,2 and in his
scattered criticisms in the Grenzboten, 1848—1862. His comments
have now been collated and systematized [845] and may properly
serve as a starting point, for they seem to have given direction
to a number of special investigators, who have, in the main, only
confirmed his original assertions with citation and quotation in
a way that he, in his more popular criticism, was not called upon
to do.

Schmidt finds little difficulty in accounting for the fact that
Scott was more popular in Germany than the German romantic
historical novelists, who were quite independent of him at the
outset. Scott and they represented two different phases of the

1 Schmidt [972] 149.

2 See Price [845] llOf.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 497

European romantic trend. The German romanticists bored their
readers by seeking to abstract the idea out of history; Scott,
on the other hand, fascinated the public by reproducing the
picturesk phases of the past. The German romanticists mysti-
fied their readers by trying not only to acquire but also to
adopt the middle-age point of view when writing of the middle
ages; Scott wrote of past periods from the point of view of an
interested observer of the present time. Furthermore Scott was
more realistic and more optimistic than his German contempor-
aries. "Der Realismus in der Poesie," Schmidt held, "wird
dann zu erfreulichen Kunstwerken fuhren, wenn er in der Wirk-
lichkeit zugleich die positive Seite aufsucht, wenn er mit Freude
am Leben verkniipft ist, wie fruher bei Fielding, Goldsmith,
spater bei Walter Scott und theilweise auch noch bei Dickens. ' '3
Finally Scott gave his novel a form superior to that hitherto
prevalent. Schmidt desired to establish this form as a standard :
"Wenn der Roman seinen Zweck erfiillen soil, so musz er sich
denselben Gesetzen fiigen, wie das Drama, einem Gesetz, das z. B.
in den Romanen W. Scotts stets sich geltend macht, seine
schonste Form aber in Goethes Wahlverwandtsckaften erreicht. ' '4
Schmidt's colleag on the Grenzboten, Freytag, adopted this
standard in his criticism5 and prepared himself for his own work
by a study of Scott's technik.6

Julian Schmidt laid more stress than later critics upon Walter
Scott as the reformer of history writing in Europe :

Am Ende des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts herrschte in der Geschicht-
schreibung die schottische Schule. Von der Aufklarung des achtzehnten
Jahrhunderts ausgegangen, hatten Hume, Eobertson und die iibrigen sich
vor alien Dingen bemiiht, diejenigen Fragen, welche der politische Ver-
stand als das Wesentliche im Fortschritt der neueren Zeit begreift, an
die Vorzeit zu legen und so klar als moglich zu beantworten. Ihre
Methode war der entschiedenste Rationalismus mit alien Vorziigen und

s Grenzboten 1855 II 55.

* Ibid. 1847 IV 208; cf. ibid. 1851 II 53, and Schmidt [972] 206.

5 See Freytag 's review of Hacklander 's Namenlose Geschichten in
Grenzboten 1851 IV 266, and his criticism of Willibald Alexis Grenzboten
1854 I 320-328.

See SURVEY, p. 510.

498 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Schwachen dieser Eichtung. Von einer colorierten Darstellung der Eigen-
tiimlichkeiten einer bestimmten Zeit, der Irrationalitaten in den groszen
historischen Charakteren, war bei ihnen keine Rede. Ihre Helden traten
ohne Unterschied im Kostiim und in der Eedeweise des achtzehnten Jahr-
hunderts auf. Dasz in der neuesten Zeit die Geschichtschreiber den ent-
gegengesetzten Weg eingeschlagen haben, dasz sie sich iiberall bemiihen,
jedes Zeitalter mit seinem eigenen Masz zu messen, jeden historischen
Charakter als ein Kunstwerk fiir sich zu betrachten, und die Lokalfarben
in lebendigen Schilderungen wiederzugeben, anstatt sie im glatten nur
scheinbar erzahlenden Eaisonnement zu verfliichtigen, ist unstreitig eines
der Hauptverdienste unseres Dichters.6a

Schmidt says elsewhere of Walter Scott: "Ganz seinem Ein-
flusz hat sich kein einziger der modernen Geschichtschreiber
entzogen. ' '7

His assertion, "mit Ivanhoe (1819) beginnt die europaische
Beriihmtheit des Dichters Scott, ' '8 is doubtless correct. The cop-
ious quotations by Wenger9 of criticism appearing in Menzel's
Literaturblatt before that date scarcely prove the contrary.
Much of that criticism is, as Wenger says, "rein referierend"
and gives little sign of an appreciation of the important role
"the great unknown" was later to play in German literary de-
velopment. Julian Schmidt gives in his Scott essay a list of
early German novels that showed the influence of Walter Scott.
He includes Willibald Alexis's Walladmor (1823), Tieck's Auf-
ruhr in den Cevennen (1826), Spindler's Der Bastard (1826),
and Hauff's Lichtenstein (1827). "Nach 1831," he says, "geht
die Zahl der Nachahmungen ins Grenzenlose. ' '10

The relation of nearly all of these authors to Walter Scott
has been discust in special investigations. Wenger 's object [974]
is to arrive at a better understanding of Scott's novels and the
historical novels of the German romanticists by dint of a com-
parison and contrast of the two types. As representing the
German historical novel he discusses the works of Fouque, Arnim,
and Tieck. The influence of Scott on Fouque 's representative

e» Grensboten 1851 II 50.
7 Schmidt [972] 160.
s Ibid., p. 227.

9 Wenger [974] 23ff.

10 Schmidt [972] 237.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 499

works he excludes on chronological grounds. The influence of
Scott on Arnim's Kronenwachter, the first part of which ap-
peared in 1817, is, on the other hand, chronologically possible.
Scott's Waverley (1814), Guy Mannering (1815), Antiquary
(1816), and Tales of my landlord (1816) had already appeared
and were read to some extent in Germany. Arnim presumably
read them, for he was interested in British romance. He had
himself visited the highlands and had written short stories in-
spired by his travels in the British Isles,11 but judging from
Arnim's character in general and the Kronenwachter in partic-
ular Scott was in no sense his teacher. Wenger says :

Arnim 1st ein Kind derselben Zeit und dies bringt tibereinstimmungen
mit sich, wenn aber in den Werken zweier Dichter der Grundton ein
ganzlich anderer ist, wenn beide durchaus sich selbst geniigen, so kann
die Kede nicht sein von tieferer Beeinflussung.n*

Arnim's work is like Scott's, he says, only in the realistic
picturing of details. Unlike Scott's, Arnim's imagination is un-
bridled and this shows itself in the relative formlessness of his
novel. Arnim, unlike Scott, seeks to make use of symbolism and
unlike him makes his individuality felt on every page. The
conclusion agrees with that of Julian Schmidt, who, however,'
expresses himself in a more partizan fashion :

In einzelnen Szenen, die uns Arnim aus der Zeit der Reformation
darstellt, geht uns eine so grosze Fiille wahrhaft geschichtlichen Lebens
auf, ein so tiefes Verstandnis der Zeit bis in ihre kleinsten Nuancen
hinein, dasz wir nur mit dem lebhaftesten Bedauern inn in die Abwege
geraten sehen, die ihn von der Bahn eines Walter Scott entfernt haben.i2

In the novels of Tieck, on the other hand, there is some evi-
dence of Walter Scott's influence. Tieck was somewhat conde-
scending in his criticism of Scott's novels. To quote Julian
Schmidt :

Tieck stellte die groszen Vorziige des schottischen Eomanschreibers
keineswegs in Abrede. Es scheme ihm nur eine Kleinigkeit zu fehlen,

11 Die Ehenschmiede (ca. 1804) centers about the famous Gretna Green.
The story Owen Tudor takes place in Wales.

na Wenger [974] 63.

12 Grenzboten 1852 III 251.

500 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

aber diese Kleinigkeit, setzte er hinzu, 1st gerade das, was den Dichter
vom Nichtdichter unterscheidet. Die Dichter der (deutschen) roman-
tischen Schule, sehr gefeiert aber herzlich wenig gelesen, konnten sieh
des dringenden Verdachts nicht erwehren, dasz ein Schriftsteller, der die
robe Menge zu gewinnen wisse, nothwendig mit dieser Menge verwandt
sei.i3

Wenger similarly asserts, "dasz Tieck es unter seiner Wiirde
gehalten hatte, fiir einen Schiller und Nachahmer Scotts ange-
sehen zu werden ; ' ' but he adds : ' ' Dennoch miissen Tiecks hi-
storische Novellen als Konzessionen an den Zeitgeist aufgefasst
werden, der sich, vor allem unter Walter Scotts Einflusz, mit
neuer Energie der Vergangenheit zugewendet hatte."14 Of
Tieck 's tales Der Aufruhr in den Cevennen (1826, begun in
1820) comes first into consideration, and Scott's Old Mortality
(1817) suggests itself to Wenger as a counterpart, since both
novels treat of a religious insurrexion. Here as elsewhere Wen-
ger finds that it is Tieck ?s main desire to give "den Sinn der
Geschichte" while Scott tries to reproduce "das Bild der Ge-
schichte."14a From this difference many other differences follow,
which need not be recapitulated here. In Tieck 's Der ivieder-
kehrende griechische Kaiser (first draft 1804, completed 1830)
and in Hexensabbath (1832) Wenger finds more of the manner
of Scott :

Das philosophische Element, das psychologische Problem tritt nieht
so deutlich und nicht so hauptsachlich in den Vordergrund, wie im
Aufruhr, . . . dem rein Tatsachlichen wird groszere Bedeutung einge-
raumt. Damit ist eine pittoreske Behandlungsweise im Sinne Scotts von
vornherein moglich. . . . Ein korperliches Bild der Welt entrollt sich in
einer Breite, die Tieck von Walter Scott iibernommen und gelernt haben
konnte.i*b

Wenger concludes with a reference to Tieck 's Vittoria Acco-
rombona (1840), a novel which is interesting on account of its
direct and indirect relation to Scott's novels. The indirect in-

13 Schmidt [972] 148.
i* Wenger [974] 97.
i*a Ibid., 95.
i*b Ibid., lllf.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 501

fluence came in part by way of France, whose de Vigny, Merimee,
Balzac, and Victor Hugo presented realistic pictures of the past
under the inspiration largely of Scott.15 Manzoni's / promessi
sposi (1827) is the best evidence of a like influence in Italy.
Manzoni shared with Scott the conscientious fidelity to the facts
of history, but he surpast him in the realism of his description.
So Tieck had for his Vittoria Accorombona three models, Walter
Scott, the French romanticists, and Manzoni. Wenger finds in
this novel plastic, picturesk scenes of the past such as were lack-
ing in Tieck 's earlier novels: "Diesmal entsteht . . . bei Tieck
das wahre Bild einer komplizierten, kontrastreichen Kultur-
epoche, ein historischer Roman im Sinne Walter Scotts."16 He
considers it in many respects superior even to Scott's historical
novels, one particular merit being that the main historical char-
acter is also the central figure in the story.

Thus Wenger finds that Tieck to his own advantage finally
succumbed to the influence of Scott :

So lange Tieck die Realitat der Idee aufopferte, so lange er nicht auf
das moderne Gewand des geistreichen Gesellschafters verzichten konnte,
stand er als historischer Romanschriftsteller tief unter Scott, und sein
Aufruhr in den Cevennen kann nicht verglichen werden mit einem der
guten schottischen Werke; sobald es ihm aber gelang, unbefangen an die
Geschichte heranzutreten, sie unentstellt plastisch zu gestalten, und doch
den Ratseln des Menschlichen nahe zu treten, da uberflugelte er weit den
anspruchslosen Schotten, wenn er ihm auch in einzelnen meisterlichen
Ziigen niemals hatte ebenbiirtig werden kb'nnen. ... So hat schlieszlich
doch die Kunstmethode zu der Walter Scott den Anstosz gab und den
Grund legte, und die in Frankreich und Italien weitergebildet wurde,
auch Tieck fur sich gewonnen, ohne dasz er deshalb auf selbstandiges
Dichten, auf Betatigung seiner personlichsten Talente hatte zu verzichten
brauchen.1^

It will be noted that the specific assertions of Wenger in regard
to Scott's influence on Arnim and Tieck are, after all, quite as
unreserved as those of Schmidt.16*

Willibald Alexis (Wilhelm Haring) was another novelist
who wavered between German historical romanticism and British.

is See Maigron [973].
is Wenger [974] 120.
i«a Schonemann in MLN XXXIII (1918) 170f. implies the contrary.

502 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Of all the pupils of "Walter Scott in Germany, Julian Schmidt
says, Willibald Alexis has shown the keenest appreciation of the
real excellencies of his master. Like Scott he first makes us
thoroly acquainted with the topography of the country which
is to be the scene of the action. Then he shows us how our
present day conditions have developt out of the conditions which
he describes, and hence his chief virtue.

Er versucht es niemals, jene sogenannte Objektivitat anzustreben, die
alle Vermittlung ausschlieszt, wie es auch Scott niemals versuchte. Er
schreibt nicht, wie ein Schriftsteller jener Zeit geschrieben haben wurde,
sondern wie ein Schriftsteller der Gegenwart, der die Vergangenheit
lebhaft empfindet. So ist auch allein die wahre Objektivitat midglich.i?

Elsewhere Julian Schmidt says:

Es fehlt Willibald Alexis nur wenig, um fiir sein Vaterland, Preuszen,
die Stelle W. Scotts einzunehmen, aber dies Wenige ist freilich entscheidend.
Auf seine Jugendbildung hatte die romantische Schule einen entschei-
denden Einflusz, namentlich Hoffmann. Seine Novellen enthalten phan-
tastische, oft fratzenhafte Gestalten und unheimliche Situationen, vermischt
mit langen Gesprachen iiber Kunst und Literatur.18

Korff [979] has provided a valuable comparative study of
the novelistic technik of Scott and Alexis. Before the year 1830
we have from Alexis's hand imitations of Scott, but there is no
important evidence that Scott actually influenced him. As a
concession to the expectant reader Korif relates the external
facts regarding Alexis's early imitations of Scott. They are not
without interest.

Alexis was overtaken by the storm of enthusiasm for Scott
that swept over Europe. He determined to write a novel of the
same type. He intended his Walladmor, a three-volume novel
which he wrote in the summer of 1823, actually to pass for a
translation of a work of Walter Scott. In this he was successful.
Many critics, and not the least well equipt ones, were taken in
by the deception. Korff observes :

Am Ende ist es auch nach unseren Begriffen nicht allzu schwer, einen
so charakteristischen Autor wie Scott geschickt zu imitieren und damit

i? Grenzboten 1852 III 487.

is Schmidt, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im 19. Jh.2 (Leipzig
1855) III 253f.; cf. ibid., p. 262.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 503

das Publikum hinters Licht zu fuhren. Der parodistische Hintergrund
aber, fiihlbar iiberall und doch in seiner ganzen lachenden Ironie erst
durchbrechend zum Schlusse, das setzte nicht bloszes Begeistertsein voraus
von den Werken der allgemeinen Mode sondern vielmehr ein langes
inneres Verhaltnis zu dem Autor des Waverley ; nicht nur Bewunderung,
sondern auch Kritik! Es zeigte in seinem tiefsten Gmnde einen Men-
schen, welcher mehr, welcher weiter wollte.20

Korff finds it superfluous to enter into a detailed comparison
of Scott's novels with Alexis's parody, but he propounds
three questions: "Welche Momente der Waverley novels ko-
pierte Alexis und welche parodierte er, und was fiigte er aus
Eigenem hinzu ? ' '21 The answers to the two latter questions fore-
cast the future development of Alexis as an independent novelist.
Alexis was conscious of his own growing power, to judge from
a comment which Korff quotes: "Diese Mystifikation (der
Walladmor) war fur mich reines Spiel, ohne grosze Absicht auf
Erfolg, eine tolle Laune des Ubermutes, die hinaus mustze, je
schneller, desto besser, um wieder zu mir selbst zu kommen und
zu dem, was ich f iir besser hielt. ' '22

Schloss Avalon frei nach dem Englischen des Walter Scott
vom Ubersctzer des Walladmor (1827) shows that Alexis had
gone a step further in his study of Scott's style. Herein Alexis
did not, as before, merely place in a high light the weaknesses of
Scott's novels, but attempted to carry thru actual betterments.
He chose the subject matter which Scott had always avoided,
the fall of the house of Stuart; he extended his novel over a
long period of years to gain the necessary historical perspective ;
and, finally, he made use of a second passive hero, while Scott
employed regularly but one.

The actual influence of Scott on Alexis, according to Korff,
began about the year 1830, when Alexis conceived the idea of
writing a novelistic biography of Prussia, as Scott had of his
homeland. Scott was essentially a dramatizer of the personal
conflicts of the leaders of history, but his reproduction of these

20 Korff [979] lOOf.

21 Ibid., p. 103.

22 Ibid., p. 109.

504

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.

conflicts was hampered by the epic form which he had chosen.
Out of this conflict of theme and method he developt a compro-
mize form and the passive, observing hero was the chief device
in the compromize. To this method Scott adhered from first to
last. Alexis on the other hand was essentially an epic writer, and
he was interested in the contending forces of history rather than
the dramatic encounters of historical characters, but he had
learned from Walter Scott the value of the dramatic element
in narration. Not content with merely adopting Scott's com-
promize, he continually sot for some new and more satisfactory
one. In his search for the better form he cometimes surpast
Walter Scott and sometimes fell far below him. Taking Scott's
form as the constant, Korff thus represents Alexis's fluctuations
in respect to dramatic unity :

Hosen d. Herrn v. Bredow
1846

Der Roland

von Berlin,

1840

Cdbanis
1832

Iseqrimm
1854

Ruhe ist die erste Biirgerpflicht
1852

Cabanis (1832) is in the main a novel of the Walter Scott
type with a passive hero as the unifying element, but Scott would
have let the personality and genius of Frederick the Great play
a chief dramatic role in his novel like Richard I in Ivanhoe.
Alexis scarcely permits him to appear upon the scene, but por-
trays his influence in nearly every chapter: "Er erhebt den
historischen Helden nicht zum tatsachlichen, sondern zum rein
idealen Mittelpunkt, als eine Sonne, deren Strahlen, aber nicht
deren Scheibe, man sieht."23 This treatment plainly forecasts
the further development of Alexis ?s technik.

23 ibid. p. 121.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 505

In the next two novels, Der Roland von Berlin (1840) and
Dcr falsche Woldemar (1842), Alexis is able to dispense with
the passive heroes, for the historical heroes themselves form the
epic centre of the novels. These historical heroes, however, he
treats not as Scott would have done but in his own manner. He
does not make of them mere glittering personalities, but he lets
them be representatives of movements. This involved a study
of the masses as well as of the heroes themselves; it involved a
study of the period antedating that of the novel as well as the
period primarily in question. The developing movement there-
fore in reality formed the dramatic centre of these novels. As
Korff says : ' ' Das Fortschreiten einer Entwicklung in der Ge-
schichte der Massen macht auch im Roman ein Fortschreiten
moglich. . . . Die geistige Entwicklung der G-eschichte wurde
das, was fiir Scott der Held war. ' '

As a picture of a past epoch together with the forces that
produced it the next novel was not inferior to its predecessors.
It was superior to them in that it possest a concrete object, on
which attention was focust from the beginning by the title, Die
Hosen des Herrn von Bredow (1846). Unfortunately this whim-
sical solution of a difficult problem was not one that permitted
of repetition, as is shown by Werwolf (1848), which, as far as
subject matter is concerned, is associated with its immediate pre-
decessor. Korff characterizes Werwolf as "em groszes dreitei-
liges Tafelgemalde, dessen einzelne Bilder fast vollig fiir sich
bestehen, die aber in ihrem bestimmten Nacheinander den Fort-
gang der historischen Idee, die zunehmende Reformation in
Brandenburg, anschaulich zur Darstellung bringen. Es sind
drei Einzelerzahlungen, in deren tiefem Hintergrunde das dro-
hende Werk Luthers steht."23" One may say then that these
two novels have not primarily a personal unifying element, but
the earlier one has a concrete object as the centre of interest,
the latter an historical movement. It stands therefore on ap-
proximately the same plane with Der Roland von Berlin and
Dcr falsche Woldemar.

23" Ibid., p. 129.

506 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

As compared with its predecessors Alexis's next novel, Ruke
ist die erste Biirgerpflicht (1852), represents a precipitous fall
in technik. The disaster was inevitable because of the fact that
Alexis chose here not a developing but a static period, which is
per se without interest. The passively observing hero of Scott
has also been given up, so the whole novel falls into a series of
episodes told in a disconnected fashion and is entirely devoid of
dramatic unity.

Isegrimm (1854) denotes, according to Korff, the beginning
of "ein langsames Sich-zuriickfinden zu den Errungenschaften
Walter Scotts."24 Alexis condescends again to elect a hero as
the centre of his novel ; but even this brings no relief, for neither
time nor hero advances and the approaching end of the novel
finds nothing altered as compared with the beginning. Seventy
pages from the end Alexis writes, ' ' Unsere Geschichte ist hiermit
eigentlich zu ihrem Schlusse gebracht," whereupon he supplies
the hitherto lacking action with a chronicle-like narration of
many pages.

In his final novel Dorothe (1856) Alexis chose a central
figure, as indicated by the title, and let her go thru interesting
experiences which taken together give a picture of the times.
But this means, after all, nothing more or less than a return of
Alexis to the plan of Scott's novel which he had once treated so
ironically, which he had later improved upon and which still
later he failed utterly to equal.

As compared with Alexis's relation to Scott, Hauff's might
seem a comparatively simple matter, since no development is
involved and only a single novel, his Lichtenstein- (1827), is in
question. Nevertheless quite divergent views are exprest in the
small group of critical articles that has grown up round this
problem. Eastman [908] opened the discussion in 1900 with a
parallel between Scott's Ivanhoe and Lichtenstem. Carruth
[981] responded in 1903 by drawing a still closer parallel be-
tween Hauff's novel and Scott's Waverley. Schuster [982]
showed that because of Hauff's limited education and romantic

24 ibid., p. 134.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 507

tendencies it was impossible for him to develop the character
of his hero out of his historical surroundings, as Scott would
have done. Drescher [983] compared Hauff's Lichtenstein with
seven of Scott's historical novels.25 Thompson [984] finally brot
the discussion to a satisfactory conclusion by an all-sided treat-
ment of Hauff in his relation to Scott.

Hauff consciously patterned his novel after Walter Scott ; he
admits his indebtedness himself. The problem that has inter-
ested his critics is the relative importance of the various novels
of Scott in Hauff's work. Before he began his Lichtenstein he
studied with care twelve of Scott's novels and in his preface he
declared his admiration for Scott. Thompson compares Lich-
tenstein with a typical Scott novel in respect to plot, novelistic
technik, use of historical sources, characters, structures, general
characteristics, and diction. The chief difference developt is
that with Hauff the love story plays a more essential role than
with Scott. It was Hauff's own personal experience that led him
away from his model here.

In his discussion of analogous scenes and situations Thompson
mentions the fact that "as far as any single novel is concerned,
Quentin Durward has the largest number of analogies, ninety-'
eight, the next being Old Mortality with eighty-three.26 Either
of these novels, he finds,27 fits into the formula that Carruth uses
in describing Lichtenstein and Waverley, but he proposes the
Abbot as a still closer parallel to Lichtenstein. Substituting
Mary Stuart for the prince the following formula describes the
plot of both novels :

The hero joins the government with no great enthusiasm; is suspected
of being a spy; joins the prince's side thru a sense of wrong, the fas-

25 The novels were not chosen arbitrarily, as Thompson [984] asserts.
Drescher limits himself to the historical novels of Scott mentioned by
Hauff in a critical study publisht after his death by H. Hoffmann. They
are: Waverley (1814), Old Mortality (1816), Ivanhoe (1819), Monastery
(1820), Abbott (1820), and Kenilworth (1821); but Drescher includes also
Quentin Durward in his comparison, as Hauff mentions this novel else-
where and as a translation of this book was in his library at the time of
his death. According to Drescher [893] 55 it is not probable that Hauff
read English.

26 Thompson [984] 564.

27 Ibid., p. 567.

508 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

cination of the prince, and the influence of the heroine, whose father is
also on the prince's side; spends some time at a castle with the heroine
and prince; fights in the losing battle of the prince; the prince flees the
land, the hero is pardoned (with others), marries the heroine and retires
to an hereditary castle.28

Thomson nevertheless believes that the Abbot is, to a particular
degree, the model of Lichtenstein, for it is the one novel of Scott
"in which the prince motive is subordinate to the weal of the
lovers."29

Brenner [916a] has establisht the fact that Cooper's Spy
(1821, translated into German in 1824) was an additional source
of Hauff's Lichtenstein. Cooper is mentioned by Hauff in his
Biicher und Lesewelt in connexion with Scott and Irving. Bren-
ner begins by quoting his predecessors Eastman, Carruth,
Thompson, and Drescher to the effect that they were unable to
find an equivalent in Scott for the Pfeifer von Hardt in Hauff's
novel. Drescher considered the character to be quite original
with Hauff, but Brenner proceeds to show that Hauff's piper is
endowed with practically the same gifts that Cooper's Harvey
Birch, the title character in the Spy, possesses; that the role of
the two spies is practically the same in both novels and is carried
out in a similar fashion, and that verbal parallelisms are not
lacking. Brenner goes further and finds general analogies be-
tween the two novels in plot, structure, and content. Some of
these similarities, he admits, involve Scott as well as Cooper, but
not all. Characteristic of Cooper are such motives as the strong
friendship existing between men fighting on opposite sides, the
two chief female figures with their love for men on the opposing
side and the befriending and rescuing of opponents by the hero.
Cooper's share in Lichtenstein is a minor one as compared with
Scott's, but Brenner's findings are important, touching as they
do a character that had puzzled those who had been seeking a
model exclusively in Scott.

While Hauff's Lichtenstein is under discussion reference
may be made to another interesting connexion between it and

28 Ibid., p. 568.

29 Ibid., p. 566.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 509

English literature, which has recently been pointed out by Platli
[940]. Hauff's acquaintance with the early works of Irving is
attested by his own critical remarks. Plath holds that he pre-
sumably knew at least the Sketch book, Bracebridge Hall, and the
Tales of a traveller. Plath asserts a connexion between Das
kalte Herz, Jud Siisz and the Phantasien im Bremer Ratskeller
on the one hand and The legend of Sleepy Hollow and Rip Van
Winkle on the other. He treats in detail, however, only the con-
nexion between Hauff 's * ' Rahmenerzahlung, ' ' Das Wirtshaus im
Spessart, and Irving 's similarly constructed story The Italian
banditti in the Tales of a traveller. The evidence of a close
connexion consists not only in parallel plot and incidents but also
in a large number of closely parallel passages.

The abundant literature on the sources of Hauff's literary
work tends to distract attention from the essential facts regard-
ing, his relation to his chief literary predecessor, Scott. The
basis for generalization is a narrow one. Hauff's entire literary
career covers only a period of about two years. During that
time he was so much engaged as a tutor, traveler, editor, critic
that he had scant time in which to write his sixteen or more
comprehensive works. To judge his relation to Scott by his
Lichtenstein is perhaps as unfair as it would be to judge Alexis's
relation by his Cabanis, but clearly enuf Hauff desired to do for
Suabia what Scott had done for the Highlands and Alexis for
Prussia. Like Scott Hauff tried to be true to the facts of history
and truer still to its colors. Furthermore, he not only adopted
the new type of hero invented by Scott but declared himself
against the hitherto prevalent German type, the wandering artist,
the roaming adventurer, the subjective dreamer, saying: "Man
wollte unter Roman nicht mehr die Lebensbegebenheiten des
Helden verstehen sondern die Aufstellung und Entwicklung der
menschlichen Ansicht iiber Kunst oder sonst ein Thema des
geistigen Lebens, die sogenannte Geschichte war Nebensache."30

so Hauff, Studien; quoted by Thompson [984] 557 without page refer-
ence.

r>in University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

In contrast with Alexis's critical bearing toward Scott,
Gustav Freytag was, from beginning to end of his career-, an
admirer of "the father of the modern novel," as he called him.31
Freytag began reading Scott when a boy of fourteen at the
Gymnasium at Oels. "Die Fiille und heitere Sicherheit dieses
groszen Dichters," he says in his Erinnerungcn, "nahmen mich
fan^en.1"-' Cooprr Infer- rivaled Scott in Frcytag's favor:
sind mir nodi hente I laiisfrcnnde tfeblicbcn," he wrote
in 1887, "mit denen ich oft verkehre, und ich habe ihrer freu-
digen f rischen Kraft vieles zu danken. ' '82

Freytag began his literary career as a dramatist. As such
he was largely under the influence of the Young-German dra-
matists, as has recently been demonstrated.88 In the re-adjust-
ment of the revolutionary period he found himself, from 1848-
1862, the colleag of Julian Schmidt on the Grenzboten. Schmidt,
Hie opponent of UK- YoiiMtf (Jermans and the admirer of English
institutions and English literature, doubtless had much influence
upon his co-worker. The thot was exprest at the time that F rey-
tag was, to a large extent, the creative demonstrator of Schmidt's
literary theories/"

It was a foregone conclusion, however, that when Freytag
turned from the drama, to the novel, Scott would become his
model. It was about the year 1853 that Freytag began to realize
that the novel was now the proper vehicle for the conveyance
of his views of life:85 "Mir war es ein Bedurfnis (Soil und
Haben) zu schreiben, nebenbei um zu versuchen, wie man einen
Roman macht. ' '80 The future author of the Technik des Dramas
naturally had a strong interest in novelist ic form as well; more-
over he regarded it as the especial merit of Walter Scott that

•'" I'Yeyt:.-, IIY/'Av XVI 1^0.

ii n.i.i., i ?:t.

as Cf. Mayrhofer, Gustav Freytag und das junge Deutschland, BDL I
(1907) ; 56 pp.

a* H. Marggraff BLU 1855 I 446; quoted in SURVEY, p. 491.

W (,'. l''xytags Brief wechsel mit E. Devrient (Braunschweig 1902) p. 135.

a« Ibid., p. 137.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 511

he had introduced the dramatic forin into the novel.37 A close
parallel can consequently be drawn between the form of Frey-
tag's novel and that of Scott's. Ulrich, in his third chapter,
"Der Aufbau der Handlung,"38 has made such a comparison
under the captions : ' ' Die Exposition, " * ' Der Hb'hepunkt, " " Die
steigende und fallende Handlung," "Der Schlusz." The com-
parison is close, too close to be recapitulated here, and the devi-
ations are interesting.

We have here rather to inquire what personal characteristics
of the two authors were responsible for similarities and dissimi-
larities. Scott wrote abundantly and without effort in his idle
hours; Freytag was a conscious artist. The form which Scott
hit upon at the outset and followed thereafter as being the line
of least resistance, Freytag recognized as resulting from the
nature of the novel, and he adopted it consciously. Both Scott
and Freytag had an antiquarian interest in the past, but Frey-
tag omits on principle the scholarly ballast and the footnotes,
with which Scott overloads his novels. Both were interested in the
historical development of the present out of the past. If certain
of Scott's novels are put together they constitute an "Ahnen"
series. But Freytag 's "Ahnen" series is again more the result-
of intention than Scott's. In Freytag 's novels as in Scott's we
find the passive somewhat commonplace hero and the historical
one, but Freytag keeps the latter more in the background than
does Scott. It happens that both Scott and Freytag, perhaps
as a result of some common personal trait, avoid love scenes in
their novels as much as possible. This lends a similar austerity
to their works.

In his Ahnen Freytag was merely developing further, accord-
ing to his artistic conception, the historical novel introduced by
Scott and already imitated in various ways by various German
novelists. His novel Soil und Hob en, on the other hand, helpt
to usher in a new phase of Scott's influence in Germany. To

37 Grenzboten 1851 IV 266; cf. Freytag, WerTce I 180.
ss Ulrich [976] 82-121.

512 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

demonstrate this it is necessary to return to a distinction made
by Julian Schmidt. He divided the Wav crley novels into two
classes. One class headed by Ivanhoe (1819) was based on
Scott 's study of works of history. It was this group that gained
for him his continental reputation. The other group of which
Guy Mannering (1815) is typical is made up of novels the
material for which was gathered by observation and oral tradi-
tion.39 Schmidt's real preference seems to have been for the
latter class and he apparently was one of the first to recognize
in it a fresh starting point for the German ' ' Dorfnovelle " and
' ' Dorf roman. " This view has come to be generally accepted
and Mielke, among others, coincides with it in his Der deutsche
Roman [831a]. The characters drawn from actual life, with
representatives of the economically useful classes of society, were
particularly wholesome examples to later German writers. The
introduction to the Antiquary, Schmidt says, might have served
Auerbach as a motto for his village tales.40 Schmidt compared
David Deans with Auerbach 's Wadeleswirth,41 Dandie Dinmont
and Hobbie Eliot with characters from Gotthelf 's stories,42 and
referred to Eeuter as one who had learned much from Scott.42"
The village tale, Schmidt held, should not be an independ-
ent branch of literature, but such tales should be included in
larger novels following Scott's procedure in the Heart of Mid-
lothian. City types should be presented as well as village types,
and the two should be brot into contact as in Scott's novels.

39 Schmidt [972] 227; cf. Price [845] 23.

40 Schmidt [972] 211; quoted by Price [845] 21.

41 Schmidt, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im 19. Jh* III 340.

42 Ibid., Ill 313. This surmize was confirmed by C. Manuel in Albert
Bitzius (Berlin 1857) p. 26: "Er (Gotthelf) las ... ziemlich viel, und
zu seinen Erholungen gehb'rte auch ein Leseverein mit einigen Freunden,
in welchem namentlich Walter Scott beliebt war. Wir haben von Uni-
versitatsfreunden von Bitzius die Behauptung gehort, dasz die Vorziige
dieses Schriftstellers, die Feinheit der Charakteristik, die psychologische
Wahrheit, nicht ohne Einflusz auf Bitzius' Geist gewesen und auch in
seinen Schriften noch nachgewirkt hatten, was leicht moglich ist."
Quoted by Wenger [974] 102.

42* Schmidt [972] 213; re Eeuter see SURVEY, p. 550.

43 ibid., p. 212.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 513

As examples of the latter type he mentions Scott's London
merchant, Osbaldistone, in Rob Roy and Freytag's T. 0. Schroter,
in Soil und Hob en,43 a character drawn like Scott's from actual
observation. In such original characters as Fix and Specht in
Soil und Hob en and Gabriel and Hummel in Die verlorene Hand-
schrift the influence of Dickens has been suggested.44 It is not
always easy, nor is it especially important, to distinguish Scott's
influence from Dickens 's in a matter like this.

That Ludwig owed much specifically to Scott we may well
doubt.45 It is true that a close comparison can be made between
the two authors touching upon their purposes as novelists, their
portrayal of characters, their picturing of landscapes, their moral
tone, their humor, and their technik in general.46 It is true that
in his Roman- Studien Ludwig cites the practice of Scott with an
almost uniform approval, frequently recognizing his authority
where it conflicts with Dickens 's.47 In the Roman-Studien, how-
ever, Ludwig was looking back upon his own past work and find-
ing sanction for it where he could. The references do not prove
that -Scott was Lud wig's acknowledged master in the novelist ic
art. Striking similarities of incident may also be brot to bear
upon the question, but how misleading these are is shown by the
fact that the Antiquary and the Heart of Midlothian lend them-
selves most readily to such comparisons, yet precisely these works
Ludwig seems not to have read until he had completed his novel-
istic work.48 It can only be stated with certainty that Ludwig
in his youth read with zeal the Wav erley novels, that they made
a deep impression on him, and they may have helpt inspire him

44Ulrich [975] 79f.

45 Such indebtedness seems to be implied by Julian Schmidt in Grenz-
boten 1860 II 289; quoted by Price [845] 67. Cf. Busse in JEGPh XVI
(1917) 145.

is Such a comparison has been made by Mary E. Lewis, University of
California A.M. 1918 in her typewritten thesis entitled A comparative
study of Otto Ludwig and Walter Scott, a copy of which is in the library
of the University of California.

47 Ludwig, Schriften VI 71 and VI 94.

48 Ibid., VI 83 and VI 91; the fact has been pointed out by M. E.
Lewis in the thesis mentioned above.

514 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

to describe his Thiiringer people as Scott had described his fel-
low-countrymen, that is to say in such a way as to procure sym-
pathy for their virtues and indulgence for their faults.49

In connexion with "Walter Scott, Julian Schmidt gave ex-
pression to the hope that German novelists should not merely
write but live, should first associate with their fellow citizens
and observe their characters.50 Freytag too asks the question
regarding the German novels : ' * Weshalb so gar wenig von dem
Leben der Gegenwart darin zu finden ist ? ' ' and answers : ' * Die
Antwort darauf ist leider weil unsere Romanschriftsteller in der
Mehrheit sehr wenig, ja zuweilen so gut wie gar nichts von uns-
rem eigenen Leben, von dem Treiben der Gegenwart verstehen. "
He cites Gotthelf as an exception and holds up the career of
Scott as an example for German novelists :

Als Walter Scott anting, seine Eomane zu schreiben, war er selbst
schon lange Gutsbesitzer, Landbauer, Jager, Kommunalbeamter seines
Bezirkes, nebenbei freilich auch gelehrter Altertumsforscher und Litera-
turhistoriker. Und durch eine Keihe von Jahren hatte er mit all den
Urbildern seiner Gestalten, im den Landschaften, welche er fur die Kunst
lebendig machte, in Wirklichkeit verkehrt, hatte sich selbst kraftig und
tatig geriihrt. Daher ist auch Mannerarbeit geworden, was er geschrieben
hat, eine Freude und Erquickung fiir die Besten seines Volkes und die
Gebildeten aller Volker.50

This suggests the chief influence of the English novel upon
the German in the nineteenth century, which should here be
stated. For some time Goethe's Wilhelm Meister had stood as
the unapproachable model. Goethe undertook, as Julian Schmidt
says, ' ' die Verherrlichung des Adels und der Kiinstler im Gegen-
satz gegen die Verkummerung des Biirgertums. . . . Das Ideal
seines Lebens war harmonische Ausbildung aller Krafte. Diese
war aber nur den bevorzugten Standen oder den Vagabunden

49 Scott 's introduction to his Waverley.

so Schmidt [972] 212ff.

si This interesting discussion on the part of Freytag may be lookt
upon as an advance program of his Soil und Haben, which he was about
to begin. The article appeared in the Grenzboten 1853 I 77-80. It was
unfortunately included nowhere in his collected works or essays, but he
acknowledges it as his own in Vermischte Aufsatze (Leipzig 1901-1903),
II 432. It is quoted at length by Price [845] 99ff.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 515

moglich, denn der Burger ging in einseitiger Tatigkeit unter und
hatte innerhalb der Gesellschaft keine Ehre."52 But while
Goethe wrote, a social revaluation was taking place of which
he himself was unconscious. WUhelm Meisters Wanderjahre,
Guy Mannering, and Soil und Hob en are three novels all of
which treat of the justification of the existence of the leisure
class. The first lays stress primarily on "Der Mensch an sich"
rather than man in his relation to labor. Goethe knew and
appreciated labor. Schmidt says:

Einzelne Beschreibungen in den Wanderjahren gehoren zu dem Vollen-
detsten, was in dieser Beziehung geleistet worden ist. Allein die Arbeit
erscheint doch wie ein Triebrad, das die Individualitaten zu bloszen Teilen
herabsetzt. Das wahrhaft Menschliche, das individuelle Leben, ist verloren
gegangen. Der einzelne . . . gibt seine Personlichkeit urn der Arbeit
willen auf. Er betrachtet sich als einen Entsagenden.ss
This Schmidt said was fundamentally the wrong view of labor.
The individual should find in his work the best opportunity for
making his personality count. "Der Mensch soil sich seinem
Beruf nicht als eine Maschine fiigen, er soil sich in der ganzen
Kraft seines Gemuts, seiner Eigentiimlichkeiten, ja seiner Launen
dabei betatigen. "53

This wholesome relation of man to his work was best revealed
in the English novel, in which men of definite occupations had
long played the chief roles. Scott and after him Freytag were
less tender in their treatment of the leisure class than Goethe.
Scott believed thoroly in the superiority of good blood and de-
plored the decline of the nobility, yet he pictured "als tendenz-
loser, getreuer Berichterstatter, "52 what he saw transpiring be-
fore him. Freytag treats the same theme with a distinct
"Tendenz." He aims to demonstrate: "Der Edelmann, der
heute noch in der alten Weise fortleben will, der sich nicht den
Ernst und die Folgerichtigkeit der biirgerlichen Arbeit aneignet,
geht unter und verdient es unterzugehen, so liebenswiirdig seine
Erscheinung sein mag."54

Schmidt, Geschichte der deutschen Literature III 359, and [972] 193.
Schmidt, Geschichte I 235f.; cf. Grenzboten 1855 II 453.
Schmidt [972] 193.

516 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Industrial evolution was bound in time to bring in a new
type of novel into Germany, but the example of the literature
of England, where the evolution was further advanced, and the
example of Walter Scott 's life and novels doubtless hastened the
entry into Germany of the English type of novel, in which the
characters occupy a definite place in the economic world, sup-
planting, to a large extent, the pre-existing type, in which the
development of the hero's personality is the main theme. .

55 Schmidt, GesclucJite der deutschen Literature III 376.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 517

CHAPTER 21

BYRON

When the Napoleonic blockade of England was broken, the
pent-up works of two British poets began to flood the continental
market. Scott made a more permanent conquest of his for en
readers, but the passion for Byron was more evident at the out-
set. Julian Schmidt emphasized in 1851 the international char-
acter of his public :

Lord Byron war der Mann, wie ihn sieh die vorhergehende Zeit in
ihrem Dichten und Denken getraumt hatte, namentlich unsere deutsche
Poesie; auf den Hb'hen des Lebens geboren, und doch voller Begeisterung
fur die Freiheit; ein Bezauberer aller Herzen, und doch mit ungliicklichem
Streben fortwahrend einem bestandig schwindenden Ideale nacheilend.
. . . Ein groszer Teil seines Kuhmes gehb'rt seinen Schwachen an, welche
zugleich die Schwachen seines Zeitalters waren, aber er hat durch die Kiihn-
heit und Energie seines Geistes die zerstreuten Verirrungen seines Zeitalters
gewaltsam zusammengefaszt und sie dadurch ihrer Heilung zugefiihrt.
. . . Sie sind in ihm in einem classischen Bilde zum Abschlusz gekommen.1

The publication of the first two cantos of Childe Harold's
pilgrimage (March 1812) made Byron the literary lion of his
day in England. His fame was enhanced by the Gicwur and
the Bride of Abydos (1813), The corsair and Lara (1814), the
Hebrew melodies (1815), the Siege of Corinth, and Parisina
(1816). Circumstances in connexion with his separation from
his wife in that year so aroused the opposition of the British
public that he left England to pass the rest of his days on the
continent. Some of his best work now began to appear : From
1816 to 1822 the third and fourth cantos of Childe Harold, The
prisoner of Chillon, Manfred, Cain, Heaven and earth, not to
mention the less serious Don Juan (1819ff.) ; further his Mazeppa,
Marino FaUero, Sardanapalus, The two Foscari, The deformed
transformed, and others, which did the most to establish perma-

Grenzboten 1851 IV 41 and 54.

518 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

nently his literary reputation on the continent. All these later
works had to contend against a prejudice in England. The
English public was furthermore offended at Don Juan and shockt
at Cain. Byron showed the sincerity of his enthusiasm for free-
dom by espousing the cause of the Greeks. He died of fever at
Missolunghi in April 1824. The Greeks begged for the honor
of burying him on their soil, but his body was returned to Eng-
land and cared for by his sister after having been refused ad-
mission into Westminster Abbey.

In Germany, on the other hand, Byron had many admirers
even during his lifetime. Among the earliest and most enthusi-
astic of these were Friedrich Jacobsen and Elise von Hohen-
hausen. While residing in Ravenna Byron received a letter from
an admirer unknown to him. He noted in his diary :

In the same month (July or Aug. 1819) I received an invitation into
Holstein from a Mr. Jacobsen (I think) of Hamburgh, also by the same
medium a translation of Medora's song in the Corsair by a Westphalian
baroness, . . . with some original verses of hers (very pretty and Klop-
stockish) and a prose translation annexed to them on the subject of my wife:2
as they concerned her more than me, I sent them to her together with
Mr. Jacobsen 's letter. It was odd enough to receive an invitation to
pass the summer in Holstein, while in Italy, from people I never knew.
The letter was addressed to Venice. Mr. Jacobsen talked to me of the
"wild roses growing in the Holstein summer." Why then did the
Cymbri and Teutones emigrate?20

Friedrich Johann Jacobsen prepared in 1820 a work entitled
Briefe an eine deutsche Edelfrau uber die neuesten englischen
Dichter. He is said to have gathered the materials for this work
in England. It was a handsome book, illustrated with copper
engravings of the leading English poets; the music to six of the
English songs was given, and among the poems so provided
was Byron's Fare thee well. The careers of Moore, Wordsworth,
Southey, Scott, Crabbe, Rogers, and Byron were recounted;
Shelley and Keats were not included. Many quotations and
translations from the authors were discust, together with several

2 A translation of Byron 's Fare thee well. Cf . SURVEY, p. 520.
2a Engel, Lord Byron : Eine Autobiographic nach Tagebuchern und
Brief en* (Minden 1884), p. 160.

1920] Price: E ng lish^> German Literary Influences — Survey 519

critical opinions; Byron was left to the last and treated with
the greatest care. From this work one could derive a fairly
accurate opinion of Byron's personality and of the background
against which he stood. The account of Byron contained several
excerpts from the leading English magazines regarding him;
Walter Scott's comments in the Quarterly review headed the
collection. The work was a rather expensive one and was sold
by subscription. Among the subscribers were the Hamburg
brothers Salomon and Henry Heine. Their nephew Heinrich
undoubtedly read one of these copies. Goethe studied Jacobsen's
book carefully and compared it with Byron's English bards and
Scotch reviewers?0 When in the year 1828 the first complete
translation of Byron's poems was produced by the joint efforts
of thirteen authors,3 three of these collaborators made use of
Jacobsen's work and commended it highly, and the Hallische
Literaturzeitung described it as "das Vollstandigste und Lehr-
reichste, was in Deutschland iiber die neueste Dichterperiode
unseres Schwesterlandes geschrieben ist. "4 This work was Jacob-
sen 's only contribution to the cult of Byron in Germany ; he died
two years later.5

The "deutsche Edelfrau" to whom the thirty-nine letters of"
Jacobsen were addrest was Elise von Hohenhausen, as the con-
temporary critics correctly surmized. She was also the West-
phalian baroness who sent greetings to Byron in Ravenna to-
gether with the poems mentioned above. She became widely
known as a Byron enthusiast and as the translator of several

2b See SURVEY, p. 537.

3 Lord Byrons Poesien (Zwickau, Gebriider Schumann, 1821-1828) in
31 Bandchen. One of the brothers Schumann was the father of Eobert
Schumann. This August Schumann translated the first cantos of Childe
Harold for the collection. With the exception of Elise von Hohenhausen
most of the translators are not well known. Many renderings of indi-
vidual poems had preceded this complete translation. Other complete
translations were by Bottger, 1839, and Gildemeister, 1865. For further
bibliographical information see Flaischlen [863]; cf. Ochsenbein [902] 29f.

4 Quoted by Ochsenbein [902] 44.

s Melchior [900] 5 speaks of Jacobsen's work rather disparagingly
as an undertaking, "das er in selbstloser Begeisterung fur die Sache, aber
olme rechten Beruf dazu, auf eigne Kosten veranstaltete. "

520 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

of Byron's minor poems (1818) and of his Corsair (1820). 6 She
past the summer of 1818 in Hamburg, where she associated with
the circle of rich merchants to which the Heines belonged. Mel-
chior surmizes that it was she who first called the attention of
the young Heine to Lord Byron 's poems.6a He surmizes further
that Heine's translation of Fare thee well was written at her
suggestion or possibly in competition with her, since a trans-
lation by her appeared in 1818. The latter would seem an un-
necessary conclusion, since translations of this poem were spring-
ing up everywhere at just about this time.7 Heine came into
association with Elise von Hohenhausen again in Berlin in 1821,
where he found that she had establisht a salon devoted largely
to the cult of Byron. Elise translated later (1827) Byron's
Cain and Prophecy of 'Dante and certain other poems and also
wrote poems celebrating or describing the events of Byron 's life.8
' * In spateren Jahren, ' ' says Ochsenbein, * ' wandte sie sich immer
mehr einer religiosen Richtung zu, welche 1847 in der Schrift
Rousseau, Goethe und Byron, ein kritisch-literarischer Umrisz
aus ethisch-christlichem Standpunkt deutlich zutage trat."9

Of the essays on Byron 's influence listed in the bibliography,
Weddigen 's [867] is the broadest in scope and the most super-
ficial in treatment. Discussing as he does Byron's influence on
the entire European literature,10 Weddigen has only twenty-five
pages to devote to a cataloging of the numerous German authors
whom he associates with Byron, often by a thin thread of con-
nexion. He includes in his list several German authors merely
because they have made Byron the theme of literary works. His

ePublisht in 1820, according to Ochsenbein [902] 10 and 31; possibly
written in 1818, as stated by Melchior [900] 6.

6a Melchior [900] 6.

7 Ochsenbein [902] 56 mentions several of these. He makes no ref-
erence to the early relations of Heine and Elise von Hohenhausen, but he
gives 1819 as the date of Heine's first translations of Byron. He evidently
discredits Melchior 's surmize.

s Ochsenbein [902] 10 and 31-37.

o Ibid., p. 9; cf. von Hohenhausen [885].

10 Weddigen [867] devotes brief chapters to Byron's influence on the
literatures of England, America, Germany, Holland, Denmark, Norway,
Sweden, France, Belgium, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Rumania, Poland, Eussia,
Bohemia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, and Greece.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 521

collection under this category is far from complete.11 He in-
cludes a number of German poets who have used Byron's themes
after him12 and those who were attracted especially by the ori-
ental coloring of Byron's poems.13

There remain the three really important groups: the first
composed of those who were inspired like Byron with a zeal to
aid the liberty of opprest races, the second of those who sot to
effect political improvements in their own country, the third of
those who were bound to Byron by a like ' * Pessimismus, " * ' Welt-
schmerz," " Blasiertheit, " or " Verzweiflung. " The groups are
of course not mutually exclusive. Platen with his Polenlieder,
Gustav Pfizer with his Griechen-und Polenlieder, and Ferdinand
Gregorovius with his Magyarenlieder contributed distinctly to
the new poetry of national independence. ' ' Philhellenismus "
was prominent with Wilhelm Miiller and Wilhelm Waiblinger
as leaders. The larger number of German political poets, how-

The following list is taken chiefly from Porterfield [12]:
Novellen"—
1820 E. T. A. Hoffman, Walter Scott und Byron (in Seraphions-

~b ruder).

1835 Laube, Lord Byron (in Eeisenovellen) .
1839 E. H. Willkomm, Lord Byron. Ein Dichterleben (in Zivilisa-.

tionsnovellen}.

1862 Bucher, A., Byrons letzte Liebe.
1867 Zianitzka(=Kathinka Zitz) Lord, Byron. Eomantische Skiz-

zen aus einem vielbewegten Leben.
Dramas —

1847 E. Gottschall, Lord Byron in Italien.
1850 Elise Schmidt, Der Genius und die Gesellschaft.
1886 Karl Bleibtreu, Lord Byrons letzte Liebe.
1886 Karl Bleibtreu, Meine Tochter.
1900 Karl Bleibtreu, Byrons Geheimnis.

This list does not include the occasional lyric poetry such as that
referred to in SURVEY, p. 539.

12 Der Gefangene von Chillon was the theme of M. Hartmann in 1863.
Anastasius Grim 's Der Turm am Strande is reminiscent of The prisoner of
Chillon. A. Bottger in Die Tochter des Cain treats of Byron's theme in
Heaven and earth. S. Mosenthal in Parisina has his subject matter also
from Byron, as does G. Kastrupp in his Cain. Marino Faliero was the
theme of A. Lindner in 1875, of H. Kruse in 1876, and M. Greif in 187£.
Regarding Grillparzer see BIBLIOGRAPHY [899].

is To this group belong especially Wilhelm Miiller (1794-1824) with
his Gricchenlieder, Wilhelm Waiblinger (1803-1831) with his Erzahlungen
aus Griechenland ; also Eiickert, Daumer, Bodenstedt, Hammer, Leopold
Schef er, Heine in his Reisebilder, Zedlitz in his Todtenlcrdnze, and Adolf
Fr. von Schack in his Lothar.

522 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ever, directed their attention to internal German conditions.
Among the leading political poets in Austria were Zedlitz, Ana-
stasius Grim, Lenau, Karl Beck, Moritz Hartmann, Alfred Meisz-
ner, and Kobert Hamerling; in Germany, Herwegh, Dingelstedt,
Prutz, Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Freiligrath, Strachwitz, and
Max Waldau. All of these poets Weddigen connects with
Byron in the sweeping statement: " Byron war der Vater der
modernen politischen Lyrik. ' ' In the individual cases Weddigen
bases his assertions upon similarities of the most general nature.
The essay of Gudde [843] shows that Freiligrath turned to
political poetry quite uninfluenced by English examples and that
altho there are, in his political poetry after he turned thereto,
echoes of the English poetry he knew so well, reminiscences of
Byron are rather less frequent than those of Moore and others
of less note. What is true of Freiligrath is quite possibly true
of others in the list mentioned.

Weddigen connects the Young Germans with Byron by simi-
lar generalities: "Seinen Hohepunkt erreichte der Byronismus
durch das junge Deutschland, welches zu Byron in ahnlichem
Verhaltnisse steht, wie die Sturmer und Dranger zu Shakespeare.
Das war die Bliitezeit des Radikalismus, der Freigeisterei und
des Weltschmerzes in der deutschen Literatur. "14 In proof of
this assertion he makes such statements as the following : ' ' Bornes
Briefe aus Paris (1832-1834) sind in einer witzigen, geistreichen
Sprache abgefaszt, aber verneinenden Geistes, und von Byro-
nischer Skepsis;"15 or again:

Karl Gutzkow erfiillte tief eine beunruhigende Byronische Skepsis.
Seine Novelle Wally, die Zweiflerin erregte durch ihre antichristliche

14 Weddigen [867] 49-50.

is Weddigen [867] 39. Borne 's own view of his relation to Byron is
quoted by Whyte [832] 6: "Vielleicht fragen Sie mich verwundert, wie
ich Lump dazu komme, mich mit Byron zusammenzustellen? Darauf musz
ich Ihnen erzahlen, was Sie noch nicht wissen. Als Byrons Genius auf
seiner Keise durch das Firmament auf die Erde kam, eine Nacht dort zu
verweilen, stieg er zuerst bei mir ab. Aber das Haus gefiel ihm gar nicht,
er eilte schnell wieder fort und kehrte in das Hotel Byron ein. Viele
Jahre hat mich das geschmerzt, lange hat es mich betriibt, dasz ich so
wenig geworden, gar nichts erreicht. Aber jetzt ist es voriiber, ich habe
es vergessen und lebe zufrieden in meiner Armut. Mein UngKick ist,
dasz ich im Mittelstande geboren bin, fur den ich gar nicht passe."
Borne, Schriften VITT 113; 15. Brief, Dec. 3, 1830.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 523

Tendenz allgemeines Aufsehen. Sein Trauerspiel Nero 1st die Ausgeburt
einer Skepsis; der Held in seinem Uriel Acosta krankt an einer inneren
Unbefriedigung. Die Einwirkung Byrons liegt iiberall auf der

Passing over a list of rather unimportant authors who occa-
sionally imitated or were inspired by Byron we come to Wed-
digen's final assertions regarding Byron's influence upon the
philosophy and theology of Germany: "An Byron lehnt sich
der theologische und politische Radikalismus an. In Arthur
Schopenhauers Philosophic ist alles Dissonanz und Schmerzens-
schrei. Offenbar findet zwischen Schopenhauers und Byrons
Ideen ein innerer Konnex statt."15b Diihring [904] had been
more extreme in his assertion. With the extremists Melchior
does not agree. He says: "Man musz den Ausspruch E. Diih-
rings, dasz Schopenhauers System ohne Byron undenkbar sei,
cum grano salis verstehen. "16

The last group of Byronists contribute a theme that is at
once interesting and elusive. This group is made up of the
German Byronists who were associated with their leader by a
like temperament or a like * ' Weltschmerz. ' ' Some of the earlier
users of the term * * Weltschmerz ' ' unscientifically and indiscrim-
inatingly applied the word to personal as well as altruistic grief-
on the part of the poet.

Admittedly much that goes by the name of Byronism did not
owe its origin exclusively to the poet. Byronism was a disease
that was endemic as well as epidemic; but by our definition
influences can occur only where a pre-disposition exists, hence
certain treatizes of a less specific nature belong within the scope
of our survey.17 Heine, Lenau, Grillparzer, and Grabbe afford
problems within this last group of Byronists. In comparing the
works of Grabbe and Byron Wiehr says:

A number of very important features that both these authors have in
common cannot be at all attributed to literary influence, but are due to

i5»Weddigen [867] 50.

is" Ibid., p. 53.

is Melchior [900] 127.

17 For example, nos. [876] and [877] in BIBLIOGRAPHY.

524 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

similarity of character and disposition. Skepticism, dissatisfaction with
life and contempt of it, hatred of the conventional, an attitude of defiance
toward society, admiration for strong individuals, and a general low
estimate of women are the most important points we find in both.i7a

Wiehr then points out essential differences between the two
poets : regarding the existence of a benevolent deity Byron alter-
nately doubts and hopes, while Grabbe consistently denies. The
difference in the poetic quality of the two writers is, in small
part at least, explained by their different situations in life.

Wiehr plausibly surmizes that Byron's influence was oper-
ative in Grabbe 's Herzog Theodor von Gothland, which Grabbe
had written before coming to Leipzig in 1820, but which he
revised before publishing in 1822. During the period 1820-1822
Byron became popular in Germany, and it is likely that Grabbe
read, among other poems of Byron, his Cain. Grabbe 's Gothland,
Wiehr says, is very loosely constructed, and especially those
passages that remind of Cain are not an organic part of the
whole but may have been inserted later.

There is external evidence of Grabbe 's familiarity with Byron
before the beginning of his second poetic period. Grabbe begins
his essay Tiber die Shakespearo-Manie as follows :

Lord Byron sagt in seinem Don Juan etwas spottisch, Shakespeare
sey zur "fashion" geworden. Ich .gestehe vorlaufig, dasz mir in der
englischen schonen Litteratur nur zwei Erscheinungen von hoher Wich-
tigkeit sind: Lord Byron und Shakespeare, — jener als die moglichst poe-
tisch dargestellte Subjectivitat, dieser als die ebenso poetisch dargestellte
Objectivitat. Lord Byron, in seiner Art so grosz als Shakespeare, mag
gerade wegen seines verschiedenen dichterischen Characters nicht das
competenteste Urtheil iiber ihn abgeben.i7b

Other references of Grabbe to Byron could be quoted, but
the testimony of Grabbe 's friend Ziegler is sufficient, to the effect
that during Grabbe 's furlo in 1834 Grabbe and Ziegler often
read Byron together. Weddingen sums up the entire relation
with one of his sweeping generalities:

Christian Dietrich Grabbe hat Byronische Ideen in sich aufgenommen.
Er ist ein Dichter von zerrissenem Gemiit; schon in seinem Erstlingswerk

IT* Wiehr [897] 134.
i?b Grabbe [404a] 439.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 525

Herzog von Gothland 1st Grabbe von bitterstem Skepticismus angefressen,
sein Don Juan und Faust erinnert uns in manchen Seiten an Byrons Don

Wiehr maintains on the contrary that there are no significant
similarities between Byron's Don Juan and Grabbe 's Don Juan
und Faust. There are strong resemblances however between
Byron's Cain and Grabbe 's Don Juan, and Grabbe 's work con-
tains elsewhere reminiscences of Byron's Manfred, Lucifer, and
Childe Harold. Wiehr adds that echoes of Byron are to be found
in the Hohenstaufen dramas and that Grabbe 's Napoleon (V, 1)
was suggested by Byron's stanzas on the battle of Waterloo.

Heine's surmized early interest in Byron in Hamburg (1818-
1819) has already been mentioned. Regarding the Gottingen
period 1819-1820 we have our first definite facts. Heine came
into personal relations with August Wilhelm von Schlegel, then
professor in Gottingen. Sehlegel challenged Heine to translate
the words of the spirits in the opening scenes in Manfred and
highly commended the work when done. In 1821 Heine was in
Berlin and attended the gatherings of the Byron admirers in
the salon of Elise von Hohenhausen where on occasions he read
his own poems. They were rather coolly received by the majority
of his hearers19 but were lauded by Elise herself, and it was she
who first proclaimed Heine as the German successor of Byron.
In his first publisht book of poems (1822) Heine included some
translations of Byron, thus challenging a comparison, which was
promptly instituted by Immermann19a and "Schm." (== Schleier-
macher?).19b

During the next year or two Heine has little to say about
Byron, and he does not participate in the ' ' Philhellenismus " of
the day, which was perhaps becoming too much of a common-
place for him. In his Harzreise Heine represents himself as
talking to two ladies on the Brocken in the following ironical
fashion :

isWeddigen [867] 38.
loOchsenbein [902] 83-84.

ioa Kunst- und Wissenschaftsblatt des Rheinisch-Westfalischen Anzeigers.
May 31, 1882, no. 23.
i»b Ibid., June 7, 1822.

526 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Ich glaube, wir sprachen auch von Angorakatzen, etruskischen Vasen,
tiirkischen Shawls, Makkaroni und Lord Byron, aus dessen Gedichten die
altere Dame einige Sonnenuntergangsstellen, recht hiibsch lispelnd und
seufzend, reziterte. Der jiingern Dame, die kein Englisch verstand und
jene Gedichte kennen lernen wollte, empfahl ich die tibersetzungen meiner
schonen, geistreichen Landsmannin, der Baronin Elise von Hohenhausen,
bei welcher Gelegenheit ich nicht ermangelte, wie ich gegen junge Damen
zu tun pflege, iiber Byrons Gottlosigkeit, Lieblosigkeit, Trostlosigkeit, und
der Himmel weisz was noch mehr, zu eifern.2<>

More unequivocal is Heine's private correspondence on the
occasion of Byron's death in 1824. He wrote two letters to
friends in both of which he lamented the death of his "cousin"
Lord Byron, and a letter to his friend Moser in which he said :

Byron war der einzige Mensch, mit dem ich mich verwandt fiihlte,
und wir mogen uns wohl in manchen Dingen geglichen haben; scherze
nur dariiber soviel Du willst. Ich las ihn selten seit einigen Jahren:
man geht lieber um mit Menschen, deren Charakter von dem unsrigen
verschieden ist.21

Heine did his utmost to persuade Moser to write an article for
one of the leading literary journals in which he should herald
him as Byron's successor. Moser refused, and eventually
Heine could thank him for it, for now Willibald Alexis and even
Wilhelm Miiller and Karl Immermann, former admirers of
Byron, were beginning to warn against the Byronic fever. Im-
mermann in 1827 made some comparisons between Byron and
Heine in the latter 's favor.2ia

For a time Heine is now chiefly concerned to differentiate
himself from Byron. He writes early in 1827 :

Wahrlich, in diesem Augenblicke fuhle ich sehr lebhaft, dasz ich kein
Nachbeter oder, besser gesagt, Nachfrevler Byrons bin, mein Blut ist
nicht so spleenisch schwarz, meine Bitterkeit kb'mmt nur aus den Gallap-
feln meiner Dinte. . . . Von alien groszen Schriftstellern ist Byron just
derjenige, dessen Lektiire mich am unleidiglichsten beriihrt.22

Yet on his visit to England he is full of disparaging words
for the people that does not know how to value its second greatest

2<> Heine, Werke IV 57.

21 Quoted by Melchior [900] 13-14.

2ia Jahrbuch fur wissenschaftliche Kritik, 1827, no. 97, p. 767.

22 Melchior [900] 16.

1920] Price: EngUsh> German Literary Influences — Survey 527

poet ; and on his return he assumes a genuine Byronic pose while
sitting for a portrait beneath which he inscribes the words :

Verdrossnen Sinn im kalten Herzen tragend
Schau ich verdrieszlich in die kalte Welt."

There are occasional references to Byron on the part of
Heine in the next following years. They may be formulated
thus: Heine made a display of his "Weltschmerz" but wisht
it to be clearly understood that it had its origin in his own nature,
that for en influence had no share in it. Melchior says :

Man musz wohl sagen, dasz Heine in seinem Verhaltnis zu Byron von
einiger Unehrlichkeit nicht ganz freizusprechen ist. Wenn man sich
seines Verhaltnisses zu Goethe und auch zu Shakespeare erinnert, das ja
eingestandenermaszen ebenfalls durch einen gewissen Neid getriibt wurde,
so ist man leicht versucht, in seiner zweideutigen Beurteilung Byrons
eine Parallele dazu zu erkennen.2*

Ochsenbein 's data regarding Heine's opinions of Byron are
fuller than Melchior 's, but the conclusions of the two critics are
reconcilable with each other. Ochsenbein accepts Heine's state-
ment of 1824 quoted above ("ich las ihn selten seit cinigen
Jahren") but reminds us that in 1820 Heine was at work trans-
lating Manfred and Childe Harold, that he began to write
Almansor in the same year and in 1822 Ratcliff, which, with
shorter poems of the same period, indicate a strong Byronic
influence. Thus Ochsenbein establishes the years 1820-1822 as
the period of highest interest in Byron. The other striking fact
for Ochsenbein is the paucity of references to Byron on the part
of Heine in the later years. Ochsenbein summarizes his conclu-
sions as follows:

Die zusammenhangende Betrachtung seiner Urteile hat deutlich gezeigt,
wie seine anfangliche Begeisterung allmahlich in Abneigung und schliesz-
lich in vollendete Gleichgiiltigkeit iiberging. So erklart es sich, dasz er
in der Zeit seiner ausgiebigen kritischen und geistesgeschichtlichen
Schriftstellerei nur wenige und ablehnende Worte fur Byron iibrig hat.
Den Einflusz des groszen Modedichters haben wir in seinen Jugenddich-
tungen aufzusuchen.25

23 Ibid., p. 18.

24 Ibid., p. 23-24.

25 Ochsenbein [902] 127.

528 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Since the appearance of Heine's earliest poems, however, in
1822 the critics have never ceast associating him with Byron.
Immermann, E. T. A. Hoffmann, and Willibald Alexis made com-
parisons to the advantage of the one or the other, and most of
them recognized Heine 's desire to be spoken of in connexion with
Byron. With the growth of the revolutionary ideas immediately
thereafter Heine came into prominence in the political movement,
and his prose was more conspicuous than his poetry. Wienbarg
rankt Heine higher than Byron because Heine was the more
thorogoing revolutionist,26 and Menzel placed him lower than
Byron for the same reason.27 Laube in his Geschichte der
deutschen Literatur, written in the confinement of Castle Muskau
in Silesia (1836), was compelled to forego political comparisons
and confine himself to temperamental ones. Laube was the first
to deny that Heine was dependent in a literary way upon Byroi
or that he attempted to pose as a Byron. Among the latei
political critics Zdziechowski [878] finds an essential different
between Byron and Heine, while Georg Brandes28 and Johanm
Proelsz,29 the historians of the movement, emphasize the similar-
ities and the indebtedness of the entire Young-German school
Byron.

After the death of Heine attention was directed particular!
toward his Buck der Lieder, and there was a tendency to inter-
pret his entire work in the light of this one collection. The word
* ' Weltschmerz, " hazily defined, came into vogue and was used
by Auerbach [876] and Gnad [877] to designate the element com-
mon to Byron and Heine. Other writers like Julian Schmidt32
call attention to the common subjectiveness of the two poets,
their emphasis upon their own personalities. Still others, like
Karl Elze in his biography of Byron and Brandes in his dis-

26 Wienbarg, Aesthetische Feldzuge (Hamburg 1834) 275 and 284ff.

27 Menzel in Literaturblatt, March 23-25, 1836.

28 Brandes, Die Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts in ihren Hauptstromungei
(Leipzig 1891), VI 39.

29 Proelz [880] 39, 126, and 136.

32 Schmidt, Geschichte der deutschen Literature (Leipzig 1867), III 1551
See also Weddigen [867] 44ff.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 529

cussion of the influence of Byron,33 draw the entire personalities
of the two poets into comparison. Previous to Ochsenbein 's trea-
tize [902] the most exhaustive discussions of the relation of Heine
and Byron were those of Proelsz [880] and Melchior [900].
Ochsenbein has taken cognizance of the work of his predecessors,
has rigidly excluded from consideration accidental similarities
that have their origin in a like temperament or in the common
trend of the time, and has thus been able to write the authori-
tative treatize on the specific influence of Byron on Heine. Dis-
agreeing with Melchior 's surmize Ochsenbein34 places Heine's
earlier Byron translation in the year 1819.

Auszere Anhaltspunkte fiir erne Keimtnis des englischen Dichters sind
vor 1819 nirgends gegeben. Auch innerliche Beeinflussung werden wir
fur diese Zeit leugnen miissen, wenngleich der junge Heine Stimmungen
aufweist, welche mit der Diisterheit des jungen Lords verwandt scheinen
und die Teilnahme erklaren, mit der er alsbald die Poesie dieses "Vetters"
in sich verarbeitete.35

Thus Ochsenbein is able to take as his starting point the
young Heine uninfluenced by Byron, and even in him he finds
much that was Byronic. Heine 's early reading gave him such
a trend. The satirists Cervantes and Swift pleased him most,
together with gruesome literature, wherever he could find it, from
the hand of Vulpius or Hoffmann or in the folksongs. His early
acquaintance with Josepha, the daughter of the Diisseldorf ex-
ecutioner, further encouraged this inclination, and an unfortu-
nate love affair with his Hamburg cousin inclined him to mel-
ancholy and to morbid introspection.

Heine's early translations of Byron left their traces on his
poetic productions of the next period. In To Inez and Good
night, lyric passages of Childe Harold and Manfred, Heine had
to do with the hero of Byron's earlier period, the one who made
a display of his grief and melancholy and appealed for sympathy.
The later Byronic hero was more defiant in tone. It was to the

33 Brandes, Die Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts etc., VI 39 and 213.
s* See SURVEY, p. 520.
Ochsenbein [902] 136.

530 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

influence of the earlier type that Heine was susceptible. There
he found sanction for the unreserved display to the world of his
inner emotions, and after misfortune in love he carried the
Byronic note over into his own personal lyric poetry.

In the poetry of Heine 's next following period Ochsenbein is
ready to recognize Byron's influence but does not forget, as some
of his predecessors have done, that German trends, especially
those of the romantic school, were also effective: "das Fort-
wirken jener phantastischen und schauerlichen Elemente seiner
friiheren Dichtung, jener Traum-, Grab-, und Spukpoesie mit
ihren bleichen und wilden Menschen, ' '36 and likewise * ' das kran-
kelnde Hinschmachten nach dem Vorbilde der Uhlandschen
Jugenddichtung. "37 Heine's own sufferings sufficiently account
for most of his poetry : unhappiness in love ; the perpetual tor-
ment of an aching head; the vexations of a hum-drum earning
of daily bread thru hated occupations (this gives a note that
differs from Byron's) ; the feeling of being regarded as an out-
cast by his own people, without a compensating acceptance on
the part of the Christians; finally the conviction that he was
the object of persecution, which was with Heine no idle affecta-
tion. "Armut, Krankheit, Judenschmerz, " so Ochsenbein sums
up the causes of Heine's melancholy, and he further finds that
Heine's attitude toward his fellow men was different from
Byron 's : An occasional thrust at the world sufficed Byron, who
occupied an independent position; Heine was constantly at
sword-points with the "Philister," to whom he was compelled
to be subservient.

In view of these considerations Ochsenbein is disposed to deny
Byron's influence on Heine during this period except in details.
In this part of his work he acknowledges indebtedness to his
predecessor Melchior, some of whose most interesting conclusions
he, however, discredits.38 In compensation Ochsenbein devotes

36 Ibid., p. 150.

37 ibid., p. 151.

38 Among them the association of Heine's Ein Fichtenbaum steht einsam
with The wild gazelle in Byron's Hebrew melodies (compare Melchior p. 88
with Ochsenbein p. 153). He regards the resemblances of passages in

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 531

a chapter each to Heine's Almansor and Rat cliff, two tragedies
written when Heine's enthusiasm for Byron was in its zenith.
These dramas Melchior had mentioned merely in passing.

Aside from the Spanish sources of Almansor Heine was
familiar with Fouque's treatment of the theme in the Zauberring
as well as with Byron's use of the motif. In order to lend a
dramatic tone to the theme Heine, as Ochsenbein points out,39
made use of typical situations and characters such as are found
in Byron's Giaour, Bride of Abydos, Corsair, Lara, and Siege of
Corinth. There is further evidence of influence in the similar-
ities of the names of the characters, in certain technical peculiar-
ities, and in the poetic style. Heine was dissatisfied with the
diction in Almansor and wrote to a friend: "die vermaledeite
Bildersprache, in welcher ich den Almansor und seine orienta-
lischen Konsorten sprechen lassen muszte, zog mich ins Breite."
"Dieses Miissen," says Ochsenbein, "wird ihm von der zwin-
genden Macht seines Vorbildes auf erlegt worden sein. ' '40 He finds
further imitation of Byron in some of Heine's descriptions of
landscape, and in his comparisons and metaphors.

While Melchior called especial attention to the influence of
Byron's Dream on Heine's Traumbilder, Ochsenbein lays more
emphasis upon the relation of Byron's poem to Heine's Ratcliff.
After Byron had been divorced from his wife he wrote the poem,
The dream, in which he imagines himself to be visiting the home
of the love of his early youth, Mary Chaworth. He finds her
surrounded by beautiful children, but unhappy in her marriage.
The unhappiness leads finally to madness. Heine assimilated
the mood of the poem and applied it to his relations with his
Hamburg cousin. By suppression of rime and verse Heine suc-
ceeds in producing the same effect as Byron, that of severely
restrained passion. The portraits of the women in the two

Cliilde Harold's pilgrimage to passages in Heine's TannMuser (Melchior
p. 166), the resemblance of Byron's Belshazzar to Heine's Belsazer, and
the common theme of Hebrew melodies and Hebraisclie Melo&ien, as being
without great significance. He finds Byron 's Dream influential in Heine 's
poetry but in a different way from Melchior.

39 Ochsenbein [902] 198.

40 Ibid., p. 205.

532 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

instances are quite different. In Byron she is calm and of a
forced cheerfulness on the occasion of the visit. With Heine
the madness has already set in. Heine 's pictures of the landscape
and house resemble Byron's. Ochsenbein says:

Bezeichnender noch als diese stofflichen Entlehnungen 1st der Versuch
Heines, die ganze Stimmung des Dream wiederzugeben. Hier und in der
Gotterdammerung stoszen wir auf dasjenige, was Heine selbst ein Gefiihls-
plagiat nennt und was uns berechtigt, diese Gedichte als direkte Nachah-
mungen Byrons zu bezeichnen. Wenn blosz stoffliche Entlehnungen noch
keine allgemeine Abhangigkeit, keinen tieferen poetischen Einflusz dartun,
so zeigt uns diese Stimmungskopie, wie aueh die schon friiher behandelten,
dasz Heine sich wenigstens in einzelnen Stunden dem Banne des groszen
englischen Dichters vollig hingegeben hat.41

Heine characterized his Ratcliff as "eine Hauptkonf ession. "
In it he laid bare his grief at the loss of his cousin 's love and his
hatred of his preferred rival. Such a subjective work must
necessarily be original, and the influence of Byron here is, as
Ochsenbein says, more deep than broad and all-pervasive. Ill-
fated love leads Heine 's hero to slay in turn two more successful
suitors of his Maria. Wounded by a third suitor he rushes to
her home and slays first her, then himself. Such a theme brot
Heine within the realm of the fate drama and subjected him to
the influence of the type, but the hero of the tragedy is Byronic,
a fallen angel become a devil. He resembles Childe Harold and
Lara rather than Byron's later heroes.

In the same volume with Byron's Dream was a poem, Dark-
ness, which described the misery of man at the end of the gradual
cooling of the earth. This was a theme that had already ap-
pealed to Heine; Byron may have first shown him its poetic
availability. Furthermore there are a large number of paral-
lelisms of form between it and Heine's Gotterdammeruny*2

Melchior's unique contribution to the subject of Byron and
Heine is his discussion of Heine as a poet of the sea. In this
respect Heine thot himself an innovator, as many references in
his private correspondence show. But he was not entirely with-

41 Ibid., p. 179.

42 Ibid., pp. 182-189.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 533

out German predecessors. True, most of the earlier sea poetry
has, like Goethe's, to do with the Mediterranean. The Gudrun
had left the North Sea almost undescribed, and Brockes had de-
scribed it only in his usual minute way. But Herder had been
genuinely inspired by the North Sea, on whose bosom he was first
able fully to appreciate the poetry of Ossian. In the private
correspondence of the eighteenth century the sea is admired in
terms often poetic, as by Lichtenberg, while in Fr. Leopold von
Stolberg we find a genuine sea poet. For the romanticists the
sea had chiefly a symbolic value, but Wilhelm Miiller was an
immediate predecessor of Heine with his sea poetry. Melchior
concludes, "dasz den deutschen Dichtern damals die Poesie des
Meeres zwar nicht vollig verschlossen war, dasz man aber doch
bis dahin immer noch in den ersten Anfangen stecken geblieben
war."42a

In sea-girt England the poetry of the sea was naturally
further advanced ; it had reacht its culmination in the works of
Shelley and Byron. It is the Mediterranean again that domi-
nates in Byron's poems, while Heine describes the entirely dif-
ferent North Sea. Yet Melchior holds that the inspiration of
Byron is present here and assumes Elise von Hohenhausen as a*
medium of communication. His external evidence is not with-
out weight. He quotes August von Schindel's testimony concern-
ing Elise von Hohenhausen :

Besonders ziehen sie Byrons Gedichte an, die sie ins Deutsche iiber-
setzen will, und in Beziehung a.uf die sie im Jahre 1819 eine Beise nach
Hamburg unternahm, um sich an den Ufern des Meeres durch eigene
Anschauung die malerischen Schilderungen des britischen Dichters leb-
hafter zu vergegenwartigen.4^

Elise von Hohenhausen not only translated Byron on this
journey but publisht (1820) a book describing the scenes that
had imprest her on this occasion. Melchior takes it for granted
that Heine knew of this work and infers :

2» Melchior [900] 106.

Schindel, Die deutschen Schriftstellerinnen des ID. Jahrhundcrts (Lcip-
23), I 220.

zig 1823)

534 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Wenn wir nun wissen, dasz der junge Dichter im Kreise der Hohen-
hausen bald zum ersten Male als ein deutscher Byron ausgerufen wurde,
und wenn wir ihn bald darauf seine Nordseebilder entwerfen sehen, so
konnen wir wohl kaum der Annahme entraten, dasz er auf diesem Wege,
also im letzten Grun-de durch Byron zu seiner Seedichtung angeregt
worden ist. Dazu kommt aber schlieszlich noch, dasz sich bei Heine auch
wirkliche Spuren der Entlehnung finden.44

Melchior offers several rather convincing parallel passages
but lays more stress upon the similar feeling of both poets to-
ward the sea. For both it is a benignant element. It is a last
refuge from persecutors, it awakens happy memories of child-
hood, and its soft monotonous beating can lull even the angry
winds to rest.

The indebtedness of Lenau and Grillparzer to Byron has
never been comprehensively defined. The relation of the two
German poets to him was of a similar nature : both were suscept-
ible to Byron's influence because their prevailing moods were
somewhat similar to his ; in both cases material parallels can be
shown; and in neither case has any definite influence in the
proper meaning of the term been demonstrated. Weddigen
generalizes on the Byron-Lenau relationship as follows :

Von dem diisteren Weltschmerze und der Skepsis des englischen Dichters
ist Nikolaus Lenau . . . wesentlich beeinfluszt worden. Er ging in Byro-
nischer Zerrissenheit unter. Lenaus Schwermut hat indes den Grund
in seinem Schmerze um. ein verlorenes Paradies des Glaubens; seine
Zerrissenheit ist kein koketter Weltschmerz wie bei Heine. Lenaus erste
grb'szere Dichtung, der Faust, erinnert in ihrem Geiste wie in ihrer Form
an Byron. Sein Savonarola (1837) und Die Albigenser zeigen uns die
diistere Skepsis des Englanders; ebenso ist Lenaus Don Juan (1851) . . .
blasiert und sensualistisch, wie manche seiner poetischen Gestalten. Der
Zweifel, das Unbefriedigtsein trieben Lenau 1832 durch die vereinigten
Staaten; aber auch hier fand seine Seele keine Ruhe. Wir sehen in ihm
etwas von Byrons ungestilltem Verlangen.44*

Strangely enuf Weddigen seems to have overlookt Grillparzer
in his wide search for Byron's followers. The oversight has
been made good by Wyplel [898] and [899], who found many
verbal parallels and parallel motifs connecting the two poets.

Melchior [900] 108.
* Weddigen [867] 47

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

535

Passages in Ein treuer Diener seines Herrn closely resemble lines
in Marino Faliero, The two Foscari, and Sardanapalus. Accord-
ing to Wyplel, Grillparzer read most of Byron's works after he
had finisht Blanka van Castilien and before he wrote Die Ahn-
frau. "Fast alle poetische Erzahlungen Byrons, diese leiden-
schaftlichen Rauber-Geister-Liebes-und Leidensgeschichten, bie-
ten Beriihrungspunkte mit der Tragodie Grillparzers. "44b The
bride of Abydos presents the greatest number of parallel motifs,
but The corsair, Lara, The Giaour, and The siege of Corinth all
contribute something, probably for the most part without Grill-
parzer being conscious of the process.

In discussing the various phases of his literary influences in
Germany, Byron the critic should not be entirely overlookt. It
is well therefore that Brandl has reminded us that Byron's
opinions of his countrymen are still a force in Germany:
"Byrons Urteil iiber seine Umgebung, seine Angriffe auf Coler-
idge und Wordsworth, wie seine Achtung fur Moore ist uns
dadurch so maszgebend geworden, dasz wir uns nur allmahlich
und zogernd zu einer unbefangenen Wiirdigung dieser Manner
erschwingen. "45 It has already been noted that Goethe men-
tioned, along with Byron, his two literary friends Scott and
Moore as the pre-eminent literary heroes of Britain.46

It cannot be said that Goethe owed to Byron any positive
new literary direction ; he was already too far advanced in years
for that. At most Byron helpt to quicken his enthusiasm and
rekindle his literary zeal.47 But an account of the communica-
tions that past between the two poets may nevertheless not be
omitted, for it reveals certain lines of literary traffic between
Germany and England, and it shows again that active zeal for
literary reciprocity which Goethe had already shown in his cor-
respondence with Carlyle about Burns, Schiller, and other men
of letters.470

44" Wyplel [899] 27.

45 Brandl [892] 3.

46 Of. SURVEY, p. 472.

47 See Eckermann, Gesprdche p. 59, under date of Nov. 16, 1823; re the
poem Elegie sum Marieiibad. Cf. letter to Kinnaird quoted below.

47° Of. SURVEY, p. 480f.

536 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

The beginning of the Byron- Goethe relation was not auspic-
ious. Byron purpost to dedicate his Marino Faliero (1821) to
Goethe. His phrases no doubt exprest genuine admiration, but
the general tone was so flippant that the publisher wisely omitted
the dedication entirely. Byron then desired to inscribe to him
his Sardanapalus (1821) and askt his friend Kinnaird, a former
student at Gottingen, to secure Goethe's exprest consent. This
gave Goethe his first opportunity to convey to Byron a personal
expression of his regard ; he wrote to Kinnaird :

Seit seinem ersten Erscheinen begleitete ich, mit naheren und fer-
neren Freunden, ja mit Einstimmung von ganz Deutschland und der
Welt, jenes charakter-gegriindete, granzenlos productive, kraftig unauf-
haltsame, zart-liebliche Wesen auf alien seinen Pfaden. Ich suchte mich
mit ihm durch tibersetzung zu identificiren und an seine zartesten Gefiihle,
wie an dessen kiihnsten Humor mich anzuschlieszen; wobey denn, um
nur des letzteren Falles zu gedenken, allein die Unmb'glichkeit iiber den
Text ganz klar zu werden mich abhalten konnte, eine angefangene tiber-
setzung von English bards and Scotch reviewers durchzufiihren.

Von einem so hochverehrten Manne solch eine Theilnahme zu erfahren,
solch ein Zeugnis ubereinstimmender Gesinnungen zu vernehmen musz um
desto unerwarteter seyn, da es nie gehofft, kaum gewiinscht werden
durfte.48

Kinnaird had sent to Goethe a copy of the proposed dedi-
cation of the book in Byron's handwriting. Goethe would gladly
have retained it as a keepsake.

Die Handschrift des theuren Mannes erfolgt ungern zuriick, denn wer
mochte willig das Original eines Documentes von so groszem Werth ent-
behren. Das Alter, das denn doch zuletzt an sich selbst zu zweifeln
anfangt, bedarf solcher Zeugnisse, deren anregende Kraft der Jiingere
vielleicht nicht ertragen hatte.4^

Meanwhile Goethe was becoming thoroly familiar with the
poetry of Byron. He had begun his readings in May 1816.
The Corsair was apparently the first of the longer poems that
he read,49 May 22 and 23, 1816. In 1817 he probably read the
Siege of Corinth, Parisina, and The prisoner of Chillon.™ It was
Manfred that filled him with the greatest interest. He read it

48 Goethe, Werke IV 36, 204; letter of Nov. 12, 1822; quoted by
Valentin [893] 242.

40 Goethe, Werlce III 5, 233.
so Ibid., Ill 6, 62.

1920] Price: Englisli> German Literary Influences — Survey 537

on the llth and 12th of October, 181751 and wrote his review of
it no doubt about this time, tho the review was not publisht until
1820. 52 Meanwhile he wrote in December of 1817 a translation
of the parts of Manfred that appealed to him most strongly.53
In the spring of 1820 he read Don Juan, translated the intro-
ductory lines, and wrote a review of it, which appeared in Tiber
Kunst und Alterthum in 1821. 54 In January of 1821 he read
Jacobsen's Brief e an cine deutsche Edelfrau etc. and this led him
to consult Byron's English bards and Scotch reviewers,55 which
he planned to translate, as shown by the letter quoted above.

Two years later direct communication began between Goethe
and Byron when in 1823 a young Englishman by the name of
Sterling past thru Weimar from Genoa bearing a letter of per-
sonal greetings from Byron. Goethe responded, June 22, 1823,
with the sonnet beginning, "Ein freundlich Wort kommt eines
nach dem andern. ' '56 The letter bearing this poem reacht Genoa
after Byron had left, but it overtook him in Livorno. Byron's
death occurred not long after. Goethe paid homage to him in
his Euphorion lament in Faust II. He once showed to Ecker-
mann a red portfolio in which he had carefully preserved every-
thing that connected him in any way with Byron.57

After Byron's death Goethe sot to perpetuate the memory
of his connexion with him. On the fifteenth of June 1824 he
dictated to his secretary John some memoranda on the subject,
which were destined for Medwin's Conversations of Lord Byron.™

51 Ibid., Ill, 6, 121.

52 Compare Goethe's letter to Knebel, October 13, 1817, with his review
of 1820 in fiber Kunst und Alterthum, Werke IV 28, 277 and ibid., I 41:1,
189. Goethe says: "Dieser seltsame Dichter hat meinen Faust in sich
aufgenommen und hypochondrisch die seltsamste Nahrung daraus gezogen.
Er hat die seinen Zwecken zusagenden Motive auf eigene Weise benutzt,
so dasz keins mehr dasselbige ist, und gerade deshalb kann ich seinen
Geist nicht genug bewundern."

ss Goethe, Werlce I 41:1, 192; cf. Brandl [892] 7 and 9.
5^ Ibid., I 41:1, 244-249; cf. Brandl [892] 15.

55 Ibid., Ill 8, 8 and 9.

56 Ibid. Ill 9, 65; ef. Eimer [895ax].

57 Eckermann, Gesprache p. 140f .

ss Goethe, WerTce III 9, 230. The "Aufsatz iiber Lord Byron " was
handed to Soret June 16, 1824. It is included in Medwin's Conversations
of Lord Byron (London 1824), p. 278ff.

538

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.

He served on a committee which was seeking to erect a statue
of Byron in London and contributed £20 to its erection;59 the
statue was completed by Thorwaldsen in 1829. At the same
time Goethe planned to set up to his friend a memorial of his
own, which was to be based on the contents of the before men-
tioned red portfolio and to be a document in the history of
"Weltliteratur" as Goethe used that term. It therefore in-
cluded an account of how Goethe 's works became known in Eng-
land and so eventually to Byron. The plan of this account is
still in the Weimar archives and has been reprinted by Brandl ;60
it is interesting in that it shows the gaps in Goethe's knowledge
of the history of his own works in England.

The evidence that Goethe and Byron owed to each other any
definite literary inspiration is slight. Byron owed to Goethe no
doubt some of the supernatural suggestions in his poetry. A
more specific indebtedness may be perceived in the opening scenes
of Manfred and in the Deformed transformed.^ It has also been
surmized that Goethe borrowed a little from Byron's Heaven and
earth in the angel scene of Faust II.62

Byron, however, owed largely to Goethe the high esteem in
which he was held in Germany. Continental critics have always
reproacht England with lack of sympathy for her great poet.
It is proper to point out then that the curve of his fame might
have taken a similarly abrupt descent in Germany but for the
word of Goethe. Byron reacht the height of his popularity in
Germany about 1817 ; but reports of his declining fame in Eng-
land were repeated in the German journals,63 and when Beppo
(1818) and Don Juan (1819) appeared Willibald Alexis and
Friedrich Schlegel protested and even Goethe called it "das

M Valentin [893] 243.
eo Brandl [892] 29.

61 Be Goethe and Manfred see Sinzheimer [891], Brandl [892], Valentin
[893], and Kichter [895x].

62 Brandl [892] 21.

es Ochsenbein [902] 22ff.

Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey

539

unsittlichste, was jemals die Dichtkunst vorgebracht. ' '"4 The
German journals also echoed the English opposition to Cain
until Goethe exprest himself in praise rather than in defense
of it in Kunst und Alterthum.™ This was the turning point of
criticism in Germany, and the German journals hoped that they
might save Byron for England as they claimed to have saved
Shakespeare.06 Goethe thus became the chief support of Byron
in Germany. Byron knew of this and promist by letter to come
to Weimar on his visit to Germany and express his gratitude.
His death in Greece, which followed not long after, rudely cut
across this plan but increast the enthusiasm for Byron in Ger-
many. Byron's death was sung by Elise von Hohenhausen,
Wilhelm Miiller, Platen, Chamisso, Heine,67 and by Goethe him-
self in his lament over the death of Euphorion in Faust II.

64 Goethe, WerJce I 41:1, 249.

65 Ibid., I 41:2, 94-99.

66 Ochsenbein [902] 25; regarding the "saving" of Shakespeare see
SURVEY, chapter 14.

67 For the titles of the poems see Ochsenbein [902] 27.

540 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

CHAPTER 22
DICKENS

Dickens became a household name in Germany almost as
promptly as in England. His popularity in Germany is attested
by the numerous translations, by the large* sale of his works in
the original and in the German language,1 and by the frequent
comments of contemporary German journalists and authors.
Freytag lays stress upon the new atmosphere that Dickens
brot into Germany. He tells us how his countrymen began to
see in every Englishman a Pickwick, a Pinch, or a Traddles, or
at least "einen guten und tiichtigen Kerl . . . vielleicht steif
aber von sehr tiefem Gemiith, wahrhaftig, zuverlassig, treu."-
He tells how everyone began to look upon his neighbors even with
a new interest, and to find attractive characteristics unsuspected
before, and how the narrow bonds of social prejudice began to
yield to this new influence. In telling of the interest aroused
in Germany by David Copperfield Julian Schmidt says: "So
sehr uns damals (1849-1850) die Politik in Kopfe lag, wurde
im Ganzen iiber Dora und Agnes mehr disputiert als iiber Rado-
witz und Manteuffel. "lb Despite the continued popularity of
Dickens in Germany, however, no serious attempt was made until
a few years ago to estimate his influence upon the German novel-
ists; but at last the way has been paved for such a study by
two or three good monographs dealing with phases of the subject.

The first adequate discussion of the influence of Dickens on an
individual German author was that of Lohre [928]. In order
to be productive of the best results, such a study of influences
must direct attention not so much to the finisht work as to the
work in process of growth, that is to say to the psychology of the

i For the bibliography of Dickens 's works in German translation,
school editions, English reprints in Germany, etc., see Geissendoerfer
[923] 28-50.

ia Freytag [922] 243.

ib Schmidt [921] 113f.

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 54-1

creative author, and Otto Ludwig admits us into his workshop
with more than customary intimacy. The first portion of Lohre's
work formulates Lud wig's opinions of Dickens. This task was
by no means easy; for Ludwig 's Romanstudien, like his Shake-
spear e-Studien, appear as disconnected sentences and paragraphs
in his notebook, and one comment is often corrected or modified
by another several pages later. Ludwig judged Dickens as one
creative artist judges another. The two authors had much in
common. With both of them the creative process was preceded
by what Ludwig called "eine musikalische Stimmung." Char-
acteristic of both authors is the minute observation of character
with a detailed reproduction of every outward gesture and inti-
mate thot. In the case of Dickens this observation and repro-
duction was the free play of his fancy; in Ludwig 's case one has
the feeling that it is accompanied by an almost painful tension
of the nerves.

The typical English novel was, like Shakespeare's dramas, a
norm for Ludwig. In fact the two forms of literature had much
in common. Ludwig recognized the Shakespearean spirit :

In dem sittlichen Grundgedanken, der kiinstlichen Verflechtung ineh-
rerer Handlungen in eine, in der plastischen Groszheit, der Charakteristik
realistischer Ideale, der Darstellung des Weltlaufs, der Illusion, der Ganz-
heit des Lebens, in der Mischung des Komischen selbst in das Ernsteste,
ohne dasz es diesem schadete, in dem Abwenden von aller Schwarmerei
und hohler Iclealitat.2

What first imprest Ludwig in Dickens 's works was the mimic
element. "Die Bozischen Romane sind wahrhafte Schauspieler-
schulen, ' '3 he said, and he commented on the range of expression
of Miss Nipper's nose, of Captain Cuttle's hook and of Mrs.
Sparsit's eyebrows. He admired Dickens 's ability to let inani-
mate objects participate in the drama of life, but regarded this
dramatic by-play chiefly as a means of throwing a stronger light
on human types. He commented on the one-sidedness of
Dickens 's characters, their " Borniertheit, " resulting from their

2 Ludwig, Schriften VI 65.
s Ibid., p. 67.

54:2 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

training, their occupation, their age, their passions, or their edu-
cation. This one-sidedness Dickens could make attractive, harm-
less, or repulsive at his will.4

Ludwig finds, however, that Dickens 's picture of the lift; of
the common man is partizan and unsatisfactory :

Nie sprechen Leute aus dem Volke ihre eigene Sprache oder denkeu
ihre eigenen Gedanken, immer nur in einer der Volkssprache angenaherten
konventionellen Weise die Gedanken des Autors iiber das Volk; und wie
man oft fiirchten musz, gemachte, zum Behufe, seiner Partei zu gefallen,
gemachte. . . Man wird von solcher Rabulisterei oft wider Willen ge-
zwungen, stellenweise Partei gegen ihn und das Volk, seine Klienten, zu
nehmen. . . . Wie tief steht er in diesem Stiicke unter Shakespeare.5

With this exception Ludwig admired the dialog in Dickens 's
works : * ' Eine Hauptsache, womit Dickens sich wie Shakespeare
von z. B. Goethe und Schiller unterscheidet, ist, dasz seine Figu-
ren nie wie ein Buch sprechen diirfen. Es ist wunderbar, die
reiche Variation der Mittel zu sehen, durch welche den beiden
Englandern gelingt, den Dialog vom Buchartigen zu emanzi-
pieren. ' '6

Dickens confirmed Ludwig 's view that the hero of a novel
should be a passive, observing one : " Im Romane ist das Ausle-
ben der Figuren der Zweck, nicht das Handeln, wie im Drama;
. . . Der Dramenheld macht seine Geschichte, der Romanheld
erlebt die seine, ja man kann sagen: den Romanhelden macht
seine Geschichte."7 Lohre remarks that this theory fits Dickens 's
heroes admirably, but is in contradiction to Ludwig 's own prac-
tice: "Schon diese Unstimmigkeit weist darauf hin, dasz Lud-
wig, als der Tod ihm die Feder aus der Hand nahm, liber die
Grundforderungen der epischen Gattung wohl nicht sein letztes
Wort gesprochen hatte."8

In the second part of his essay Lohre makes a comparison
of Ludwig 's novelistic work with Dickens 's in the light of the

* Ibid., p. 66.

s Ibid., p. 71f.; but cf. VI 80.

« Ibid., p. 159.

7 Ibid., p. 145; ef. VI 168.

s Lohre [928] 36.

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 543

former's comments on Dickens 's art. The works of Ludwig that
come under consideration are Die Heiterethei and Zwischen
Himmel und Erde. Die Heiterethei is, it is true, a short story
rather than a novel, but Ludwig said in his essay on Dickens
und die deutsche Dorfgeschichte: "Die Dorfgeschichte ist wie
ein einzelnes Glied des Dickensschen Romans zu einem Ganzen
geschlossen, ein Charakterbild aus jener Menge herausgenom-
men, eine Stimmung aus jener Mannigfaltigkeit von Stimmun-
gen, eine Reflexion aus jenem Reichtum; sie ist der Geist jenes
Romans in Form der Anekdote."9 In the main characters of
Die Heiterethei Lohre finds no traces of Dickens 's influence, but
there are minor characters drawn in his best style : ' ' Die Mor-
zenschmiedin, " who is compared with a " Schwarzwalder Uhr,"
and whose movements are always described in terms of clock
works ; the watchmaker Zerrer, who has learned to talk from his
clocks, "aus seinem Knarren und Schnarren ist kaum klug zu
werden ; ' ' and the Valtinessin with her stereotyped phrases and
gestures.

The serious Zwischen Himmel und Erde is neither perfused
with Dickens rs atmosphere nor does it present any humorous
minor characters, but Lohre suggests that Dickens 's influence-
may nevertheless be present : Ludwig describes the technicalities
of the work of repairing a slate roof in as detailed a fashion as
Dickens would have done ; and he enters into Fritz Nettenmeier 's
guilty thots with a convincing precision that Dickens could
scarcely have surpast.

Liider's dissertation [929], which appeared shortly after
Lohre 's essay, treats of the actual parallels between Dickens and
Ludwig more exhaustively, the usual statistical method prevail-
ing. Lohre 's starting point was Lud wig's theory; Liider took
as his basis Ludwig 's actual practice. He arrives independently
at much the same conclusions as his predecessor. He leads up
to his comparison with an analytical study of Ludwig 's narra-
tive art during the period before he knew Dickens 's works. Then
follows a similar analysis of Dickens 's qualities as a novelist.

9 Ludwig, Schriften VI 78; — [922a] 78.

544 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9

Liider finds the first signs of Dickens 's influence in the frag-
ments Das March eh von dem tot en Kinde and Es hat noch keinen
Begriff. As far as Die Heiterethci and Zwischen Himmel und
Erde are concerned Liider 's findings do not go much beyond
Lohre's. Lohre, however, made no mention of Ludwig's Aus
dem Reg en in die Traufe (1854), and here Liider sees the strong-
est evidence of Ludwig's dependence on Dickens in theme, com-
position, and style. Nearly every person in the narrative is char-
acterized by some bodily defect or some blemish. Liider says :

Ludwig musz durchaus in der Dickens 'schen engen, kleinlichen Welt
befangen gewesen sein, dasz der Kiinstler in ihm so verstummt war.
Und im Zusammenhang mit seinem iibrigen Schaffen empfindet man diese
Erzahlung als etwas Fremdes, Unludwigsches, vielleicht hat er sich des-
halb spater nur ungern und dann ungiinstig iiber seine Erzahlungen
ausgesprochen.io

The question of Freytag's relation to Dickens has also at-
tracted some attention recently. It has been demonstrated that
Scott was Freytag's chief model in respect to novelistic form.11
In regard to character drawing Freytag accorded Dickens a place
second to Walter Scott's. For him "Walter Scott was ' ' ein groszer
Dichter, dem es gelingt, sehr verschiedenartige Personlichkeiten
mit guter Laune lebhaft zu empfinden und darzustellen, und das
Ganze der menschlichen Gesellschaft . . . mit liebevoller Zunei-
gung zu verstehen." Dickens, on the other hand, was "ein
glanzender Dichter, dem es gelingt, einen gewissen groszeren
Kreis von Personen und Schicksalen mit ausgezeichnetem Humor
zu empfinden."12

Freytag first became interested in Dickens 's works in Berlin
in 1836, as is evident from certain references to the Pickwick
Papers in his Erinnerungen.13 He evidently read Dickens in
translation, for as late as 1865 he found it difficult to read a
review of his own Verlorene Handschrift in the Times.14 His

loLiider [929] 124.

nUlrich [976]; but cf. Freymond [926].

12 GrenzboUn 1851 IV 264.

is Freytag, Werke I 90.

i* Freymond [926] 14ff.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 545

interest in Dickens was renewed about the year 1850. It was
then that David Copperfield's life history was being translated
into German, and Freytag, like his fellow countrymen, was con-
cerned about his fate. Furthermore three of Freytag 's colleags
on the Grenboten were Dickens enthusiasts. Julius Seybt trans-
lated many novels of Dickens ;15 Jacob Kaufmann helpt prepare
the translation of one volume ; and Julian Schmidt was Dickens 's
most whole-hearted advocate in Germany.

The beginnings of Soil und Haben date back to precisely this
time, and investigators have not lookt in vain for traces of David
Copper field in Freytag 's first novel. The search was first for-
mally begun by Volk [925] . Her paper begins with a clear and
succinct statement of general resemblances between Dickens 's
David Copperfield and Freytag 's Soil und Haben. Both authors
seek the people at labor, tho Dickens is interested in a slightly
more impecunious class than Freytag. Both authors, as a rule,
present main characters, who are either distinctly good or dis-
tinctly bad. Characteristic of both authors is "die liebevolle
Versenkung in das Kleine und Kleinste, die Beseelung lebloser
Dinge und vor allem eine Fiille mitfortreiszenden Humors."16
In connexion with this trait one usually thinks of Sterne and
Jean Paul, but in Freytag 's case the stimulation seems to have
come directly from Dickens. One finds little of this type of
humor in his earlier works.

Yolk supports her first two points by an abundance of page
references, the last point by quotations. The humorous
effect is produced, she says, "(1) durch drollige Vergleiche,
(2) durch Ubertreibung, (3) durch Umschreibung, (4) durch
erlauternde oder das Gesagte korrigierende Nach- und Zwischen-
satze etc." Eleven artifices are named in all. It will be seen
that Volk lays the chief emphasis upon form. But what Dickens
introduced into Germany was not a new form but a new atmo-

15 Freymond [926] 17 gives evidence that it was the Seybt translation
of Nicholas Nickleby that Freytag read. In his private correspondence
Freytag spells the hero's name "Nikolaus" and refers to the "Gebriider
Wohlgemuth" (i.e. Cheeryble).

ie Volk [925] 6.

546 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

sphere. To define atmospheres and compare one with another
is a baffling task, and one with which the traditional methods
are unable to cope.

The work of Freymond [926] is more successful. He bases
his argument not on a minute comparison of stylistic peculiar-
ities but upon the general structure of the novels in question,
upon a comparison of characters and their roles, and of the
material used by the two authors. The study is preceded by a
valuable introduction which shows how Freytag came into close
literary relations with Dickens. Both authors were liberal in
their politics, and Freytag, tho to a less degree than Dickens, was
an agitator for reforms: "Der Kaufmann in Soil und Hob en
redet gegen den bevorzugten Stand, der Professor in Der ver-
lorenen Handschrift gegen die Tyrannen auf den Thronen."17
Dickens 's sympathy is with the lower middle class, Frey tag's
with the upper. Both argue for their opinions by letting indi-
viduals represent classes. The triumph of honesty and a good
heart over selfishness and dishonesty is with both authors a fore-
gone conclusion.

Harmony of sentiment is, however, of more importance than
similarity of view. Freytag demands of an author that he
possess "ein starkes und freudiges Gemiit, voll von gutem Zu-
trauen zur Menschheit, nie verbittert durch das Schlechte und
Verkehrte, dazu die Kenntnis des Lebens und menschlicher
Charaktere, welche durch reiche Beobachtung gefestigt ist/''s
Again he demands that the true poet possess above all a joyful
heart "das aus der Uberfulle seiner warmen Empfindung Freude
mitteilt/'19 Freytag was here advocating the well known Grenz-
boten optimism, but Freymond remarks justly that he was at
the same time characterizing both himself and Dickens.20 Tho
no one claims that Freytag possest the inexhaustible fund of
overflowing good humor from which Dickens was able to draw,

IT Freymond [926] 5.

is Freytag, WerTce XVI 218.

19 Freytag, Gesammelte Aufsatse (Leipzig 1888), II 242.

20 Freymond [926] 10.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 547

the conscious art with which Freytag constructed his novel was
some slight compensation for this inferiority. The characters of
Dickens seem to have created themselves spontaneously and com-
pletely in his imagination, while Freytag thotfully created action
and character by consistent pondering during a period of weeks
or months. During this pre-natal period, as Freymond points
out, the characters were exposed to influences from without.

Regarding the nature of exterior influence Freytag once gave
expression to a thot that is worth quoting for its own sake :

Fast aus jedem Eomane (von Dickens) blieben riihrende oder lebens-
frohe Gestalten fest in der Seele des Lesers. Denn wer da meint, dasz
die Traumgebilde eines Dichters nur wie fliichtige Schatten durch die
Seele gleiten, der verkennt die beste Wirkung der Poesie. Wie alles, was
wir erleben, so lazst auch alles Wirksame, das wir gern lasen, seinen
Abdruck in unserer Seele zuriick. Auch die Sprache des Dichters geht
in unsere iiber, seine Gedanken werden unser Eigentum, auch der Humor
lebt in uns fort.21

Writers whose creative process is intellectual rather than
temperamental are particularly susceptible to material influences.
Lessing admitted: "Ich fiihle die lebendige Quelle der Poesie
nicht in mir,"22 and critics have never tired of seeking his
' ' Yorbilder. ' ' Freytag 's productive process was not unlike Les-
sing's. The idea was the first essential for him; form also stood
high in importance, and the subject matter was relegated to third
place- For his subject matter and characters too Freytag like
Lessing sot models. For a time Freytag drifted with the young
Germans, as Robert Prutz asserted as early as 1858,23 and the
truth of the assertion has since been demonstrated by Mayr-
hofer.24 Freytag became aware of the error of his course and
broke with the young Germans. It was about this time that he
wrote to Tieck: "Mein Ungliick ist, dasz ich allein stehe, sehr
allein, ich entbehre der Forderung durch Mitstrebende zu
sehr."25 Not long after writing this he came in contact with

21 Freytag, Gesammelte Aufsatze II 239.

22 Lessing, Schriften IX 209.

^Deutsches Museum 1858 II 441-458; cf. Price [845] 88.

24 Mayrhofer, Gustav Freytag und das junge Deutschland, BDL I 1907.

25 Quoted by Mayrhofer, ibid., p. 9.

548 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Julian Schmidt, the warm admirer of Dickens. Shortly alter
that he began to read David Copperfield, and then only a brief
period elapst before the beginning of Soil und Hob en. All these
attending circumstances make the assumption of an influence
of David Copperfield on Soil und Haben seem quite plausible.
Freymond parallels the characters Steerforth and Fink, Uriah
Heep and Veitel Itzig, David Copperfield and Anton Wohlfahrt,
Dora Spenlow and Lenore Rothsattel, calling attention to the
household inefficiency of the last named two and contrasting them
in this respect with Agnes Wickfield and Sabina Schroder. He
draws some further parallels from David Copperfield, which are
less convincing. He also finds for certain situations in Soil und
Haben previous instances in other novels of Dickens. In view
of the fact that Ulrich [976] lays stress upon Scott as Frey tag's
model in respect to form, it is fortunate that Freymond empha-
sizes Dickens. A close comparison of the technik of David Cop-
perfield and Soil und Haben shows many resemblances. Both
exhibit the stages of development that have become conventional
for the drama.26 Freymond says definitely that the influence of
Dickens on Die verlorene Handschrift is slight, and most other
investigators seem at least tacitly to agree with him.27

Mielke has thrown out several suggestions in regard to
Dickens 's influence in Germany, most of which have not been
adequately workt out as yet. Dickens, together with Eugene Sue,
opened up a new novelistic field. The criminal novel and the
novel of the proletariat came into vogue thru them. Dickens 's
main impulse therein was his S}7mpathy with the poor and op-
prest. Sue preceded as an agitator would.28 Even the aristo-
cratic Ungern-Sternberg shares with Dickens the hatred of the
lawyers and of the power of money. Like Dickens he defines
the attitude of classes by means of individual representatives,
and Berlin is for him what London was for Dickens.29 Wher-

26 Freymond [926] 22.

27 Cf. Ulrich [976] 80.

28 Mielke [831a] 96.

29 Ibid., p. 100.

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549

ever one finds in the works of Raabe, Polenz, Ernst, Keller such
pictures of poverty, one is reminded of Dickens. In reality,
however, the whole broadening of the social basis of the novel
took place simply because the time was ripe for it. Dickens 's
influence is more easily establisht by a comparison of his charac-
teristic technik with that of his followers.

Mielke makes Jean Paul and Dickens the starting point of
his description of Raabe 's art :

Aber wenn Jean Paul mehr oder minder Phantast, so 1st Raabe gleich
Dickens Realist, er stellt sich in die wirkliche Welt hinein, er sucht sich
seine Originate zusammen, wo er sie findet : in der Schuhwerkstatte, der
einsamen Dachstube, hinter den Aktenstoszen, und wenn es notig ist,
hinter dem Zaun. Er wascht sie nicht und kammt sie nicht, sondern
riickt sie nur in das rechte Licht und entwickelt mit humoristischem
Behagen, das freilich oft zu weit und breit sich ausspinnt, ihre Sonder-
barkeiten, ihre Schnurrpfeifereien, ihr innerstes Gemiitsleben. Kein an-
derer deutscher Dichter hat eine solche Fiille merkwiirdiger Kauze aus
alien moglichen Standen in seinen Werken beisammen.32

Geissendoerfer finds similar resemblances between Raabe and
Dickens. He believes that Dickens influenced Raabe in respect
to composition, technik, and method of characterization, but
refrains from saying whether the influence went farther since
he recognizes that there are evidences that Raabe learned some-
thing from Sterne, Fielding, and Thackeray as well.33

On Fritz Reuter the titles "der deutsche Boz" and "der
plattdeutsche Dickens" were conferred as early as 1865 and
186734 and with much appropriateness. It has been sufficiently
demonstrated that Reuter drew his characters from literary
models as well as from life35 and since he was, like Dickens, a
hater of sham and hypocrisy, an advocate of the down-trodden,
and a sympathizer with the poor ; since in his nature tenderness
and rude humor were blended; he was particularly sensitive to
the influence of Dickens, and exhibited the effects thereof to the

32 ibid., p. 191.

33 Geissendoerfer [923] 24.

34 BerUner Reform, Dec. 22, 1865, and Literarischer Handweiser, No. 59
of 1867.

35 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [913ax], [929ax], [930], [935], [940x],and [954x].

550 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

fullest degree. Fritz Reuter read the works of Dickens, prob-
ably in the translations of Seybt, Roberts, and Moriarty,36 and
during the time of his imprisonment he learned portions of
Dickens 's work almost by heart. His biographer Warncke says:

Un wo girn hiirten de Ollen un de Jungen em tau, wenn hei von sine
lange Festungstid vertellte, wenn hei an de Winterabende 'ne richtige
Kemedi upfiihren ded in de ein Stuw, wo von wegen de Kiill en Vorhang
anbrocht wir, oder wenn hei ut de Englanner Charles Dickens un Walter
Scott ehre Banker vorlesen ded. Dat kunn hei binah ahn Bauk, blot ut'n
Kopp, indem dat hei de Geschichten up de Festung lest hadd und so 'n
behollern Kopp hadd, dat hei sei man ummer so herseggen kunn.37

Geist calls attention to the vain attempts on the part of
critics to identify one or another of Renter's associates with
Brasig in Ut mine Stromtid despite the fact that Reuter himself
said only Pomuchelskopp, Slus'uhr, and Moses were drawn from
life.38 That Mr. Pickwick was the chief model for Brasig, Geist
has demonstrated quite clearly. The Pickwick papers appealed
to Reuter most strongly and characters and situations therefrom
recur frequently in his works. The first conception of Inspektor
Brasig dates back to a time soon after the appearance of the
Pickwick papers. Presumably Ut mine Stromtid was begun
about that time, tho it was not publisht until 1862. In the in-
terval the character appeared from time to time in certain of
Renter's minor works.39 Meyer had already pointed out the con-
nexion between the certain characters and their adventures,40
but Geist draws the comparison in detail.

Other tales of Dickens have left their undeniable influence
on Renter's literary work. The leading character in Woans ick
tau 'ne Fru kamm goes to sleep and wakes up a reformed and
recreated individual as in Dickens 's Christmas carol and The
chimes. Barnaby Rudge has also left its traces in Renter's

36 Geist [930] 5.

37 Warncke, F. Reuter: Woans hei lewt un schrewen hett* (Stuttgart
1906), p. 275.

ss Geist [930] 25.

39 Ibid., p. 26.

40 Meyer [929x] 131.

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551

Stromtid. Simon Tappertit, Dolly Varden, her father, and Joe
Willet, and Miss Miggs all have their counterparts in Renter's
Stromtid; their relations to each other are similar and their
characteristics are similar.

Dickens and Renter each wrote one work variously judged
by different critics but manifestly apart from their usual type
of productions. These works were Hard times (1854) and Kein
Husung (1857). Tho written in verse, Renter's work is in many
respects analogous to Dickens 's. Both works are manifestos of
social reform, and tho Renter may well be credited with a spon-
taneous impulse to a work of this kind Dickens was not without
his influence here as well. As Geist says: "Die Idee zur Be-
handlung eines sozialen Stoffes lag in der Zeitstimmung gegeben,
das Dickenssche Vorbild ermunterte zur Aufiihrung und gab
manche Anregungen, die deutsche und speziell mecklenburgische
Geschichte bot den Stoff dar."41 Geist supports this assertion
by paralleling the characters and general and particular situa-
tions described in the two stories in question. Examples of bor-
rowing of character and situation on the part of Renter in other
novels are also presented in abundance. It is of more importance
to note the extent to which the form of Dickens 's novels was
influential on Renter's. These questions Geist treats specifically
and adequately.

Fritz Reuter began as a " hochdeutsche " narrator, wavering
between verse form and prose. Dickens wrote from the begin-
ning in prose. He wrote in normal English, but in his earliest
works, particularly in Pickwick papers, he introduced a large
number of street types and members of various working classes
who spoke their various dialects. In his later works Dickens
diminisht the number of dialect-using characters. Reuter on the
other hand developt into a dialect author of the pure type, but
there was a transitional period during which he wrote "hoch-
deutsche Romane," but with numerous dialect-speaking charac-
ters. When Klaus Groth took him to task for this mixt form

4i Geist [930] 33.

552 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Reuter responded by claiming the sanction of Scott, Dickens,
Lessing, Goethe, and Schiller. The reference to Dickens is
especially significant, Geist says, since the use of dialect in
Dickens 's earliest works and Renter 's transitional works so nearly
corresponded.42

Reuter was like Dickens, furthermore, in his manner of
presenting characters. Both present a complete view of their
characters at their first entrance, thus precluding the possibility
of all further development. As the characters reappear the
authors usually repeat the original characterization in a more
or less varied form.43 Both authors endow their figures with
characterizing, often humorous names. One humorous means
with both is the distortion of foren words44 in the mouths of the
half -educated, another is "das Hervortreten der Subjektivitat
des Autors."45 This last of course is part of Dickens 's heritage
from Sterne, which may have descended also to Reuter thru the
romanticists.46 Geist himself, in support of his contention as
to form-influence, lays his chief stress on the manner in which
dialect is employed and on the method of introducing characters.

In summarizing the extent of Dickens 's influence Geist does
full justice to Renter's originality:

Es 1st unmoglich, dasz Eeuter, ' ' der unter den diinngesaten Humoristen
Deutschlands an erster Stelle steht, und der als plattdeutscher Dichter
uraltes Volkstum vor dem Untergange bewahrt hat, ' '47 nun etwa nur der
sklavische Nachahmer von Dickens oder irgendeines fremden Vorbildes
sonst hatte sein kb'nnen. Wenn er auch unbedenklich das Muster der
Dickensschen Technik auf sich einwirken liesz, und seine Gestalten manch-
mal an die des Englanders erinnern, wir haben gesehen, dasz wir im
allgemeinen nur mit Reminiszenzen, nicht mit direkten Entlehnungen zu
rechnen haben, und dasz er alien Figuren, die solchem literarischen Einflusz
ihre Entstehung mit verdanken, ein durchaus originelles Gewand gegeben
und neue Seiten abgewonnen hat.4®

42 Ibid., p. 13.

« Ibid., pp. 14 and 17.

44 Ibid., p. 22.

45 Ibid., p. 23.

46 Of. SURVEY, p. 476f .

47 Allgemeine deutsche Biographic XXVIII 319f. (Boesz).

48 Geist [930] 42.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 553

Skinner in his brief article [931] has indicated in a general
way Spielhagen 's indebtedness to Dickens. Spielhagen admitted
his admiration for the English novel and for Dickens in partic-
ular ; he called Dickens, Goethe, and Goldsmith * ' die Epiker von
Gottes Gnaden" and held David Copperfield to be a model
novel.49

The "Ich-Roman" Hammer und Ambos presents a striking
parallel to David Copperfield. Its hero Georg has a childish
passion for Constanze, who, like David Copperfield 's Emily, is
ensnared by a beguiler of a higher station in life and elopes with
him. Georg 's second love is Hermine, a spoiled child whom he
marries, but who, like David's Dora, dies not long after. Georg
.then marries Paula, a quiet, peaceful, serene friend, whom he
has long known, and who corresponds closely to David's Agnes.
There are also resemblances in minor characters. Other similar
notes are a common interest in prison reform and a like contempt
for the business of the lawyer. The persons are characterized
by individual, grotesk, or striking peculiarities after the manner
of Dickens. Skinner closes his article with a detailed parallel
between the shipwreck scene in David Copperfield, in which Ham
loses his life, and the one in the twentieth chapter of Spielhagen 's
Noblesse oblige.

Geissendoerf er supplements the picture of Dickens 's influence
to a slight extent by his parallels of the English humorist with
certain German writers. His conclusion in regard to Raabe has
been quoted above. His conclusions in regard to Ungern-
Sternberg and Hesslein are of no great interest since they deal
with imitations by third-rate authors. In the case of Ebner-
Eschenbach he has also only a close comparison between Oliver
Twist and Das Gemeindekind to offer. The general theme of the
two novels is the same but the treatment is quite different.50
Finally Mielke may be quoted to the effect that Thomas Mann

49 Spielhagen, Beitrdge zur Theorie und TechniJc des Eomans (1883) 226-
227; cf. 228 and 240 and Finder und Erfinder (1890) I 377 and II 395;
quoted by Skinner [931] 499.

so Geissendoerf er [923] 24

554 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

makes use of Dickens 's technik especially in his method of intro-
ducing characters.51

The recent studies taken together give a fairly good quanti-
tative view of the influence of Dickens in Germany. The investi-
gators have probably overlookt no important follower of Dickens.
But when a final summary of Dickens 's influence on Germany
is undertaken, it is to be hoped that the essayist will lay less
stress upon form and subject matter than Yolk and Geissen-
doerfer have done, and rather more upon the new atmosphere
which Freytag and his contemporaries felt to have been intro-
duced by Dickens. The problem of Dickens 's influence in Ger-
many is after all an elusive one which can scarcely be solved by
the ordinary methods of procedure.

[831a] 337.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 555

CHAPTER 23
AMERICA IN GERMAN LITERATURE

America appealed to the Germans from the first as a new
idea, a new realm for the imagination to lay hold of, a new hope.
It provided inspiration for the " storm and stress" dramatists;
it was the land of freedom from restraint for which they sighed j1
to many liberal journalists and poets of the time it was the home
of political liberty.2 Later it became, as Goethe said, the Eldo-
rado of those who felt themselves restricted in their present
circumstances.3 From these practical considerations it is con-
venient to treat of American influences apart from the common
current of English literature.

After Cooper had attracted attention to the existence of an
American literature, comments thereon were numerous in Ger-
man journals and were especially frequent about 1850. The
Magazin fur die Literatur des Auslandes* the Blatter fur liter-
arische Unterhaltungf and the Deutsches Museum6 were unani-
mous in stating that an independent national literature did not
exist in America. Julian Schmidt, the editor of the Grenzboten,
said: "Die junge (amerikanische) romantische Schule, die
jetzt in der Poesie sich immer mehr ausbreitet, beruht ganz auf
Reminiszenzen der jung-englischen und der deutschen Liter-
atur."7 The works of Longfellow, Bryant, Poe, Dana, Halleck,

1 It is significant that the scene of the drama which gave its name to
the movement, Klinger's Sturm und Drang (1776), should have been laid in
America.

2 Schubart and Schiller took sides directly with the colonists at the
time of the American war for independence, while Wekhrlin believed
England to be the bulwark of political liberty and order. See Walz [97]
reviewed in SURVEY, p. 185f.

s Goethe, Werke I 29, 156.

3a Cf . conclusion of this chapter.

4 Magazin fur die Literatur des Auslandes, Oct. 1856, p. 470. A writer
for the same magazine April 15, 1876 (p. 228), was of the contrary opinion;
see Vollmer [803a] 13.

s BLU 1852, p. 426f .

e Deutsches Museum 1854 I 364f .

7 Grenzhoten 1854 I 79.

556

University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

he added, "sind durchaus nicht aus dem nationalen Leben her-
vorgegangen. Wir horen in ihnen Byron, Shelley, die Schule
der Seen, Goethe und andere deutsche Dichter heraus." Her-
mann Marggraff took the most hopeful view of the situation and
discovered at least, "Ansatze zu einer wirklich originellen Liter-
atur." "Triigt uns unser Blick nicht," he said, "so werden
kiinftige Zeiten jenseits des Ozeans eine Literatur entwickeln
sehen, welche die Vorziige der deutschen und der englischen
Literatur verschmelzen und die Fehler und Einseitigkeiten der
einen wie der andern vermeiden wird."8 It would be an ex-
aggeration to assert that a melting process of just this selective
nature had taken place, but it is certainly true that from the
outset American literature was to a large extent adopted and
adapted and this should make us wary of speaking definitely of
the influence of American literature on European. In speaking
of America as a subject matter one is, however, on secure ground.
The most influential factors in drawing the attention of Ger-
many to America were economic hardship and political unrest
at home. In 1817 twenty thousand Germans were driven by
hunger to America. Between 1820 and 1830 fifteen thousand
more followed. Between 1830 and "1840 the number reached one
hundred and fifty thousand, chiefly as a result of the unsuccess-
ful uprising of 1832-1833 ; and, as Barba points out,8a there was
scarcely a family in Germany thereafter but had near or remote
relatives in America. The emigrants looked to descriptive works
and the prose fiction of emigration for guidance. One of the
most influential works in directing emigration to America, par-
ticularly to the Missouri valley, was that of Gottfried Duden;9

8BLU 1857, p. 739; quoted by Price [845] 42.

s* Barba [813] 194.

9 The full title of Duden 's work was: Bericht uber eine Eeise nach den
westlichen Staaten Nord-Amerikas und einen mehrjdhrigen Aufenthalt am
Missouri in Besug auf Auswanderung und ubervolkerung oder das Leben im
Innern der Vereinigten Staaten und dessen Bedeutung fur die hdusliche und
politische Lage der Europder dargestellt: a. in einer Sammlung von Brief en;

b. in einer Abhandlung uber den politischen Zustand der Nord-Amerikaner ;

c. in einem Nachtrage fur auswandernde deutsche Ackerwirthe u. diejenigen,
welche an Handelsunternelimungen denken. Von Gottfried Duden. St. Gallen
1832.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 557

but the stories of Cooper and his German imitators were also
important factors, for the settler in the new country and the
native Indian appealed above all to the romantic inclination of
German readers. We are indebted to Barba for making acces-
sible the facts in connexion with the emigration literature. His
investigations have dealt with Cooper in Germany [915], the
American Indian in German fiction [812], the sources of Seals-
field's novels [828], the works of two followers of Cooper, M611-
hausen [917] and Strubberg [919], and emigration to America
reflected in German fiction [813] . These studies need be repro-
duced here only in outline.

For the most part American frontier life has been reflected
only in German fiction of no great literary value ; but it had as
its first sponsor no less an author than Goethe. ' He was well
informed in regard to American geography and American con-
ditions. He received visits from Americans and read books about
America from 1816 on. Among the books he read were 1822
Struve 's North American mineralogy and Ludwig Gall 's Auswan-
derung nach den Vereinigten Stoat en and 1823 Irving 's Sketch
book. His interest in America was heightened when Herzog
Bernhard von Sachsen- Weimar-Eisenach, the younger son of
Karl August, left for America. Herzog Bernhard kept a diary
especially for his parents and relatives, but this was later pub-
lisht in Germany.9" We find Goethe on April 26, 1826, asking
for permission to read some of the pages of this diary.9b This
renewed interest in America set in shortly before Goethe pre-
pared the last book of the Wanderjahre for the ' ' Ausgabe letzter
Hand" and is exprest thru the character of the Oheim.

Goethe read three of Cooper's novels during the month of
October 1826, at the time when he was finishing his Novelle:
the Pioneers, the Last of the Mohicans, and the Spy. He fol-

Sr. Hoheit des Herzogs Bernhard zu Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach
durch Nordamerika in den Jahren 1825 und 1836 , Weimar 1828; 2 vols. An
English translation was publisht in Philadelphia the same year.

ob Goethe, Werlce IV 41, 17; cf. ibid., IV 41, 206, also 42, 259, and
Briefivechsel zwischen Goethe und Zelter (Berlin 1834) IV 341, the poem
beginning, "Amerika du hast es besser / Als unser Continent." See Cams
[817x].

558 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

lowed these up with the Pilot November 4, and the Prairie and
Red Rover during the next thirteen months, as is shown by his
Tagebucher. He had begun to write Die Jagd thirty years be-
fore, and he told Eckermann that his Novelle was a continuation
of that work.9C It is the Pioneers that especially influenced
Goethe in his Novelle, as Wukadinovic [916] in a close compar-
ison of the two works has shown. He finds evidence of the
influence in the grouping of characters, in the landscape painting,
and in the language of some of the persons in the Novelle.

In an article entitled Stoff und Gehalt zur Bearbeitung vorge-
schlagen (1827) Goethe commends America as a worthy theme
for young authors, and suggests helpful reading on the subject.
He makes a definite, practical suggestion as to the hero of such
a tale:

Die Hauptfigur, der protestantische Geistliche, der, selbst auswande-
rungslustig, die Auswandernden ans Meer und dann hiniibergefiihrt und
oft an Moses in den Wiisten erinnern wiirde, miiszte eine Art von Dr.
Primrose sein, der mit so viel Verstand als gutem Willen, mit so viel
Bildung als Thatigkeit bei allem, was er unternimmt und fordert, doch
imrner nicht weisz, was er thut, von seiner "ruling passion" fortgetrieben,
dasjenige, was er sich vorsetzte, durchzufiihren genb'tigt wird und erst
am Ende zu Atem kommt, wenn aus grenzenlosem Unverstand und uniiber-
sehbarem Unheil sich zuletzt noch ein ganz leidliches Dasein hervorthut.io

It would almost seem that Willkomm in his novel Die Euro-
pamuden ten years later (1837) consciously made use of Goethe's
suggestion; for he chose as his main figure a clergyman who
profest to lead the discontented from the moribund Europe to a
free land.

As a counterpart to Die Europamiiden may be mentioned here
the much later work of Kiirnberger Der Amerikamude (1858).
This is a novel of disillusionment as Die Europamiiden was of
hopefulness. It commanded much attention because it was held
to be a reliable picture of American life, and because it was
thot that Lenau's unhappy experiences in America formed the
basis of the story. It has later been discovered that the author

9C Eckermann, Gesprache, p. 160; conversation of Jan. 15, 1827.
10 Goethe, WerTce I 41, 2, 293.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 559

had never seen America and that Lenau did not become his model
until the novel was well advanced.11

Other writers of greater literary merit who, without ever
having seen the land, have laid the scene of portions of their
novels in America are Spielhagen with his Deutsche Pioniere
(1870), Auerbach with Das Landkaus am Rhein (1879), and
Stifter with his Kondor (1840). Gutzkow has one of his
American characters in Die Bitter vom Geiste come from the
"Urwald" near Columbia, Missouri, and Freytag's Frick in
Soil und Hob en has past part of his life in America, to the
detriment of his character.

The scene of Die Pilger der Wildnis (1853) lies wholly in
America. Here the author, J. G. Scherr, treats of King Philip's
war, the theme of Cooper's Wept of Wish-ton-Wish. Tho there
are numerous reminiscences of the Leather-stocking tales in the
story, it is written on the whole in an independent and original
fashion.11" Fanny Lewald's Diogena (1847) also deserves men-
tion. In this satirical novel she lets her supercultivated rival,
the Grafin Hahn-Hahn, journey to America to be there humil-
iated by a redskin of the type that Cooper created.111*

That Stifter was more advantageously influenced by Cooper
than any of the other authors named above has been shown by
Sauer [918]. Reared in a remote forest Stifter was susceptible
to the attraction of Cooper's novels. Tho he nowhere mentions
Cooper it is clear that America possest for him a strong allure-
ment. There are suggestions of Sealsfield also in his writings,
but the Cooper note is stronger. Even the posture of Gregor
in the Hochwald is made to resemble Natty Bumpo's favorite
attitude of resting on his gun. This is mere imitation, it is true,
but there is genuine influence as well ; for it was Cooper who
releast Stifter 's tongue and let him express his ever felt love of
the forest solitude. As Sauer says, "durch Coopers Eingreifen
ist aus einem mittelmaszigen Maler ein hervorragender Dichter
geworden. ' '12

ii See Mulfinger [820]. nblbid., p. 12f.
naBarba [915] 14f. 12 Sauer [918] 51.

560 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Cooper was the first to satisfy properly European curiosity
about America and the first to make American literature gen-
erally known abroad. The American inventor Morse reported
having seen Cooper's works in thirty-four different places in
Europe, and he added: ''They have been seen by American
travelers in the languages of Turkey and Persia, in Constanti-
nople, in Egypt, at Jerusalem, and Ispahan."13

More than any other European people the Germans were
interested in Cooper, who rivaled his contemporary Scott14 for
first place in the affection of novel readers. The earlier journal-
istic reviews of Cooper scarcely rose above an unfruitful com-
parison of Cooper with Scott. The better considered remarks of
Goethe and Borne are more interesting. Goethe wrote in his
diary June 26, 1827: "Den zweiten Teil der Prcdrie geendigt.
. . . Las den Cooperschen Eoman bis gegen das Ende und be-
wunderte den reichen Stoff und dessen geistreiche Behandlung.
Nicht leicht sind Werke mit so groszem Bewusztsein und solcher
Consequenz durchgefiihrt als die Cooperschen Romane. ' '15 Borne
repeats the question now familiar to us and answers it in the
usual fashion:156

Warum haben wir keine guten Romane, da wir doch alle geborne
Eomanhelden sind? Wir haben keine, weil der Grundsatz wahr ist:
Um etwas zu erfahren, musz man etwas tun, wir miissen gehen, dasz etwas
uns begegne. . . . Die ganze Menschheit ist ein Volk, die ganze Erde ist
ein Land; Gaben, Miihen und Geniisse sind verteilt — die Englander
schreiben Romane und wir lesen sie. Ja, wenn es blosz die Englander
waren ! Dasz aber selbst die Amerikaner es uns zuvorgetan, so ein
junges Volk, das kaum die schwabische Reife erlangt, das beschamt, das
entmutigt. Washington Irving, Cooper und noch andere! Ware Cooper
ein ausgezeichneter Kiinstler wie Walter Scott es ist, das mochte uns
beruhigen. . . . Solch ein Genius ist Cooper nicht. Manche Deutsche
kommen ihm gleich an Kunstfertigkeit; er hat nur vor ihnen voraus,
dasz er ein Amerikaner ist.n*

13 Quoted bv Lounsbury in his life of Cooper; requoted by Barba
[915] 53.

14 Cooper's Spy appeared in German translation in 1817, while Ivanhoe,
the work which establisht Scott's reputation (see SURVEY, p. 498), did not
come out until two years later.

is Goethe, WerTce III 11, 76.
i5u Cf . SURVEY, p. 298f .
ie Borne, Sohriften V 236.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 561

Cooper's popularity was due in large measure to the two
new types which he introduced into literature, the Indian and
the settler. The Indian, it is true, was not a wholly new theme.
Chateaubriand had conceived him as the unspoiled child of nature
in the Kousseauistic sense. 16a The native refinement of the Indian
in Atala (1800) and Rene (1802)18 put the corrupt European
to shame. The final work of the series was delayed until 1826
and was coolly received, in Germany at least. A realistic age
had begun that believed no more in the existence of such a
paragon as the noble aborigine of Chateaubriand.

Cooper's Spy (1821) marks the opening of a new phase
as far as the picture of the Indian was concerned. The Indian
of Cooper first imprest the public as being intensely realistic.
Needless to say this impression soon wore off, but the vogue of
Cooper, continued thruout the century in Germany.19 Of
Cooper's new motifs the one that appealed most strongly to
American and European publics was the tragedy of the dying
race. For a brief time Cooper was without competitors, but soon
a school of writers developt that answered to Borne 's challenge.
Sealsfield, Gerstacker, Ruppius, Strubberg, and Mollhausen may
be considered imitators of Cooper in a particular sense, for they
became frontiersmen, travelers, and adventurers in America,
studying the life of settler and Indian at first hand and making
use of their observations in their novels of American life. It
will be of some interest to note the slightly different method in
which these authors treated first the Indian and second the settler,
but it is first necessary to note the nature of their contact with
frontier life.

ie* Cf. von Klenze [807].

i? See BIBLIOGRAPHY, nos. [915] ff.

is Both were translated into German in the year of their publication.

i9Barba's monograph on Cooper in Germany closes with a list of
German translations and adaptations (1824-1911). It effectively answers
Goedeke's question in Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung III (1881), p.
1345: " Coopers Eomane — Wer liest sie nich?" There are several trans-
lations for every year from 1824-1851. The non-producing years of the
entire period, 1824-1911, are 1852, 1854-1861, 1863-1865, 1867-1873, and
the year 1885. The most productive year was 1853, which doubtless
accounts in part for the pause thereafter.

562 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Carl Postl (Charles Sealsfield ) , an Austrian monk, tiring of
his monastic bonds, fled into Switzerland, wrote there a book
which exposed Metternich, and was compelled to flee from
Europe to America. The years 1823-1830 he spent chiefly in
New Orleans, New York, and Mexico, but he saw little frontier
life during the period. He made visits to America again in
1837, 1850, and 1853, the latter two after his literary career was
practically finisht. As early as 1827 Sealsfield was advocating
American institutions as against German ones and as late as
1862 after long residence in Germany he was referring to America
as his country,20 and he caused to be written on his tombstone
"Charles Sealsfield, Burger von Nordamerika. " His actual
knowledge of American conditions, particularly of frontier con-
ditions, was deficient. He covered up this defect by extensive
borrowings from current American literature, acknowledging his
loans in terms in terms so ambiguous that they have been dis-
regarded until recently. In the past few years Heller, Bordier,
and Barba21 have discovered some of the sources of his Tokeah
or the white rose (1829), the German version of which (1833)
was called Der Legitime und der Repiiblikaner , George Howards
Esq. Brautfahrt (1834) (= Transatlantische Reiseskizzen, 1834),
Chnstophorus Bdrenhduter (1834), Der Fluch Kishogues (1841),
and Das Kajiitenbuch (1841). The source of Der Fluch
Kishogues was a story of a similar name by Samuel Lover. In
the other works he borrowed judiciously from Chateaubriand,
Cooper, and Irving, but more recklessly from the current pro-
vincial American literature.22 Thompson [826], on the other
hand, counterbalances these discoveries in some measure by
showing that the novel Morton oder die grosze Tour (1835) is
based to a large extent on personal observation ; and that Cooper,
Irving, and Scott, much as Sealsfield admired the last named
author, were but slightly influential on the style of this novel.

In the case of the other members of the group of exotic
writers the question of literary influence scarcely comes up at
in GAA I 3 (1897) 96f.

21 See BIBLIOGRAPHY [823]-[828].

22 Cf. Heller [823] and [824].

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 563

all. Despite their tremendous productivity (Sealsfield publisht
over a hundred and fifty volumes, Strubberg over fifty, and
Mollhausen over one hundred and sixty), they were primarily
men of affairs rather than men of letters. Gerstacker was "at
various times a hunter, sailor, cook, silversmith, manufacturer,
and hotel proprietor,"23 but always a traveler. Strubberg was
a frontiersman and colonizing agent.24 Mollhausen was a scien-
tist and explorer ;25 and writing was the occupation of their few
idle years. The career of Kuppius was slightly different from
that of the others but not less interesting. In 1848 he was a
journalist in Berlin. He was condemned to imprisonment on
account of an article publisht in his paper. He fled to America,
gained a small fortune as a musician, but lost it in a fire in 1853.
Then he began a successful literary career, the best known
products of which are Der Pedlar (1857) and Das Vermdcktnis
des Pedlars (1859). An amnesty having been declared in
Prussia, he returned in 1861 to his fatherland. From this time
on until his death in 1864 he produced novels of American life
in rapid succession. He claimed little knowledge of the Indian
or of frontier life, but he had studied the German settler well
and sympathetically.26

In addition to these there were numerous other German
authors who became personally familiar with American frontier
life and who described it for their countrymen. Among these
Barba mentions Karl Theodor Griesinger, Adalbert Graf von
Baudissin, Karl Friedrich von Wickede. Two others of the
same literary group eventually associated themselves with
America. These were Therese Albertine Louise von Jacob
(Talvj) and Reinhold Solger, the author of Anton in Amerika:
Seitenstiick zu Freytags "Soil und Haben" (1862). 27

Not one of the group of German frontiersmen described the
Indian with consistent realism. Sealsfield 's Tokeah is a piece

-'a Barba [813] 205.

24 ibid., p. 208ff. (cf. Barba [919]).

25 Ibid., p. 213ff. (cf. Barba [917]).

26 Ibid., p. 202ff.

27 Ibid., p. 220.

564 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

of pure Chateaubriandian romance, which fact signifies little
regarding the author, since it was a "borrowed" tale. Else-
where Sealsfield avoided the subject, presumably because of lack
of familiarity with it. Ruppius also seems to have had little to
say regarding the Indian and for a similar reason. G-er stacker
knew the Indian well and was often realistic to the point of
coarseness, but he was inconsistent in his realism and often harkt
back to the sentimentality of Rousseau. This is more evident in
his * * Siidseeromane " Tahiti (1854) and Die Missiondre (1868).
Strubberg's novels of Indian life have an ethnographic value,
but he too is inconsistent. Barba says: "Where he has dealt
with masses of Indians or introduced them as minor characters
he has portrayed them realistically enough ; however, in instances
where the Indian is an important factor in the development of
the story there is a tendency to idealize."28 While Strubberg
liked best to portray the Indians in groups, Mollhausen pictures
individual types with a larger measure of realism, but even with
him there are occasional lapses into romanticism.

The writers mentioned above also treated of the German
emigrant in quite diverse ways. Sealsfield, the earliest of the
novelists in question, portrayed all manner of people, Indians,
Yankees, and various types of settlers. The German settler, how-
ever, plays a minor role in the narratives, and on the whole it
is clear enuf that Sealsfield held the German emigrant to be
stupid and worthy of little esteem. With Ruppius, on the other
hand, the German settler was a paragon of virtue and industry,
whose life stood in markt contrast to that of the dishonest Yankee,
who sot to take advantage of him. It is little wonder that the
works of Ruppius were popular in Germany and that his version
of American life and emigrant character soon became the ac-
cepted one in Germany.

Of Gerstacker 's one hundred and fifty or more novels several
deal with American frontier life. Gerstacker was less prejudiced
than his two predecessors. His works were essentially true to
the facts and could serve as a safe guide to emigrants. He held

28 Barba [812] 159.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 565

out no glowing prospects. Indeed the stories he told of the
deceived emigrant rather tended to discourage emigration; but
some of his Yankees are honest, and some of his Germans are
rogues.

None of the authors just mentioned had so good an oppor-
tunity to study frontier life in detail at first hand as had Strub-
berg and Mollhausen. Strubberg's theme was life on the Texas
frontier. Mollhausen 's tales were less localized, for he was an
explorer. Strubberg deals with colonists, especially German col-
onists, in masses; Mollhausen pictures types. Barba has pro-
vided us with a monograph upon each of these authors.29

Interesting as their writings are to students of international
cultural relations, one has the feeling that Gerstackers and M611-
hausens signify nothing definite in the way of literary influences.
They were simply German authors with a love of the romantic
or exotic who chose the American frontier as one of their chief
themes. One turns with hopeful expectation therefore to the
article by von Krockow [811], which propounds a real problem
of literary influence : ' ' What has been the influence of national
embodiments of home characters upon descriptions of the same
by foreign writers ? ' ' She makes the question more specific "and
asks to what extent German novelists have adopted the American
novelists ' pictures of Americans.

Von Krockow divides American fiction into two large groups,
the old romantic school and the modern realistic school. She con-
siders the novels of Hawthorne30 and Cooper the best examples
of the romantic school. Cooper brot a * ' fresh assortment of per-
sonages ' ' in his Indian and war novels, wherein the knights and
lairds of Walter Scott appear disguised in homespun or buck-
skins and moccasins. They are essentially romantic characters
(Harvey Birch is an example) who, in the absence of a sub-
stantial reason for sacrificing their lives, offer their lives up for
anv or no reason.31

29 Barba [917] and [919].

30 von Krockow [811] 824-825.
si Ibid., p. 826.

566 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

As characters whom the Americans recognize, on the other
hand, as being essentially true to life von Krockow mentions
Mark Twain's Colonel Sellers and the western prospectors of
Bret Harte. Howell's characters approach reality, but are
rather too conscious of class differences to be genuinely American
(e.g. Silas Lapham and Lemuel Barker, the latter in The min-
ister's charge).

Now the notable fact to von Krockow 's mind is that the
Germans have been preoccupied by the romantic type of liter-
ature in America and have paid little heed to the realistic char-
acters. Cooper's novels are epics of the most primitive sort, the
kind which make heroes or demi-gods of the principal characters.
The next stage is that which contrasts the national type with a
foren one. This, the author notes, is practically absent from
American fiction in spite of the confrontations of different nation-
alities in American life.

We have no counterpart, in other words, of the Frenchman who plays
so ridiculous a role in English novels, or of the Jew who is the cheap
villain of German and Kussian literatures; no analogues of Debit and credit
and the historical novels of Gutzkow; no duplicates of Anton, whose
transparent honesty is made plain against the dark career of Itzel Veitig
(sic).32

The German painters of American emigrant types, von
Krockow says, have pursued a different course:

The outlines of Cooper 's heroes are filled out by Gerstacker, Kuppius,
Mollhausen, Spielhagen, and Schiicking33 with German occupants. Native
Prussians, Bavarians, Wiirttembergers supplant the early Yankee colonists
as masters over Indians, enemies, and fate. Indeed often the tables are
turned wholly against the original Yankee. His shrewdness becomes
unscrupulousness while the pure virtues are shown up in the German hero
of the story. From the beginning to the end of the tale American license
is set in contrast with Teutonic civil order and conscientiousness. s±

32 Ibid., p. 827.

33 Neither Spielhagen nor Schucking visited America. The former has
some American characters in his novels. Von Krockow comments else-
where in her essay on these, but she leaves the inclusion of Schiicking
unmotivated.

s* von Krockow [811] 834.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 567

This is an interesting observation, but its value diminishes on
closer inspection. If we drop the names Spielhagen and Schiick-
ing as not being in any important sense followers of Cooper, and
if we substitute Sealsfield and Strubberg for them, the statement
is no longer true. For Sealsfield, as has been shown, treated the
German emigrant with contempt, and even the Gerstacker of
von Krockow's original statement was by no means prejudiced
in his favor.

This somewhat indiscriminate method of generalization makes
one slightly suspicious of the value of von Krockow's assertion
regarding the modern American girl in German fiction. Amer-
ican literature has no doubt created some new types of woman-
hood. Howells's American girl is one type. Instead of conceding
and yielding everything to the man she loves in German fashion,
she is austere and insists that her lover shall measure up to her
standard in all things. This, von Krockow says, is a true picture
at least of one type of an American girl. Henry James painted
another type in Daisy Miller. The American public was ready
to accept her lack of breeding and admit the veracity of the
portrait because it was still free to claim maiden purity as a
national racial trait. These pictures, von Krockow says, have not
been without influence. In general the result has been a com-
promize between preconceived ideas and the American pictures.
"Frankness as a trait of American girls is made to figure con-
spicuously in foreign literatures and is often shown in German
fiction to have its source in a general physical and moral
courage."35 The Germans have accepted the crudities and the
freedoms of Daisy Miller, however, without comprehending that
they can be combined with immunity to temptation, ' * nor is the
American girl represented as clinging to the maiden period with
zest and keen appreciation of its superior freedom. ' ' The heroism
of the American girl in German fiction is the familiar "ewig
weibliche" literary heroism of self -surrender.35 This sounds
plausible and is no doubt true, but the author supports it in

35 Ibid., p. 837.

568 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

detail by only one -instance and not a notable one at that, namely
by the case of Miss Webster in Die Amerikanerin by Sophie
Junghaus.

As a final characteristic of Americans in German fiction von
Krockow mentions the American sense of superiority. "The
Yankee or the Americanized German feels himself better, smarter,
and freer than Bismarck 's . Prussians. . . . Sometimes this char-
acteristic is introduced, as by Gustav Freytag, to be put to shame,
but it is there."35

The author says in conclusion :

The traits that are prominent in our portraiture of ourselves are faith-
fully raised in relief by German fiction. The modeling touches put upon
them bring forth different individuals, but their species is the same.
The hero is middle-aged and material, the elderly matron invalid, and
the heroine young and independent. There are no heroines of thirty, nor
are there any naive Margarets. These prevailing types are set aside
once for all whenever Americans are represented.36

In his investigation of The American novel in Germany
Vollmer [803a] treats only of the period since 1871. Such a
limitation is justified not only by the new political phases upon
which the two countries were entering, but also by the fact that
the older group of American writers past off the scene at about
that time and gave way to a new group. Harriet Beecher Stowe's
famous novel belongs, it is true, to both periods, as MacLean
[999] has shown, but Hawthorne, Cooper, and Irving had ceast
to write by 1871. Alcott's Old fashioned girl was first trans-
lated into German in 1870, and about the same time Mark
Twain's Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer, Bret Harte's Tales
of California, and Henry James's Daisy Miller made their ap-
pearance in Germany.

Vollmer does not seek to define the impression that the
American novel has made in Germany, but he is able to show
that it is widely read there. His evidence consists of a long
bibliographical list of translations and reprints of American
novels in Germanv. He restricts his attention to American

se Ibid., p. 838.

1920] Price: Englisli> German Literary Influences — Survey 569

novelists who have come to the fore in America since 1870 and
whose works have been translated or reprinted in Germany since
then. It is not surprising to learn that Mark Twain stands
foremost with one hundred and thirty-five translations or re-
prints and that Bret Harte follows him with one hundred and
seven. Then follow Anna Katherine Green with eighty-two,
Frances Hodgson Burnett with seventy-two, and F. Marion
Crawford with sixty. Lew Wallace with thirty-six owes his
popularity almost exclusively to Ben HUT, of which thirty-one
reprints or translations have appeared in Germany. Only eight
other authors have attained a total of twenty translations or
reprints. They are in order of apparent popularity John Heb-
berton, Henry James, R. H. Savage, L. M. Alcott, H. H. Jackson,
Gertrude Atherton, Edward Bellamy, and W. D. Howells. In
many cases a high degree of popularity has been attained by an
American novelist in Germany in spite of the fact that his works
were disregarded by the German critics. Not the least interest-
ing part of Vollmer's article is the account it gives of the grad-
ual recognition of the existence of an independent American
literature.

Yet on the whole the statistics of Vollmer are as little satis-
factory as the generalizations of von Krockow. From an analysis
of both one derives the impression that the American novel has
exerted little influence over the German and one still enquires
what has hindered such an influence. Answers to this question
are indirectly suggested in an address of Schoenemann [813x].
His object was to draw a comparison between the novels of the
two countries. The comparison falls for the most part to the
disadvantage of the American novel and thus affords a summary
of the negative qualities which have made the American type
of novel unacceptable to German men of letters. The greatest
hindrance has been Puritanism, which is a frame of mind that
closes the heart to many of the joyful phases of life, shuts the
individual up with himself, and lays an often prudish restraint
upon his expression. Puritanism and art are therefore scarcely
compatible. Another stumbling block to German readers is the

570 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

excessive amount of attention to class distinctions based on
wealth. This comes as a surprize to most American readers,
who think the American novel more democratic than the Euro-
pean, but American novelists have sometimes exprest a different
view of American life. Churchill's Richard Carvel and Mr.
Cr ewe's career, F. Hopkinson Smith's stories of the south, and
Howells's Rise of Silas Lapham are referred to as evidence of
the recognition of the existence of classes within American so-
ciety. Churchill is quoted as saying: "There is an empire and
a feudal system did one but know it ; " and Howells to the effect :
"There's no use pretending that we haven't nobility." Many
popular novels, Schoenemann says, make the accumulation of
wealth by their hero a main theme or important side issue. He
gives as examples Westcott's David Harum and Ford's Peter
Stirling; these he sets in opposition to the "ganz aufs Innere
gerichteten Lebensgeschichten Raabescher Gestalten." Such
generalizations are, to be sure, in their nature dangerous since
so much depends on the examples one selects as a basis. Schoene-
mann implies also that the Germans find the American novel
superficial in its philosophy. The American novel is prevail-
ingly optimistic, the German novel often pessimistic. It is not
the optimism itself to which exception is taken, but its insecure
foundation. It expresses itself chiefly in the confidence that
virtue or hard work will eventually bring rewards. This is, as
Schoenemann would concede, a natural frame of mind for a
people which is still young and which still has unsettled land at
its disposal. Another colonial characteristic is the assignment
of a commanding role to woman. The German would be more
inclined to acquiescence in this arrangement if the women acted
on the principle of "noblesse oblige," but for the most part in
American novels they are represented chiefly as prizes to be
gained, not as beings who share with men the responsibilities of
life. Finally, the American novel rarely represents man in com-
munion with nature. Helen Hunt Jackson's Ramona and Booth
Tarkington's Gentleman from Indiana are mentioned as partial
exceptions to this statement, but ' ' die innige Durchdringung von

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 571

Natur und Menschenseele, ' ' such as one finds in certain works of
Ludwig, Frenssen, Clara Viebig, Ernst Zahn, and Peter Rosegger,
is rare in the American novel. Schoenemann makes also by
implication certain criticisms on the German novel, but these
strictures do not concern us here. His review would make it
appear that our novel is becoming less puritanical, less colonial,
more philosophical, in other words that in essentials it is itself
gradually assuming European characteristics. Nor is this to
be wondered at. It is usual that the more primitive literature
lends to the older ones new subject matter, "Stoff," but accepts
from the older in return "Form" and "Gehalt."

Of the poets of America, Longfellow, Poe, and Whitman have
attracted most attention in Germany. According to Roehm
[802] the translations of Longfellow make up about half the
bulk of the German renderings of American poetry. Longfellow
and Poe are the only American poets whose complete works have
been translated into German ;37 but Bryant, Whitman, and Taylor
are represented by extensive selections.38 There are also about
twenty-five anthologies devoted exclusively to American poetry,
in which Whittier, Lowell, Holmes, Emerson, Joaquin Miller,
Bret Harte, Aldrich, Stoddard, and many less well known poets
are represented. Roehm shows that American poets are not
neglected in Germany as far as quantity of translations is con-
cerned. Unfortunately many of the translations are poor, and
the poor ones are equally successful with the good ones. As one
example of this he mentions the history of Evangeline in Ger-
many. Gasda's translation of this poem (1863) was the third
of its kind and by far the best that had yet appeared. It never
past into a second edition, and was succeeded by eleven other
attempts before 1898, all of which experienced likewise but one

37 Longfellow, Samtliche WerTce by A. Simon (Leipzig 1883) ; Poe,
Samtliche Gedichte by Etzel (Leipzig 1909).

38 Bryant, Gedichte by A. Neidhardt (Stuttgart 1855) and A. Laun
(Bremen 1863); Taylor, Gedichte by Karl Bleibtreu (Berlin 1879). Ee
Whitman see footnotes 42 and 46.

572 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.

edition and no one of which remotely approacht Gasda 's in poetic
value. The case is cited as typical of the fate of American poems
in Germany.

It cannot be said that either Poe or Longfellow exercised any
appreciable influence in Germany, despite the great popularity
of both. The popularity of Poe is readily explicable. Readers
fond of the mysterious and shuddery could find in him much the
same atmosphere that drew them to Hoffmann. Two formal
monographs have been written upon the subject of Longfellow's
relation to German literature, [946] and [948]. In spite of
their promising titles they deal only with German influences on
Longfellow. They do not even attempt to list the German trans-
lations of Longfellow's poems. That something might be said
in regard to the favor Longfellow found in Germany is clear
from the recently publish t letter of Elise von Hohenhausen to
Longfellow [949] telling of her translation of the Golden legend.
The letter is followed by two others by her daughter dwelling
in equally delightful English upon her mother's admiration for
Longfellow's poetry and bearing witness to the high regard in
which Longfellow was held in Germany.

Whitman alone of American poets formed a cult in Germany,
but from the first his admirers advertised him not wisely but
too well. Regarding the ascent and decline of his reputation
Lessing's discussion [1006] informs us. Thorstenberg [1007]
speaks only of his rising star, altho his account appeared after
Lessing's completer one. Freiligrath 's endorsement of Whitman
was maladroit and premature.40 Its ardor aroused suspicion
instead of inspiring conviction and the Germany of 1868, as
Thorstenberg points out, was still too romantically minded to
appreciate Whitman. The general acceptance of Darwinism and
a further development of industrialism with its concomitant
socialistic ideas were necessary antecedents to such a consum-
mation. Another strong Whitman protagonist announced him-

40 Cf . Augsburger allgemeine Zeitung April 24 and May 10, 1868, and
Freiligrath, Gesammelte Dichtungen (Stuttgart 1877) IV 75-89. Freili-
grath includes translations from Drum taps.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 573

self in 1883. This was Edward Bertz, the " Whitmanite " of
George Gissing's Thyrza. During his sojourn in America Bertz
had become personally acquainted with Whitman, and in 1889
he devoted an enthusiastic article to Walt Whitman zu seinem
siebzigsten Geburtstag,*1 but when Whitman began plying him
with photographs and newspaper articles Bertz 's ador cooled
and soon changed to antipathy, as will presently be seen. Other
attempts by dint of advocacy and translation42 to gain favor
for Whitman in Germany before his death were relatively un-
successful. Schlaf 's ill-fated advocacy began with an unoriginal
article in the Freie Buhne (now Neue Rundschau)** written at
the time of Whitman 's death and based on the views of Eolleston,
Knortz, Freiligrath, and Bertz. By the year 1904 he had estab-
lisht himself as a Whitman authority and undertook to write
the Whitman monograph for Die Dichtung. This led to ex-
posure of the fact that even at this late date he had read only
about one-fifteenth of the writings of Whitman and of that
none in the original, for he could read no English.44 Meanwhile
the Whitman cult had reacht its height. Karl Federn, an
Austrian critic, publisht in Die Zeit an essay in which he com-
pared Whitman directly with Moses and Buddha and indirectly
with Jesus. Extravagant praise was also coming from the pen
of Julius Rodenberg (1899), and from Benzmann, Lentrodt, and
Scholermann in 1904.45 But a reaction soon set in. 0. E. Les-
sing, a former Whitman enthusiast and translator, revised his
opinion between 1906 and 1910,46 and Bertz, the former Whit-

41 Deutsche Presse II 23ff.

42 Adolf Strodmann, who had been in America 1852-1856, included
several selections from Whitman in his AmeriJcanische Anthologie, 1870.
Hopp, a German-American poet, translated 0 captain, my captain in his
Unter dem Sternenbanner (1879). Eolleston and Karl Knortz publisht
selections from Leaves of grass (Grashalme), 1889, with a highly laudatory
preface.

43 Cf. Lessing [1006] 89.

44 Ibid., p. 91.

45 These are all quoted in Thorstenberg [1007].

46 Lessing translated When lilacs last in the door-yard 'bloomed for Aus
fremden Zungen (Berlin 1906), and produced Walt Whitmans Prosaschriften
in Auswahl iibersetzt (Miinchen und Leipzig 1905).

574 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

manite, gave a pathological explanation of Whitman's poetry in
190547 followed by Whitman-Mysterien (1907) and Der Yankee-
Heiland (1907), Despite the clamor of antagonists and pro-
tagonists an influence of Whitman's poetry in Germany has not
yet been proved, tho the outline of an unpublisht essay by Boehme
[1009] suggests an influence on Schlaf, Holz, Schmidtbonn,
Lissauer, Werfel, and Paquet.

The history of American literature in Germany would be
incomplete without a passing reference to American philosophy,
and New England transcendentalism is the outstanding philo-
sophical movement of literary significance. Karl Federn recog-
nizes the roots of transcendentalism in the teachings of Kant and
Goethe,50 but finds the American application of them new and,
for the European world as well, important. He says of the
transcendentalists :

Sie haben ein von dort Unerwartetes gebracht, eine neue Lehre: einen
vollig modernen Idealismus. Und sie haben im Gegensatz zu anderen
amerikanischen Schriftstellern, die alle mehr oder minder Schiiler und
Nachahmer Europas waren, sich selbst als Lehrer neuer Art erwiesen, sie
haben einen eigenen neuen Stil, sie haben ein neues amerikanisches Element
der Weltlitteratur befruchtend zugefuhrt.51

The critics have shown some disposition to place Emerson
in a category with Nietzsche,54 but Federn, who in 1892 first drew
a comparison between the philosophy of the " representative "
man and the "superman," was tempted as early as 1899 to with-
draw some of his observations.52 The same critic reported in 1892
of Emerson:

Obgleich sein Geist auch in Deutschland in immer weiteren Wellen-
kreisen zu wirken begonnen hat, und man die Spuren seines Einflusses
bereits vielfach verfolgen kann, ist diese Wirkung doch eine weit langsa-
mere, als man nach der Bedeutung Emersons und bei der sonst so willigen
Art, mit der gerade das deutsche Volk die groszen Manner des Auslandes
aufzunehmen pflegt, erwarten sollte.53

47 Jahrbuch filr sexuelle Zwischenstufen VII (1905), referred to by
Lessing [1006] without page citation.

so Federn, Essays zur amerikanischen Literatur (Halle 1899), p. 2.

si Ibid., p. v.

52 Ibid., p. 7; cf. p. v.

ss Ibid., p. 1; cf. Francke [933x].

s* See BIBLIOGRAPHY [913]; cf. SURVEY, p. 468f.

1920] Price: English^- German Literary Influences — Survey o75

He attributed this to the difficulty Emerson offered to the trans-
lators. He was first made known in Germany by the essay of
Grimm (I860)55 and by Grimm's translation of Emerson's essays
on Goethe and Shakespeare (1857).56 Since then his essays have
been translated separately and in collection by many workers.
Nature, Montaigne, Representative men, English traits, The
conduct of life, Society and solitude, Letters and social aims have
all been translated. Grimm, Spielhagen, Karl Federn, H. Con-
rad, and B. Auerbach are numbered among the translators of
Emerson.57 His poems have been translated but scantily and
only seven, those of Spielhagen,58 successfully.

With Emerson and Whitman, Federn groups Thoreau among
America's great originals. His studies of nature and his phil-
osophy of life seem to have attracted relatively little attention in
Germany despite Federn 's essay59 and a translation of Walden,
which had appeared two years before.60

***********

The retrospect over American > German literary influences is
at an end. The results are meagre ; perhaps in part because the
explorers have been few. The theme of the literature of the
German emigrants and travelers has been treated with breadth
of vision and care as to detail by Barba, but for reasons already
given his results do not, for the most part, form a part of our
theme. The tale of American prose fiction in Germany is con-
tinued by the generalizing article of von Krockow and concluded
by the statistical one of Vollmer. Possibly American fiction has
been more influential than the investigators have shown, but

55 In Neue Essays uber Kunst und Literatur (Berlin 1865), E. W. Emer-
son, pp. 1-23; Fiinfzehen Essays, Erste Folges (Berlin 1874), Ralph Waldo
Emerson, pp. 426-448 of this collection, was first written in 1861. Funfsehen
Essays, Dritte Folge (Berlin 1882), pp. ix-xxiv, contains an essay on
Emerson written shortly after Emerson's death.

56 Grimm, Emerson uber Goethe und Shakespeare (Hannover 1857).

57 For the details see C'ooke, A bibliography of Ealph Waldo Emerson
(Boston 1908). The work is indext.

ss See Eoehm [802] 39.

59 Henry David Thoreau in Essays sur amerilcanischen Literatur, p. 141ff .
so Walden von Henry David Thoreau, deutsch von Emma Emmerich
(Miinchen 1897).

576 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

more probably such is not the case. The proverb or rather
its corollary is true: where there is little smoke there is little
fire. In general the authors who have been popular in America
have been popular also in Germany, but at least since 1850 no
distinctively new literary movements have been occasioned there-
by, and the same seems to be true of our poetic literature. Long-
fellow, Poe, and others were greeted with mild interest, but
establisht no new poetic types, and the Whitman mania was an
isolated and abnormal instance of German interest in an Ameri-
can poet ; as such it is of no great significance. One might have
desired a special study of Emerson's influence or Thoreau's, but
presumably there would have been little to record regarding the
influence of their thot in Germany.

On the whole it is safe to conclude from this retrospect that
the German and American literatures ceast about the middle of
the century to react upon each other in any fruitful fashion.
It was a simple, romantic, unostentatious Germany of song and
legend and little states and cities that appealed irresistibly to
Hawthorne, Taylor, and Longfellow. Here they sot the mellow
traditions that their homeland lackt. It was the adventurous,
romantic America of the bold settler and the chivalric Indian
that appealed at the same time to the German mind. America
past beyond this period about the middle of the century, and
Germany about the same time began to regard the realm of the
air as unworthy of her powers and turned her attention to the
dominion of the earth. Thus it came about that for a space of
a half century and more neither nation had anything unique to
offer the other.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 577

CHAPTER 24
THE TWENTIETH CENTUEY

It has proved a laborious but not a baffling task for the
investigators to sketch the literary trends of the eighteenth
century in Germany, to define the foren elements, and to appraise
their force. Similar investigations even when pursued by similar
methods have proved well nigh fruitless when applied to the
nineteenth century literature.

At the beginning of the century Byron appealed to the
imagination of Germany as of all Europe and there were many
German poets who began to be what was called Byronic, but
surely despair, disillusionment, ' * Weltschmerz, " defiance, and
skepticism prevailed already in Europe after the grand humani-
tarian hopes of the eighteenth century had ended in disaster;
and only a part of what was called Byronic owed its origin to
Lord Byron.

Walter Scott developt a type of historical romanticism dif-
ferent from that of his German contemporaries. Earlier critics
could tell off the characteristics of the one and the other school.
The German romanticists eventually adopted something of Scott's
technik, point of view, and bearing toward the public. It is not
impossible to tell where this influence begins but almost impos-
sible to say just where it ends. That Walter Scott brot the
German * l Dorf geschichte " to a higher stage of excellence as rep-
resented by Gotthelf, Auerbach, Ludwig, and Keller seems clear
enuf , but it is equally certain that out of the German ' ' Kalender-
Geschichten" some more fully rounded out form of narration
would have developt, Scott or no Scott.

About the middle of the nineteenth century a new type of
novel gained the favor of the public, the novel of the man who
works as against the novel of the man of leisure. The novel de-
velopt most rapidly in England, which also set the pace in the

578 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9

business world. The English novel succeeded in imparting some
of its characteristics to the industrial novel generally, but who
shall say that Germany, after she became somewhat tardily an
industrial nation, would never have produced industrial novels,
novels of the proletariat, the middle class, and the affluent busi-
ness man had England not set the example.

Humor of a certain type has often been taken as a criterion
of Dickens 's influence, but it is an elusive test. Dickens 's humor
is nearly related to Sterne's. The humor of Gutzkow, Raabe,
and others may go back to Sterne eventually, but if so, was it
thru the medium of Dickens or of Jean Paul and the romantic
school? The humor and irony of the romantic school is surely
similar to Sterne's, but their humor was so essential a part of
their nature that to speak of borrowed humor in their case is to
misrepresent them entirely.

English influences existed in the nineteenth century literature
of Germany beyond all doubt, but the more the century advanced
the more they became mingled with other foren influences and
with unmistakably national trends of development, so that at-
tempts to isolate their currents are almost in vain. It may be
added that the mixing process began early in the century and
that in many instances the romantic school was the eddy that
mingled the waters. The confused conception we have of the
influences of the nineteenth century is not due to lack of industry
or acumen on the part of the critics who have investigated the
details ; it is due to the complexity of the subject matter.

Now that two decades of the twentieth century have past, a
characterization of its literature might seem called for, but there
is little one can assert regarding influences in general or English
> German ones in particular.1 As our problem grew more com-
plicated with the discussion of the past century we helpt our-
selves out with the term reciprocal influences. With the twen-
tieth century even that suffices us no longer. The literatures

i An exception may here be made in the case of Shakespeare. Gold-
schmidt [6.34a] has attempted to define his significance for the twentieth
century; see SURVEY, p. 470.

1920] Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey 579

of France, England, and Germany no longer appear in the guise
of separate streams, but rather as a common sea, and it is better
to drop the figure of influences where we are dealing in fact
with one vast confluence.

Schools of influence exist 'in as true a sense as ever before,
but they do not fall along nationalistic lines. It would be justi-
fiable to distinguish an international group of Post-Ibsenites,
perhaps also a similar group of Post-Tolstoians with whom
Tchekoff, Latzko, Barbusse, Frank, and others might be groupt.2
One could speak with some precision of a Flaubert-Turgeniev-
James school of realists, but to speak of a piece of literary work
as being typically French, German, or English would be to convey
just no impression whatsoever. From this common sea of liter-
ature we may take a cup of water and analyse it. We may find
something of the soil of peasant life, something of the by-products
of industrialism, something of the element of pure art, and some
of the iron of militarism, but in the rarest instances shall we be
able to assign these elements to their national source.

It is not without a regret that we surrender provincialism
with its charm and its local flavor. We may still find it in, the
not yet fully confluent Russian or Spanish literatures or ii)
Asiatic and oriental literatures. We may find it still in
of * ' Heimatkunst ' ' and we may find its equivalent as new classes
of society come to the front and express themselves in literature.

2 Shortly after writing these lines my attention was called to an
organization of authors consciously seeking to strengthen the interna-
tional tie of literature. Henri Barbusse appears to have been the prime
mover. The association goes under the name "Clarte. " The following
are mentioned in the list of its supporters: Blasco Ibanez, Georg Brandes,
Georges Duhamel,. Anatole France, Ellen Key, Andreas Latzko, Eaymond
Lefebvre, Charles Gide, E. D. Morel, Eomain Eolland, Eene Schickele,
Bernard Shaw, Bertrand Eussell, Israel Zangwill, Josiah Wedgewood,
H. G. Wells, Siegfried Sassoon. It is true there are here no names of the
weight of Goethe, Carlyle, and Mme. de Stael who brot support to the
movement in an earlier period when a world literature was mooted, but
the list is still impressive and not by its numbers alone. Such an
organization can do little or nothing to alter literary conditions, but it
helps to secure recognition of a fact that already exists. This particular
group represents obviously only one of the trends of the time, namely,
that toward international socialism, but it seems fairly clear that the
writers of an opposite tendency will, tho perhaps n ia less obvious way,
continue to maintain a certain community of action in the support of the
traditional organization of society.

580 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

Nor, indeed, need we assume that cosmopolitanism will displace
nationalism and that individual and racial characteristics are to
be fused into one heterogeneous mass. The characteristics of
any one type are best brot out when placed in contact with
another type. The peasant most fully reveals himself in his
contact with the city dweller, the Indian in his contact with the
white, and so it is with race and race.

But in any case it is not a question of what we may wish.
In so far as literature is a science it should recognize facts as
they are. Realism, naturalism, romanticism indicate essential
differences in literature. French, German, and English rep-
resent slight modifications of the main trends. It is undesirable
in a science to establish grand divisions of a subject with minor
differences as their basis. Up to the time of the renaissance the
different European literatures maintained a certain degree of
independence. The renaissance brot them closer together, but
not immediately, for certain nations assimilated its spirit and
forms more promptly than others, the earlier ones serving then
as intermediaries to the later ones. For this reason ' ' influences ' '
is a very convenient term in discussing the period from the
rrddiissance to the romantic movement. But the nineteenth cen-
tftljt; literary movements affected the western European litera-
tures almost simultaneously, and the same condition is holding
in the twentieth century. It therefore seems presumable that
the most accurate way of discussing the literature of the twentieth
century will prove to be under the rubric of "main currents,"
" Hauptstromungen, " rather than under the rubric of nation-
alities. We in America can look on this process with comparative
indifference since what T. W. Higginson said in 1870 is fairly
true to-day: The American spirit has exprest itself but feebly
in books. At most few writers have won success abroad by treat-
ing of specific American themes.3 We may, however, expect the
nations which have an older literary tradition to oppose this
new trend of development and Germany, as Goethe, one of the

3 Higginson, Americanism in literature AM XXV (1870) 63 and in his
Atlantic essays (Boston 1871), p. 5f.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 581

first advocates of * ' Weltliteratur, ' ' once said, has more to give
up than most nations.4

In his "Rektoratsrede" of 1915 Professor Ernst Elster [7x]
takes a decided stand against cosmopolitanism in literature. He
asks the question: "Gibt es in (der deutschen Dichtung) uiid
ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung Ziige des Gehaltes und der
Form, durch die sie sich von der Dichtung anderer Volker unter-
scheidet, und worin besteht dieses Besondere, dieses Deutsche,
das dabei hervortritt. "5 Before specifying these characteristics
he asserts that they are not to be sot in ' * unmittelbaren oder
mittelbaren Auszerungen vaterlandischer Gesinnung, ' ' but rather
''in seelischen Betatigungen von allgemeinerer und umfassen-
derer Bedeutung."5 Then he proceeds to enumerate, and the
first characteristic he mentions is ' * Freiheit. ' ' The German con-
ception of freedom, he says, is entirely different from the English.
It does not mean license, but " Selbstbestimmung ; "6 as a conse-
quence of that it means also "strenge Auffassung der Pflicht,"
and to that end in turn "Verbreitung und Vertiefung der Bil-
dung. "7 Other consequences of the prevalent "Selbstbestim-
mung" are " riicksichtslose Wahrheitsliebe, Beharrlichkeit und
Treue in den Auszerungen . . . der Freundschaft und Liebe, der
Verehung und Ehrfurcht," and "starker Gemeinsinn." One
of the aims of academic teaching is to make the trained man
" widerstandsf ahig gegen den inneren Zwang der hergebrachten
Anschauungen und der offentlichen Meinung."7 Elster con-
cedes : l ' Gewisz ist vieles davon . . . nur Forderung nicht Erf iil-
lung, aber gerade in dem was der Mensch fordert und wiinscht
zeigt sich seines Wesens Kern."7 On the basis of these ideals
he says the German soul has developt. "Beharrlich und fest,

^ Goethe, Werlce I 42:2, 201: "Der Deutsche lauft keine grb'szere
Gefahr, als sich mit und an seinen Nachbarn zu steigern; es ist vielleicht
keine Nation geeigneter, sich aus sich selbst zu entwickeln. " Ibid. I 42:2,
202: "Jetzt, da sich eine Weltliteratur einleitet, hat genau besehen der
Deutsche am meisten zu verlieren; er wird wohl thun, dieser Warming
nachzudenken. " Goethe nevertheless advocated a world literature on
practical humanitarian grounds; cf. WerTce I 41:2, 305f.

s Elster [7x] 5. I was unable to obtain Bartels's discussion of the
theme [sax].

6 Elster [7x] 6.

7 Ibid., p. 7.

582 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

stark in Liebe und Hasz, auszert sich deutsches Gefiihlsleben.
. . . Besonders hoch entwickelt erscheint das Naturgefiihl und
das religiose Gefiihl," and the final goal of all this he says is
"der Gedanke des reinen Menschtums. "9

These are indeed high ideals and no nation has ever lived up
to them, but ideals are free and no nation may lay an exclusive
claim to them until other nations have disowned them.10 What
Elster enumerates is nothing less than the creed of enlightened
souls everywhere and, confining our attention even to the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries in question, it would be fruitless
to debate which nation had produced individuals most fully ex
emplifying these virtues. In support of his thesis Elster men-
tions of the nineteenth-century men of letters Tieck, Novalis,
Fichte, Arndt, Korner, Schenkendorf, Hoffmann von Fallers-
leben, Storm, Keller, Ludwig, Renter, Raabe, Jordan, Scheffel,
Freytag, Hebbel, Wagner. From 1860 on new literary figures
of true German type became rarer. Nietzsche is mentioned with
approval, but Hauptmann and his confederates only with reser-
vation. Of Hauptmann 's characters Elster says : ' ' Keiner rafft
sich auf zum Herrn seiner Entschlieszungen ; solche zerbrechliche
Art ist ganz undeutsch. mi

This is a goodly list of names which Elster enumerates, yet
are there not some among them who seem to be included rather
because of the "unmittelbaren oder mittelbaren Auszerungen
vaterlandischer Gesinnung" which Elster excluded at the outset
as a test rather than because of the virtues he later enumerates ;
and would it not be possible to find a list of literary men from
the other literatures of the nineteenth century who would also
well represent the qualities really in question, " Selbstbestim-
mung, " " Pflichtsgef iihl, " " Gemeinsinn, " " Beharrlichkeit, ' '
"Treue," " Natiirgef iihl, " "das religiose Gefiihl," and "reinen
Menschtum. ' '

9 Ibid., p. 8f.

10 Cf. Goethe, Werlce I 41:2, 306: "Eine wahrhaft allgemeine Duldung
wird am sichersten erreicht, wenn man das besondere der einzelnen
Menschen und Volkerschaften auf sich beruhen laszt, bei der tiberzeugung
jedoch festhalt, dasz das wahrhaft verdienstliche sich dadurch auszeichnet,
dasz es der ganzen Menschheit angehort. "

11 Elster [7x] 32.

1920] Price: Englisli> German Literary Influences — Survey 583

This is said from no desire to disparage German literature
or its great heroes, but only to prove the point in question.
German literature has perhaps as individual a quality as any
modern literature. Elster has placed its individuality in its
strongest light, but even he has failed to demonstrate that Ger-
man literature is something entirely different from that of other
nations. The conclusion seems clear: Nationality in literature
will always be an interesting and fruitful subject for comment,
but it leads to too slight or at least too subtle differentiations to
serve as a main basis for classification.

Cosmopolitanism in literature, on the other hand, has merits
that cannot be gainsaid. Once again the ideal of a commonwealth
of nations has presented itself vividly to man 's view. In a very
real sense such a union has long existed among the Anglo-Saxon
people of the earth. The unity is not due so much to any
machinery of government as to tradition, and of this tradition
the literary element makes up a large part. The race is held
together by the common heritage of Shakespeare and Milton, of
Burke and Lincoln.

The twentieth century promises to bring into existence sfline
international commonwealth of wider inclusiveness than ever
existed before. If we may judge by history, the real binding
element in such a union will not be some artificially constructed
constitution, but once again the common heritage of the past;12
a common reverence for classic ideals of beauty, as well as for
Shakespeare, Goethe, and Dante, a common tolerance of all
Hebbels, Ibsens, and Galsworthys, who point out the foibles of
the smug citizen and the compact majority, and a common def-
erence to the views of Jesus and Confucius, of Grotius and Kant,
of Tolstoi and Penn, and all who have tried to teach by life or
literature some golden rule, or categorical imperative, or some
principle of common justice for Jew and Gentile, for friend and
enemy.

12 L. P. Jacks in The international mind AM CXXV (1920) 299-311
regards the literary as but one of many international comities which
should precede a political union of nations in order to make the latter
effective.

584 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

ADDENDA TO BIBLIOGRAPHY

These additions bring the bibliography up to January, 1920, as far as journals and
publications in the English language are concerned. German publications, however,
since 1915 are but incompletely represented. The latest volume of the "Jahresberichte
fur die neuere deutsche Literatur" was volume XXIV for 1913 ; on the other hand
the file of the " Shakespeare- Jahrbuch" was complete to 1919 inclusive. For several of
the items below I am indebted to colleags in distant places. I wish here to thank
them all, especially Professor Baldensperger of the Sorbonne, Professor Schoenemann
of Harvard University, and Mr. Leonard L. Mackall of New York.

THE COMPAEATIVE STUDY OF LITERATURE
THEORETICAL WORKS

DE LOLLIS, C. Imperialsmo letteraria. Rivista d 'Italia; Oct. [rx]
1906.

BALDENSPERGER, F. La litterature; creation, succes, duree. Paris [sx]
1913.

Chap. IV: L'appel a 1'Stranger.

BARTELS, ADOLF. Nationale oder universale Literaturwissenschaft. [sax]
Miinchen 1917; 140 pp.

GENERAL SURVEYS

fELSTER, ERNST. Deutschtum und Dichtung. Rektoratsrede, Oct. [7x]
24, 1915; Marburg 1915; 35 pp.

SUSSMAN, J. Anne Boleyn im deutschen Drama. Wien 1916; [Hx]
95 pp.

1920]

Price: English~> German Literary Influences — Survey

585

PART I

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND BEFORE

(Shakespeare excluded)

b. The seventeenth century
Barclay and Grimmelsliausen

tvoN BLOEDAU, CARL AUGUST. Grimmelshausens ' ' Simplicissi- [21ax]
mus" und seine Vorganger: Beitrage zur Romantechnik
des 17. Jh. Pal LI (1908) 145 pp.

Chaucer and German literature

TAYLOR, ARCHER. German and other continental versions of [21bx]
Chaucer's "Friar's tale." Prog. MLA, St. Louis, March,
1920.

Some thirty versions of "The friar's tale" are brot together and
classified. Literary interest in the story was keenest in Ger-
many. Sachs, Langbein, and others. There too the story has
the longest history, from Caesarius of Heisterbach to the
present day. Chaucer's free handling of his material.

Sidney and Opitz

fWURMB, A. Die deutsche tibersetzung von Sidneys "Arcadia" [25x]
und Opitz' Verhaltnis dazu. Diss. Heidelberg 1911; 64 pp.

c. The eighteenth century

VON ZABELTITZ, MAX ZOBEL. Englands Bild in den Augen der [79xJ
deutschen Klassiker. Grenzboten LXXII (1918) 199-202,
228-231, 252-254.

Herder, Klinger, Goethe, Schiller, Hebbel, Grillparzer, Ludwig.

English reviews in Germany

fTRiELOFF, OTTO P. Die Entstehung der Rezensionen in den [86axJ
" Frankfurter gelehrten Anzeigen" vom Jahre 1772. Miin-
stersche Beitrage zur neueren Literaturgeschichte VII
(1908), 140 pp.

English literature and Lafontaine

RUMMELT, FRANZ. August Heinrich Julius Lafontaine von [122xJ
den Anfangen bis zur Hohe seines Schaffens 1785-1800:
Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Technik des Romans. Diss.
Halle 1914; 138 pp.

Bunyan in Germany

fEiFERT, R. Bunyan in Germany. Prog. American philol. assn. [164x]
Pacific Coast division, San Francisco, Dec. 1918.

Burke in Germany

BRANNE, FRIEDA. Edmund Burke in Deutschland. Heidelberg [164ax]
1917.

586 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol.9

Lillo and German literature

HUDSON, W. H. George Lillo and the middle-class drama of [215x]
the eighteenth century.

A forthcoming work announced in his "A quiet corner in a
library" (Chicago 1915), p. vii.

Lillo and Lessing

GENEE, E. Lessings biirgerliches Trauerspiel und seine eng- [219x]
lischen Vorbilder. SVZ Jan. 14, 1883.
Lillo and Richardson.

Lillo and Moritz

ABRAHAMSON, O. Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der [219ax]
Schicksalstragodie. AL IX (1880) 207-224.

Milton and Bodmer

flBERSHOFF, C. H. Bodmer and Milton. JEGPh XVII (1919) [232x]
589-601.

Percy and German literature

tKmcHER, E. Volkslied und Volkspoesie in der Sturm- und [258x]
Drangzeit: Ein begriffsgeschichtlicher Versuch. Zeitschrift
fur deutsche Wortforschung IV (1903) 1-57.

Eichardson and Lessing
See [219x].

Eowe, N. and Wieland

NICOLAI, CH. FR. Beweis, dasz das Beste in Wielands "Joh. [304x]
Gray" aus Eowes "Jane Gray" genommen sey. Brief e
die neueste Literatur betreffend IV (1759) 63-64 and in
Lessing, Schriften VIII 166-178.

Sheridan and Schiller

HOLL, K. Sheridan's "Verses to the memory of Garrick" and [330x]
Schiller's " Prolog zum Wallenstein. " MLE IX (1914)
246.

Swift and German literature

LAUCHERT, F. Die pseudo-swiftische Eeise nach Kaklogallinien [353x]
und in den Mond in der deutschen Literatur. Euph XVIII
(1911) 94-98 and 478.

Young and Klopstock

CRAMER, K. F. Klopstock. Er und iiber ihn. 5 vols.; Ham- [371x]
burg 1780ff.

1920] Price: English^ German Literary Influences — Survey 587

PART II

SHAKESPEARE IN GERMANY

a. General works

GUNDOLF, F. Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist. Berlin [416]
1911.

VAN TIEGHEM. Revue de synthese historique XXV 1 (1912) 1-8.

FRANZ, W. Shakespeare als Kulturkraft in Deutschland und [418x]
England. Tubingen 1916; 43 pp.

WOLFF, M. J. Shakespeare in England und in Deutschland. [418ax]
Internationale Monatsschrift fur Wissenschaft, Kunst und
Technik X (1915) 364-375.

GRABAU, C. ShJ LIII (1917) 222.

CHAMBERLAIN, HOUSTON STEWART. Shakespeare in Deutsch- [418bx]
land. Tagliche Rundschau, Unterhaltungsbeilage 95. April
22, 1916.

GRABAU, C. ShJ LIII (1917) 222.

JONES, HENRY ARTHUR. Shakespeare and Germany. London [418cx]
1916; 25 pp.

NUSSBERGER, MAX. Shakespeare und das deutsche Drama. In [418dx]
"Zwei Aufsatze zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte. "
Zurich 1917; 56 pp.

fLuDWio, A. Shakespeare als Held deutscher Dramen. ShJ LV [419ax]
(1918) 1-22.

FRIES, A. tiber den Versstil Shakespeares und seiner tiber- [421x]
setzer. Vortrag, Berlin 1916.

A. W. Schlegel, Schiller, Dorothea Tieck.

Cf. Fries in DLZ (1916) 1200-1201, 1616-1620.

GRABAU, C. ShJ LIII (1917) 218.

Shakespeare and German Music

HIRSCHBERG, LEOPOLD. Shakespeares Lyrik in der deutschen [424x]
Musik. Westermanns Monatshefte LX (1916) 262-268.

Shakespeare's dramas in Germany — "Borneo and Juliet"

SAUER, ARTUR. Shakespeares "Romeo und Julia" in den [435x]
Bearbeitungen und tibersetzungen der deutschen Literatur.
Greifswald diss. Greifswald 1915; 122 pp.

588 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

b. The seventeenth century and before

Ayrer and Shakespeare

HEINRICH, GUSTAV. Ayrer und Shakespeare, in "Magyar [463x]
Shakespeare-Tar" VIII (1916).

WEBER, A. ShJ LIV (1918) 157-158.

c. The eighteenth century

"Hamlet" in the eighteenth century

VON WEILEN, A. (ed.). Der erste deutsche Biihnen-Hamlet. [482x]
Die Bearbeitungen Heufelds und Schroders. Wien 1914;
xlvii + 196 pp.

KELLER, W. ShJ LV (1919) 147.

"Macbeth" in the eighteenth century

See also [492a], [494], [495], [496], [595x], and [574]-
[581a].

KAUENHOWEN, K. J. K. G. Wernichs Macbeth-Bearbeitung, [484x]
die erste Auffiihrung des "Macbeths" in Berlin 1778. ShJ
LIV (1918) 50-73.

Burger and Shakespeare

KAUENHOWEN, K. Burgers Macbeth-tibersetzung etc. [496]

BRANDL, A. ASNS CXXXIV (1916) 456.

Goethe and Shakespeare — general

LEECH, E. Goethe und Shakespeare. Berliner Tageblatt 420, [515x]
Aug. 18, 1918.

GRABAU, C. ShJ LV (1919) 209.

fLEiTZMANN, A. Dodd's "Beauties of Shakespeare" als Quelle [515ax]
fur Goethe und Herder. ShJ LV (1919) 59-75.

Goethe and "Hamlet"

DE EIQUER, EMILIO. Ideas esteticas de Goethe a proposita de [520x]
Hamlet. Barcelone 1916; 163 pp.

MOETENSEN, J. Hamlet. Edda III 1916. [520ax]

Hamlet and Goethe's "Werther."

Handel and Shakespeare

GERVINUS, G. G. Handel und Shakespeare. Zur Aesthetik der [528x]
Tonkunst. Leipzig 1868; xv + 498 pp.

Herder and Shakespeare
See [515ax].

Schiller and Shakespeare

NUSSBERGER, MAX. Schiller als politischer Dichter. Shake- [565x]

speare und das deutsche Drama. Zwei Aufsatze zur deut-

schen Literaturgeschichte. Zurich 1917; 56 pp.
BRANDL, A. Shakespeare auf der englischen Preismedaille der [565ax]

Carls-Schule (1776). ShJ LV (1919) 132.

1920]

Price: English> German Literary Influences — Survey

589

Schiller and "Macbeth"

PULS, A. Macbeth und die Lady bei Shakespeare und Schiller. [581a]
JANTZEN, H. Zts. fur franz. u. engl. Unterricht XIII (1914)
272-273.

Schroder and Shakespeare

KAUENHOWEN, K. Zu F. L. Schroders Macbeth-Bearbeitung. [595x]
ZB VIII (1916) 308.

d. The nineteenth century

German Shakespearean study

LUDWIG, A. Deutsche Shakespearewissenschaft im Jubilaums- [627x]
jahr. LE XIX (1916) 27-30.

German stage and Shakespeare (individual stages)

See also [656]-[659], [661a], [670], [670x], and [706].

STRICKER, KATHE. Die Aufnahme Shakespeares am Bremer [639x]

Stadttheater (1780-1839). ShJ LIV (1918) 22-42.
Dingelstedt and Shakespeare

JURGENS, WOLDEMAB. Dingelstedt, Shakespeare und Weimar. [670x]

ShJ LV (1919) 75-86.
Kurz and Shakespeare

KINDERMANN, H. Hermann Kurz und die deutsche tiberset- [693x]
zungskunst im neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Stuttgart 1918.
KELLER, W. ShJ LV (1919) 148-149.

Ludwig and Shakespeare

FISCHER, BERNHARD. Otto Ludwigs Trauerspielplan " Der Sand- [697x]
wirt von Passeier" und sein Verhaltnis zu den "Shake-
spearestudien. " Greifswald Diss. Anklam 1916; 68 pp.

Nietzsche and Shakespeare

TRAUMANN, E. Nietzsche und das Hamletproblem. Frank- [702x]
furter Zeitung 1914, nr. 66.

Schlegel, A. W. and Shakespeare

LERCH, E. Shakespeare und Schlegel. Fkftr. Zeitung, June [720x]

23, 1918.
Tieck and Shakespeare

LUDEKE, H. Ludwig Tiecks Shakespearestudien. Zwei Kapitel [730x]
zum Thema: Ludwig Tieck und das alte englische Theater.
Diss. Frankfurt 1917; 62 pp.

LUDEKE, H. Shakespeare und der junge Tieck. Neue Ziiricher [730ax]
Zeitung, July 23 and 24, 1918.

GRABAU, C. ShJ LV (1919) 210-211.

fLiJDEKE, H. Zur Tieck 'schen Shakespeare-tibersetzung. ShJ [730bx]
LV (1919) 1-13.

Wildenbruch and Shakespeare

FRANCKE, O. Ernst von Wildenbruch und Shakespeare. Ham- [735x]
burger Fremdenblatt-Beilage 1915, nr. 4.

590 University of California Publications in Modern Philology [Vol. 9

PART III

THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY
(Shakespeare excluded)

a. General American influences

America and German literature

BREFFKA, CONST. Amerika in der deutschen Literatur. Litera- [807x]
rische Abhandlung. Koln 1917; 27 pp.

America and German fiction

fScHOENEMANN, FREDRICK. Deutsche und amerikanische Eo- [813x]
mane. Germanistic society quarterly III (1916) 96-105
and 158-177.

America and Goethe

CARUS, PAUL. Goethe on America. The open court XXIII [817x]
(1909) 502-503.

b. General English influences

English literature and German criticism

SIGMANN, LUISE. Die englische Literatur von 1800-1850 im [829x]
Urteil der zeitgenossischen deutschen Kritik. AF LV
(1918) 319 pp.

England and German dramatists

VON ZABELTITZ, Z. M. Englands Bild, etc. = [79x].
Hebbel, Grillparzer, Ludwig.

[831ax]

English literature and Nietzsche

FOERSTER-NIETZSCHE, ELIZABETH. Nietzsche, France, and Eng- [849x]
land. The open court XXXIV (1920) 147-155.

c. Specific English and American influences

Byron and Goethe

EICHTER, HELENE. Zum hundertsten Jahrestage der Veroffent- [895x]
lichung des "Manfred." ES LI (1918) 305-377.

EIMER, M. Schoepenhauer als Abgesandter Goethes an Byron. [895ax]
ES XLIX (1916) 484-487.

1920-) Price: Englis~h> German Literary Influences— Survey 591

Byron and Heine

HARING, W. (?). Heines Tragodien nebst einem lyrischen [899x]
Intermezzo. Wiener Jahrbuch XXXI (1825).

Byron and Hoffmann

ANON. < ' Der Doge und die Dogarette ' ' und ' ' Marino Faliero. ' ' [903x]
Wiener Jahrbuch XVI (1821).

Carlyle and Eclcermann

FLUGEL, E. Carlyle und Eekermann. GJ XXIV (1903) 4-39. [904b]
Of. L. L. Mackall in GJ XXV (1904) 253-256.

Carlyle and Goethe

MACKALL, LEONARD L. Goethe and Carlyle; some notes and [911xJ
corrections. London Athenaeum, Aug. 10, 1912, p. 142.
Abstract in ZB IV 7, Beiblatt 260-261.
Cf. GJ XXV (1904) 234.

Carlyle and Nietzsche

RAVENNA, GUISEPPE. La teoria dell' eroe in T. Carlyle e F. [913x]
Nietzsche. In Nuova antologia di lettere, scienze ed arti.
Ser. 4, 106, fasc. 758, 16 luglio, 1903, pp. 249-260.

Carlyle and Eeuter

SPEENGER, R. Zu Fritz Reuters " Dorchlauchting. ' ' Jahrbuch [913ax]
des Vereins fur niederdeutsche Sprachforschung XVII
(1891) 88-90.

Carlyle's "Frederick the Great" and Renter's "Dorchlauchting."

Dickens and Eeuter

fMEYER, RICHARD M. Zu Reuters "Stromtid;" zwei Quellen- [929x]
nachweise. Jahrbuch des Vereins fiir niederdeutsche
Sprachforschung XXII (1896) 131-132.
Re Pickwick and Brasig.

Emerson in Germany

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